MEMOIRS 


OF    THE 


FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATIONS, 


VOLUME    I. 


MEMOIRS 

OF    THE 

ADMINISTRATIONS 

OF 

WASHINGTON  AND  JOHN  ADAMS, 

*  /  - 

EDITED     FROM     THE      PAPERS     OF 

OLIVER    WOLCOTT, 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 


BY    GEORGE    GIBBS. 

\  \ 


NULLIUS   ADDICTUS  JURARE   IN   VERB  A   MAGISTRI. 
IN    TWO    VOLUMES, 

VOL.  I. 


NEW  YORK  : 

PRINTED    FOR    THE    SUBSCRIBERS. 
1846. 


4,1 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1846,  by 

GEORGE  GIBBS, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 

' 


NEW    YORK  I 

WILLIAM    VAN    NORDEN,     PRINTER. 
NO.  39  WILLIAM   STREET. 


PREFACE. 


No  writer  probably  ever  escaped  criticism  by  depre 
cating  it.  Least  of  all  can  one  claim  an  exemption  who 
has  awakened  anew,  quarrels  which,  if  not  forgotten, 
have  been  suffered  to  slumber,  and  renewed  a  war 
fare  which  had  slackened  in  its  animosity.  The  editor 
of  these  volumes  certainly  can  claim  no  favour  as  a  right, 
and  solicits  none  in  mercy.  He  has  ventured  to  put  his 
case  on  the  merits  and  must  stand  or  fall  by  them. 

One  thing  only  he  would  say,  and  that  somewhat  per 
haps  in  the  style  of  the  painter  who  labelled  his  animals 
lest  they  should  be  mistaken.  It  is,  to  explain  the  design 
on  which  he  has  proceeded.  His  first  intention  was 
merely  to  produce  a  biographical  sketch  of  an  honored 
parent,  whose  services  he  believed  entitled  him  to  such 
commemoration,  and  whose  actions  he  conceived  had 
been  misunderstood  and  misrepresented.  An  examina 
tion  of  the  field  and  the  materials  at  his  disposal  after 
wards  changed  this  design ;  and  he  resolved  to  exhibit  as 
much  of  the  history  and  politics  of  certain  periods  con 
nected  with  Mr.  Wolcott's  life  as  the  nature  and  extent 
of  these  papers  seemed  to  warrant ;  in  the  hope  that  some 
light  (if  only  a  few  rays,  so  that  they  were  distinct  ones) 
might  be  shed  upon  the  path  through  which  as  a  nation 

A* 


vi  PREFACE. 

we  have  travelled.  The  life  of  the  individual  has  there 
fore  been  made  subservient  to  a  wider  design — the  contri 
bution  of  materials  for  a  biography  of  party.  Whether 
the  alteration  has  been  a  wise  one,  so  far  as  success  is 
concerned,  the  judgment  of  others  must  decide.  Written 
with  discrimination,  a  memoir  of  Mr.  Wolcott  would  have 
possessed  interest  as  that  of  a  man  having  strong  person 
al  characteristics,  and  at  the  same  time  presenting  the 
type  of  a  class.  The  attempt,  if  unsuccessful,  would  at 
any  rate  have  involved  less  disgrace  in  its  quiet  descent 
to  that  respectable  oblivion  whither  so  many  have  pre 
ceded  it.  He  has,  however,  ventured  upon  a  different 
task,  with  little  expectation,  it  is  true,  of  producing  a  work 
of  historical  merit,  but  (nor  is  the  distinction  a  paradox) 
with  that  of  offering  one  of  historical  value.  It  pretends 
to  no  perspective  of  narration — there  has  been  no  attempt 
to  treat  of  its  subjects  in  their  relative  proportions.  Im 
portance  has  sometimes  produced  enlargement — abun 
dance  of  material  or  novelty  much  oftener.  He  has  con 
sidered  at  all  times  the  matter  introduced  as  possessing 
the  chief  importance,  and  his  own  comments  or  details 
merely  secondary ;  he  has  therefore  preserved  and  pre 
sented  that  matter  with  scrupulous  fidelity,  nothing  having 
been  kept  back  which  affected  the  subject  in  hand, 
or  which  candor,  fairness,  or  its  necessity  to  the  whole 
truth  required  to  be  exhibited.  He  has  not,  indeed,  con 
sidered  it  necessary  to  cumber  a  work,  perhaps  injudi 
ciously  expanded,  by  all  the  domestic  and  business  de 
tails  of  private  correspondence  or  with  multiplied  repeti 
tions  of  the  same  ideas ;  he  has,  therefore,  in  some  in 
stances,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  work  itself,  furnished  only 


PREFACE.  Vll 

extracts  from  correspondence ;  but  no  suppressions  have 
been  made  of  political  matter — no  opinions  or  remarks 
have  been  withheld  as  injudicious  or  censurable.  In  one 
word,  he  has  neither  garbled  anything  which  he  has  pre 
tended  to  insert,  nor  kept  back  anything  which  he  thought 
worth  inserting.  In  the  openness  of  friendly  intercourse, 
men  say  and  write  much  that  they  would  not  justify  to 
their  own  minds ;  no  sensible  reader,  however,  but  can 
make  these  allowances.  Men  are  to  be  judged  not  by  a 
single  and  perhaps  floating  thought,  but  by  the  tenor  of 
their  ordinary  language  and  the  sum  of  their  whole  lives. 
The  squeamishness  which  would  present  a  statesman,  a 
thinker,  or  a  writer,  ever  with  his  best  foot  foremost,  is 
contemptible  in  itself,  and  manifests  a  distrust  of  the  sub 
ject.  With  these  views  he  has,  preferring  that  to  the  op 
posite  error,  perhaps  admitted  matter  which  good  taste 
would  have  wished  to  exclude. 

Of  the  great  mass  of  correspondence  preserved  by  Mr. 
Wolcott,  difficulty  has  been  experienced  in  deciding  what 
to  reject.  There  were  many  letters  interesting  to  readers 
in  a  particular  section  of  the  country,  which  would  not 
prove  so  to  all ;  there  were  others  valuable  only  as  show 
ing  the  unanimity,  or  difference  of  opinion  on  public  mea 
sures  in  distant  states  ;  there  were  some  merely  curious 
as  illustrating  the  character  of  individuals.  To  throw 
aside  all  these  would  give  to  the  work  an  incomplete 
ness  in  the  estimation  of  those  whose  judgment  was  to 
be  regarded;  and  the  work  of  rejection  has  therefore,  in 
this  respect  also,  been  exercised  with  a  more  sparing  hand, 
than  the  writer's  own  choice  would  have  dictated.  The 
selections  have  been  made  from  some  twenty  volumes  of 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

letters  ;  the  whole  MSS.  collection,  including  revolutionary 
correspondence,  drafts  of  official  papers,  and  miscellaneous 
documents  extending  to  nearly  fifty.  These  papers  were 
all  carefully  arranged  by  Mr.  Wolcott  himself.  It  is  be 
lieved  that  the  general  value  of  what  is  published,  will  be 
regarded  as  an  apology  for  any  defect  in  judgment  in  the 
selection.  The  letters  of  Hamilton,  Cabot,  Ames,  Gris- 
wold,  King,  and  others,  will  be  in  the  eyes  of  every  stu 
dent  a  mine  of  political  history.  They  will  give  a  more 
just  view  of  the  actual  opinions  and  objects  of  those  men, 
than  the  hostility  of  their  opponents  has  hitherto  permit 
ted.  They  will  be  found  honorable  alike  to  the  patriotism 
and  the  sagacity  of  the  federal  leaders. 

The  bulk  of  the  work  has  arrested  it  at  the  downfall  of 
the  federal  ascendancy.  Should,  however,  public  favor 
justify  its  resumption ;  materials,  and  those  of  equal  value, 
remain  for  an  exposition  of  the  subsequent  history  of  that 
party,  and  of  the  principles  and  acts  of  their  successors 
in  power. 

By  some,  the  editor  may  be  censured  for  the  harshness 
with  which  he  has  treated  political  opponents  ;  whose 
enmities  have  long  since  died  with  them,  or  at  least  long 
since  become  inactive.  To  those  he  would  say,  that  a 
willingness  to  shun  controversy,  to  avoid  embittering  the 
feelings,  or  wounding  the  affections  of  the  living,  would 
have  induced  him  to  spare  attacks  upon  individuals ;  had 
not  higher  than  mere  personal  considerations  dictated  his 
course.  He  has  felt  himself  not  only  the  vindicator,  but 
in  some  sort  the  avenger,  of  a  by-gone  party  and  a  buried 
race.  The  men  whose  characters  and  conduct  he  has 
held  up  to  scorn  or  to  reproach,  spared  none.  No  integrity 


PREFACE.  ix 

in  public  service,  or  purity  in  private  life,  no  sanctity  of 
official  reputation,  or  of  domestic  ties,  were  by  them  re 
garded.  Deliberately  and  wickedly  they  lied  down  men 
whom  they  could  not  cope  with  in  a  fairer  field.  Their 
hatred  followed  the  federalists  to  the  place  of  daily  toil  and 
to  the  evening  hearth  ;  it  stopped  not  with  their  overthrow, 
nor  relented  at  their  graves.  It  mingled  with  the  funeral 
wail  of  a  nation  at  the  death  of  Washington ;  it  exulted 
over  the  assassination  of  Hamilton  ;  and  trampled  the  turf 
which  covered  the  dust  of  Ames.  That  they  wrested  from 
the  federal  party  the  government  of  the  nation  was  nothing ; 
it  is  the  means  by  which  they  compassed  its  destruction, 
the  use  they  made  of  their  victory,  and  the  lasting  conse 
quences  of  their  misgovernment  which  are  condemned. 
To  whom  is  it  owing  that  the  names  of  the  great  founders 
of  the  republic  are  by-words  for  political  hacks  to  carp  at? 
To  whom  is  it  attributable,  that  however  just  a  measure, 
however  called  for  by  national  policy,  it  is  enough  to  term 
it  "  federal"  to  defeat  it  ?  To  whom  that  the  hireling  of 
party  finds  reason  enough  for  the  denial  of  individual  jus 
tice  in  the  opinions  of  the  applicant  ?  To  whom  that 
demagoguism  rides  triumphant  to  high  places,  corruption 
prevails  in  the  morals  of  the  nation,  and  sedition  is  foster 
ed  to  the  overthrow  of  law  ? 

To  the  historian  there  is  no  statute  of  limitations  against 
political  crimes. 

"  The  evil  that  men  do  LIVES  AFTER  THEM." 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 


INTRODUCTORY. 

General  Observations  on  the  causes  leading  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
1.  —  Political  condition  of  the  Colonies,  1.  —  Objects  of  the  War,  2.  —  Inade 
quacy  of  the  Confederation,  4.  —  Materials  of  Political  History,  6.  —  Me 
moirs  of  the  family  of  Oliver  Wolcott,  7.  —  His  early  education,  9.  —  Anec 
dotes,  9  —  of  Rev.  John  Trumbull  and  Rev.  Mr.  Leavenworth,  10.  —  College 
life,  11.  —  Revolutionary  services  of  his  father,  11  .  —  Tryon's  Expedition,  13. 

—  Hardships  of  the  war,  13.  —  The  Statue  of  Geo.  Ill,  15.  —  Wolcott  enters  the 
Pay-table  office  of  Connecticut,  15.  —  His  marriage,  17.  —  His  associates  17. 

—  First  Congress,  1st  Session,  18.  —  Organization  of  the  departments  of  gov 
ernment,  18.  —  Wolcott  appointed  Auditor,  18.  —  Correspondence,  19-27. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FIRST    CONGRESS  -  SECOND    AND    THIRD    SESSIONS. 

Organization  of  the  Treasury  Department,  28.  —  Plan  for  settling  Accounts  with 
the  States,  29.  —  Opening  of  the  Second  Session,  31.  —  Adoption  of  the  Fund 
ing  System,  31.  —  Seat  of  Government  determined,  32.  —  Other  measures  of 
Congress,  32.  —  Correspondence,  33-51.  —  Adjournment  of  Congress,  51.  — 
Review  of  the  Funding  System,  51.  —  Debt  of  the  United  States,  52.  —  Fur 
ther  measures  of  Congress,  54.  —  the  Sinking  Fund,  55.  —  Foreign  Delations, 
55.  —  Correspondence,  56-59.  —  Opening  of  the  Third  Session,  59.  —  Pro 
vision  of  additional  Revenues,  60.  —  Bank  of  the  United  States  created,  60. 
—  Mint  recommended,  61.  —  Kentucky  and  Vermont  admitted  into  the  Union, 
61.—  Defeat  of  Gen.  Harmar,  61.  —  Correspondence,  62-63. 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

SECOND    CONGRESS FIRST    AND    SECOND    SESSIONS. 

Correspondence,  64-67.  —  Wolcott  appointed  Comptroller,  65.  —  Organization 
of  the  United  States  Bank,  67.  —  Correspondence,  68-69.  —  Opening  of 
the  First  Session,  69. — Domestic  condition  of  the  Country,  69, —  Foreign 
Affairs,  69.  —  Finances,  70.  —  Other  measures  of  Congress,  70.  —  Indian  War, 
71.  —  Adjournment  of  Congress,  71. — Foreign  appointments',  71.  —  Corres 
pondence,  72-77.  —  Organization  of  parties,  77.  —  Influence  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
78.  —  Attacks  on  Mr.  Adams,  79.  —  Correspondence,  79-81.  —  Opening  of 
Second  Session,  81.  — Hostility  to  the  Financial  System,  81.  —  Inquiry  into 
Mr.  Hamilton's  official  conduct,  82.  —  Correspondence,  83-88. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

SUMMER    AND    FALL    OF    1793. 

Second  Inauguration  of  Washington,  89. —  Correspondence,  89-92.  —  Pro 
gress  of  the  French  Revolution,  92.  —  Its  effects  on  Parties  in  America,  92. — 
Duplicity  of  France  towards  the  United  States,  94.  —  Arrival  of  Genet,  94.  — 
His  misconduct,  95.  —  Proclamation  of  Neutrality,  96.  —  Organization  of 
Jacobin  Clubs,  97.  —  Genet's  recall  demanded,  98.  —  Correspondence,  99-107. 
—  Fever  in  Philadelphia,  107.  —  Correspondence,  108-115. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THIRD    CONGRESS FIRST    SESSION. 

Opening  of  the  Session,  116.  —  State  of  Parties  in  Congress,  116.  —  Foreign 
Affairs,  116. — Domestic  Difficulties,  117.  —  President's  Speech,  117. — 
Effects  of  French  Influence,  118. — Mr.  Jefferson's  Report  on  Commercial 
Restrictions,  119.  —  His  Resignation,  120.  —  Is  succeeded  by  Mr.  Randolph, 

120.  —  Character  of  the  latter,  120*  —  Mr.  Jefferson's  Remarks  on  Wolcott, 

121.  —  Character  and  Diplomacy  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  121.  —  Difficulties  with 
England,    122.  —  Conduct  of  Parties,  122.  —  Correspondence,  124-137. — 
Events  of  the  Winter,  137.  —  Intrigues  of  France  in  America,  137.  —  Discon 
tents  in  the  United  States,  137.  —  Arrival  of  Fauchet,  138.  —  Mr.  Jay  appoint - 

fad  Envoy  to  Great  Britain,  138.  —  and  Mr.  Monroe  to  France,  139.  —  State 
of  Affairs  with  that  Country,  139.  — Adjournment  of  Congress,  139.  —  Meas 
ures  of  the  Session,  140.  —  Additional  Revenues,  141.  —  Settlement  of  State 
Balances,  141. 


CONTENTS.  Xlii 

CHAPTER  VI. 

SUMMER   AND    FALL    OF    1794.         * 

Correspondence,  143-144. — Pennsylvania  Insurrection,  144. — Its  ostensible 
Causes,  144.  —  Meeting  at  Pittsburgh,  146.  —  Seditious  Resolutions,  147.  — 
Mr.  Clymer's  Report,  148.  —  Influence  of  the  Jacobin  Clubs,  149.  —  Progress 
of  the  Rebellion,  150.  —  Requisition  for  Troops,  152.  — Termination  of  the 
Rebellion,  153.  —  Its  real  motives,  153.  —  Jefferson's  opinions  on  Insurrections, 
154.  — Ames',  154.  — Correspondence,  155-161.  — Wolcott's  Social  Rela 
tions  in  Philadelphia,  161.  — His  Character,  163. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

THIRD    CONGRESS SECOND    SESSION. 

Indian  War,  164.  —  Foreign  Relations,  164.  —  President's  Speech,  165. —  Re 
port  of  the  Committee  on  Redemption  of  the  Debt,  165.  —  Mr.  Hamilton's 
Reports  on  Public  Credit  and  Improvement  of  the  Revenue,  166.  —  Resigna 
tion  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  167.  —  Wolcott  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
167. —Sketch  of  the  Finances,  167.  — Debt  of  the  United  States,  168.— 
Modes  of  Statement  of  the  Finances,  171.  —  Revenues  and  Expenditures  of 
the  United  States,  172. — Political  Importance  of  the  Treasury,  172.  —  Char 
acter  of  Wolcott,  173  —  of  Randolph,  17<J  —  of  Pickering  and  Bradford, 
177.  —  Correspondence,  177-181.  —  Adjournment  of  Congress,  182.  — Finan 
cial  measures  adopted,  182.  —  Other  acts  passed,  184.  —  Embarrassments  of 
the  Treasury,  184.  —  Subject  of  the  Temporary  Loans,  187.  —  The  Algerine 
War,  188. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

SUMMER   OF    1795. 

Correspondence,  190-193.  —  Arrival  of  British  Treaty,  193.  —  The  Senate  con-   y 
vened  for  its  consideration,  193.  —  Sources  of  the  difficulties  with  England,  /\ 
193.  —  Mr.  Jefferson's  Negotiations,  194,  —  Hostility  to  the  Treaty,  195.— 
Provisions  of  the  Treaty,  197.  —  State  of  Parties  on  its  arrival,  198.  —  Cor 
respondence,  199-203.  — Conditional    Ratification  of   the  Treaty,   203.— 
Questions  arising  thereunder,  204.  —  New  obstacles  to  the  final  Ratification, 
205.  —  Fauchet  succeeded  by  Adet,  206.  —  Publication  of  the  Treaty,  206.  — 
Excitement  created  thereby,  206.  —  Personal  influence  of  Washington,  207.  — 
Delusions  respecting  the  French  Revolution,  208.  —  Correspondence,  209- 
231. 

VOL.    I.  B 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

SUMMER    OF    1795    CONTINUED. 

Detection  of  Fauchet's  Private  Correspondence,  232.  —  Notes  on  the  same,  232. 
—  Review  of  the  Despatch,  233.  —  His  views  of  the  Pennsylvania  Insurrec 
tion,  234 —  and  of  the  Motives  of  its  forcible  Suppression,  236 . — .Quotations 
from  the  Despatch,  237.  —  Comments  thereon,  238.  —  Importance  of  the  Doc 
ument,  239. — Ratification  of  the  Treaty,  240.  —  Council  respecting  Mr. 
Randolph,  241.  —  His  Resignation,  241.  —  Correspondence,  241-252.— 
Randolph's  Letters,  253.  —  Correspondence,  253-256. — Changes  in  the 
Cabinet,  256.  —  Appointment  of  Mr.  Lee  as  Attorney  General,  257. — At 
tack  of  the  "  Calm  Observer' on  Washington,  257.  — Wolcott's  Reply,  259.  — 
Hamilton's,  260.  —  Correspondence,  261.  — Randolph's  Vindication,  271.  — 
Further  Despatches,  271.  —  Fauchet's  Certificate,  272.  — Review  of  the  same, 
274.  —  Position  of  Mr.  Randolph,  278.— •  His  attack?  on  Wolcott,  280. 

CHAPTER  X. 

FOURTH    CONGRESS FIRST    SESSION. 

Report  to  the  President  on  the  Treasury,  281.  —  Opening  of  the  Session,  284.  — 
President's  Speech,  285.  —  Correspondence,  285-286. — Appointments  of 
Pickering  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  McHenry  as  Secretary  of  War,  286.  — 
Report  to  the  House  on  the  Finances,  286  —  to  the  Commissioners  of  Sink 
ing  Fund,  290.  —  Appointment  of  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  291. — 
Reports  on  Public  Credit,  291  —  on  the  Internal  Revenues.  293. — Corres 
pondence,  295-306. 


CHAPTER  XL 


FOURTH  CONGRESS FIRST  SESSION,  CONTINUED. 

Ratification  of  the  Treaty  by  England,  307.  —  Debates  on  the  Appropriations, 
307.  —  Demand  of  the  House  for  the  Instructions,  307.  —  Mr.  Jefferson's  con 
flicting  opinions,  309.  —  Washington's  queries,  310.  —  Wolcott's  opinion,  310. 

—  President's  answer  to  the  'demand,  317.  —  Resolutions  of  the  House  there 
upon,  317.  —  Additional  article  agreed  to,  318.  —  Merits  of  (lie  Treaty,  319. 

—  Treaties  with   Spain   and   Algiers,  320.  —  Correspondence,   320-328. — 
Political    character   of  Mr.  Madison,   328.  —  Correspondence,   329-343. — 
Affairs  of  the  Treasury,  343.  —  Additional  Revenue,  344.  —  Subject  of  Direct 
Taxes,  344.  —  Funding  of  Temporary  Debt,  346.  —  Estimates  of  1796, 346.  — 
Financial  Measures  of  the  Session,  347.  —  Other  Acts  passed,  348.  —  Oppo- 


CONTENTS.  XV 

sition  to  a  Naval  Force,  349.  —  Admission  of  Tennessee,  349.  —  Changes  in 
the  Legations,  349. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SUMMER    AND    FALL    OF    1796. 

Intrigues  of  France  in  Western  States,  350.  —  Papers  respecting  Collot  and 
Warin,  350.  —  Mr.  Jefferson's  Account  of  the  same,  354.  —  Mr.  Monroe's 
Statement,  355.  —  State  of  the  Negotiations  with  France,  356.  —  Conduct 
of  the  French  party  in  America,  358.  —  Correspondence,  359—363. — 
Capture  of  the  Flying  Fish,  364.  —  Cabinet  Discussion  respecting  recall  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  364.  —  Joint  Letter  to  the  President,  366.  —  Mr.  Monroe  superseded 
by  Gen.  Pinckney,  368.  —  Mr.  Monroe's  Advice  to  the  Directory,  368.  —  Dis 
cussion  between  Secretary  of  State  and  the  French  Minister,  369.  —  Affairs 
of  the  Treasury,  371.  —  Correspondence,  371  to  377.  —  Presidential  Election, 
377.  —  Attacks  on  Mr.  Adams,  377.  —  Candidates  for  President  and  Vice 
President,  379.  —  Character  of  Mr.  Burr,  379.  —  Final  Dispatch  of  M.  Adet,, 
380.  —  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  381.  — Correspondence,  381-404. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

FOURTH    CONGRESS SECOND    SESSION. 

Execution  of  the  Treaty,  405.  —  Representative  from  Tennessee,  405.  —  Presi 
dent's  Speech,  405.  —  Correspondence,  367  to  418.  —  Affairs  with  France. 
418.  —  Pickering's  Reply  to  Adet's  Complaints,  418.  —  Inquiries  of  the  United 
States,  420.  —  Affairs  of  the  Treasury,  422.  —  Report  on  Direct  Taxes,  422. 

—  Sinking  Fund,  426  —  Report  on  Public  Debt,  426.  —  Principles  of  state 
ment  of  Debt,  429.  —  Review  of  Gallatin  on  the  Finances,  430.  —  Additional 
Revenues,4  33.  —  Balances  of  debtor  States,  434.  —  African  Negotiations,  434.  •"' 

—  Correspondence,  436-444.  —  End  of  Washington's  Administration,  444. 

—  Political  Influence  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  445.  —  Last  Levee  of  Washington, 
446.  —  His  social  Relations  with  the  Cabinet,  449.  —  Proffered  Resignation  of 
Wolcott,  450. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

SPRING    OF    1797. 

Inauguration  of  Mr.  Adams,  451.  —  His  Speech,  451.  —  Authorities  on  his  Ad 
ministration,  452.  —  His  character,  public  and  private,  455.  — Policy  of  Mr. 
Jefferson ,  457.  —  Excerpts  from  his  Letters,  458.  —  Political  relations  of  Mr.  Ad- 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

ams,  459.  —  Excerpts  from  Letters  to  his  wife,  461.  —  Mr.  Adams'  steps  towards 
Negotiation  with  France,  462.  —  Extracts  from  his  letters  to  the  Boston  Patriot, 
462.  —  Review  of  the  same,  466.  —  Effects  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  influence,  469.  — 
Relations  with  France,  473.  —  Correspondence,  473-479.  —  Treatment  of 
Mr.  Pinckney  by  the  Directory,  479.  —  Mr.  Monroe's  Audience  of  Leave,  480. 

—  Speech  of  Barras,  480.  —  Congress  convened,  481.  —  Correspondence,  481 
_500.  —  President's  Questions  to  the  Cabinet,  500.  —  Wolcott's  Reply,  502. 

—  Policy  of  renewing  Negotiations,  517.  —  Relations  between  the  President 
and  his  Cabinet,  519.  —  Correspondence,  519-525. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

FIFTH    CONGRESS FIRST    SESSION. 

Opening  of  Congress,  526.  —  Relations  with  France,  526.  —  President's  Speech, 
527.  —  Its  effects  on  Congress  and  the  Country,  529.  —  Appointment  of  En 
voys,  531.  —  Mr.  Adams'  opinions  of  Mr.  Gerry,  531.  —  Correspondence,  532 
•^551.  —  Difficulties  with  Spain,  551.  —  Affair  of  Senator  Blount,  551. — 

S  Depredations  on  Commerce,  553.  —  Measures  of  the  Session,  554.  —  Adjourn 
ment  of  Congress,  555.  —  State  of  Parties,  555.  —  Changes  in  Congress,  556. 
—  Correspondence,  557-558.  —  Instructions  to  the  Envoys,  558.  —  Cor 
respondence,  559-574. 


MEMOIRS 

OF    THE 

FEDERAL    ADMINISTRATIONS. 

CHAPTER   I. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

FEW  periods  in  history  have  been  fraught  with  more  im 
portant  consequences  than  that  following  the  adoption  of 
our  Constitution.  There  had  been  revolutions  before  ours , 
weaker  nations  had  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  greater,  under 
circumstances  perhaps  more  remarkable  ;  monarchies  had 
been  overturned  and  republics  founded  on  their  ruins : 
but  in  every  former  instance  the  few  had  imposed  a  sys 
tem  upon  the  many.  Philosophers  too,  in  their  closets, 
had  devised  Utopian  schemes  of  government  which,  un 
natural  in  their  origin,  had  always  signally  failed,  but  the 
people  were  now  to  try  an  experiment  of  their  own. 

To  the  American  colonies  self  government  was  not  a 
novelty,  for  they  had  grown  up  in  it,  and  in  later  times 
only  had  control  been  forced  upon  them.  Man  had  here 
matured  like  the  trees  of  the  forest,  in  his  native  character. 
The  hot  bed  culture,  the  pruning  and  training  into  esta 
blished  forms,  of  European  countries,  was  unknown.  No 
antiquated  customs,  no  feudal  usages  fettered  the  free 
development  of  the  mind ;  the  laws  had  adapted  themselves 
to  man's  wants,  not  distorted  him  to  their  shape.  The 
great  principles  of  human  freedom  had  sprung  up  with 
the  colonies,  and  its  truths  were  recognised  as  self  evident 
in  the  farm  yard  and  the  log  hut. 

VOL.  i.  1 


2  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1, 

The  character  and  objects  of  the  American  war  have 
been  often  strangely  misapprehended.  It  was  in  truth 
what  Burke  termed  it,  not  a  revolution,  but  a  revolution 
prevented.  It  was  simply  the  exercise  of  the  power  in 
herent  in  the  organization  of  society  to  resist  the  enforce 
ment  of  authority  inconsistent  with  its  well  being.  It  was 
in  the  outset  a  revolt,  based  on  the  same  principles,  advo 
cated  by  the  same  men,  as  those  which  had  distinguish 
ed  and  maintained  that  against  Charles.  The  course 
of  events  made  it  indeed  a  war  of  independence  ;  but  there 
was  in  its  tone  nothing  revolutionary,  nothing  subversive 
of  the  established  order  of  things.  Some  leaders  more  far 
seeing  than  the  rest,  had  predicted  the  result ;  but  what 
the  people  wanted,  what  they  took  up  arms  to  get,  was  not 
some  new  privilege,  some  new  liberty,  but  the  security  of 
rights,  privileges  and  immunities,  which  they  had  always 
had.  Once  committed  they  were  indeed  driven  to  inde 
pendence  for  safety's  sake.  Even  the  abolishment  of 
royalty  they  had  not  originally  intended,  for  abstract  roy 
alty  with  three  thousand  miles  of  deep  water  between  it 
and  them,  troubled  them  little,  so  only  that  they  had 
their  own  legislatures,  and  were  taxed  by  those  alone* 
What  we  find  in  their  speeches,  what  we  read  in  the  wri 
tings  of  those  days  has  much  about  birthright  and  inheri 
tance,  charters  and  the  privileges  of  English-born  sub 
jects,  and  very  little  about  the  rights  of  man.  The  little 
of  this  that  came  in  afterwards,  was  not  of  native  growth, 
nor  indigenous  to  the  soil.  New  England,  the  New  England 
yeomanry,  the  representative  of  that  stubborn,  orderly 
race  of  resistants  which  had  laid  the  foundations  of  Old 
England's  liberties,  was  little  given  to  speculation.  Certain 
definite  and  distinct  ideas  the  people  had  touching  rights 
which  were  the  privilege  of  Englishmen  every  where, 
and  in  their  view  not  necessarily  the  privilege  of  any  other 
nation ;  indeed  they  rather  claimed  the  exclusive  monopo 
ly  of  them.  To  maintain  these  as  their  inheritance  they 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  3 

considered  due  to  their  posterity;  to  maintain  them  their 
fathers  had  cut  off  the  head  of  one  king  by  sentence  of  a 
high  tribunal,  and  had  deposed  another  by  act  of  parlia 
ment  ;  to  maintain  them  still  they  were  ready  to  rebel 
against  the  usurpations  of  the  throne,  or  if  need  be  of  par 
liament  itself.  The  doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  Kings 
was  exploded  even  in  England.  One  Protector  and  two 
dynasties  of  monarchs,  had  reigned  by  divine  right  of 
parliament.  The  principle  that  government  was  intended 
for  the  good  of  the  governed,  was  to  them  self  evident; 
the  consequence,  that  the  governed  were  to  prescribe  how 
it  should  be  exercised,  was  equally  plain  ;  and  the  attempts 
of  parliament  to  violate  the  principle  were  subjects  of  re 
sistance  as  well  as  those  of  the  throne.  This  it  was  that 
they  fought  for,  and  in  this  there  was  no  revolution — the 
revolution  came  afterwards. 

Democracy  as  a  theory  was  not  as  yet.  The  habits 
and  manners  of  the  people  were  indeed  essentially  demo 
cratic  in  their  simplicity  and  equality  of  condition,  but  this 
might  exist  under  any  form  of  government.  Their  gov 
ernments  were  then  purely  republican.  They  had  gone 
but  a  short  way  into  those  philosophical  ideas  which 
characterised  the  subsequent,  and  real  revolution,  in 
France.  The  great  state  papers  of  American  liberty, 
were  all  predicated  on  the  abuse  of  chartered,  not  of  ab 
stract  rights.  The  complaints  against  government,  were 
of  violation  of  these. 

Thus  they  protested,  first  against  invasions  of  parlia 
ment  on  their  charters,  next  against  the  bad  advice  of 
ministers  to  their  King,  and  it  was  only  when  in  the  ex 
ecution  of  acts  of  parliament,  the  King  made  himself  the 
active  agent  of  parliamentary  and  ministerial  usurpa 
tion;  when  he  appeared  as  the  appointing  power  by 
which  despotic  governors  ruled,  and  leaders  of  standing 
armies  enforced  their  mandates,  that  they  included  him  in 
their  denunciation,  and  repudiated  an  allegiance  which 


4  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

was  binding  only  while  expedient.  The  vitality  of  the 
instrument  of  Independence  itself,  was  derived  from  the 
specification  of  actual  wrongs  and  grievances,  in  violation 
of  subsisting  relations  between  a  particular  community 
and  its  government,  in  violation,  in  a  word,  of  the  British 
Constitution.  There  was  no  more  of  modern  democracy 
in  the  American  war  of  independence,  than  in  the  great 
Rebellion,  or  the  deposition  of  James  the  second.  The 
"fierce  democratie"  of  which  Milton  sung,  knew  little  of 
the  theories  of  Condorcet  or  of  Jefferson. 

Whatever  truth  there  may  be  in  such  doctrines,  how 
ever  consistent  their  free  exercise  with  the  organization  of 
society  under  particular  phases,  these  were  not  the  princi 
ples  of  the  fathers  of  English  or  American  liberty,  these 
were  not  the  objects  of  their  efforts.  Government  is  pro 
gressive  like  every  other  science,  truth  itself  is  progressive ; 
for  what  to  one  a^e  is  fact  to  the  next  is  falsehood.  The 

o 

war  of  1775  was  commenced  with  definite  objects,  its 
apology  was  founded  upon  the  terms  of  an  existing  com 
pact.  A  broken  Covenant  was  its  cause  and  its  vindi 
cation.  For  the  reality  and  the  success  of  our  own  pro 
gression,  experience  must  in  like  wise  answer. 

Early  in  the  war  it  was  seen  that  a  continuance  of  the 
union,  adventitious  as  it  had  been  in  its  commencement, 
and  brought  about  by  common  wrongs  alone,  was  vitally 
necessary  to  preserve  the  ends  it  was  first  intended  to 
effect;  but  the  original  connection,  too  slight  even  under 
the  influence  of  external  pressure  and  immediate  danger, 
when  that  had  passed,  threatened  a  speedy  dissolution. 
"  Experience,  the  only  teacher  of  nations, "a  at  length 
forced  upon  the  minds  of  all  a  conviction  of  its  inadequacy ; 
and  the  thirteen  states,  too  weak  to  stand  alone,  too  jarring 
in  their  views  to  preserve  unbroken  the  mere  league  which 
had  hitherto  bound  them,  were  moulded  into  a  single 

»  Fisher  Ames, 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  5 

republic,  that  one  great  common  concern,  one  national 
character  should  overpower  all  other  interests ;  that  their 
people  should  have  "one  country,  one  constitution,  one 
destiny." a  Under  this  constitution,  a  scheme  of  popular 
creation,  it  was  to  be  tried  whether,  unobstructed  and 
unaided  by  external  causes,  self  government  was  capable 
of  existence  on  a  scale  of  magnitude  and  importance. 

Half  a  century  has  passed  away  since  this  experiment 
began,  and  the  foundation  of  that  government,  is  now  a 
matter  of  History.  Already  a  posterity  looks  back  with 
curious  eyes  at  the  influences  which  moulded  its  form,  the 
causes  which  operated  on  its  advancement,  the  gradual 
development  of  its  policy,  and  the  character  and  views 
of  the  men  who  stood  forth  the  exponents  of  the  national 
mind. 

The  time  may  not  indeed  have  arrived,  when  the  political 
history  of  the  country  can  be  fully  written,  for  the  ashes 
are  yet  warm  beneath  the  feet  of  him  who  would  tread 
back  upon  the  steps  of  our  former  years.  With  nations 
too,  as  with  individuals,  we  derive  the  most  profitable  re 
sults  from  their  existence,  when  that  existence  has  either 
reached  its  end,  or  has  at  least  passed  some  grand  climac 
teric,  some  period  marked  with  eventful  influence  on  its 
destiny  or  its  character.  But  the  materials  which  can 
hereafter  aid  in  attaining  these  results,  the  moral  of  a  na 
tion's  life,  are  at  all  times  worth  treasuring. 

"Empires  like  men  must  increase,  decay,  and  become 
extinguished.  But  this  necessary  revolution  has  often 
hidden  causes  which  the  veil  of  time  conceals  from  us, 
and  which  mystery  or  their  apparent  minuteness  has  even 
sometimes  hid  from  the  eyes  of  contemporaries."1" 

It  may  happen  that  this  fabric  of  our  own,  in  the  con 
struction  of  which  so  much  wisdom,  so  much  genius,  and 
so  much  labor  were  employed,  against  which  so  many 

*  Daniel  Webster.  b  D'Alembert.     Eloge  cle  Montesquieu. 

1* 


6  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

and  violent  attacks  have  been  turned,  will  share  the  fate 
of  other  similar    structures;  that  anarchy  and  resulting 
despotism  will  rise  upon  its  ruins  ;  or  that  separated  by  its 
own  weight  and  the  discordant  character  of  its  materials, 
it  will  break  into  fragments.     Our  descendants  then  should 
have  the  means  of  judging,  whether  from  inherent  defects 
in  its  construction,  or  from  the  characters  of  those  to  whom 
its  keeping  shall  have  been  committed,  either  catastrophe 
befel  it;  that  they  may  guard  against  a  like  disaster,  and 
that  the  eternal  principles  of  human  right  may  not  suffer 
by  the  condemnation  of  an  instrument  designed  to  promote 
and  to  establish  them.     Or  if,  as  we  hope,  that  fabric  is 
destined  to  a  long  duration,  to  attain  a  vigor  "matured,  not 
decayed  by  age,"  they  should  know  to  what  principles  it 
owes  its  vitality,  and  to  whom  they  may  ascribe  the  wis 
dom  which  created,  and  the  foresight  which  preserved  it. 
Of  the  sources  from  which  this  knowledge  may  be  de 
rived,  perhaps  none  bears  more  faithfully  the  impress  of 
truth,  than  the  correspondence  of  individuals  who  either 
took  a  prominent  rank  in  public  affairs,  or  who  from  their 
station  were  enabled  to  view  correctly  the  acts  and  purposes 
of  those  who  did.     However  we  may  now  differ  in  con 
clusions,  we  at  least  see  in  the  unreserved  and  unstudied 
communications  of  men,  made  in  the  confidence  of  friend 
ship,  the  premises  on  which  their  opinions  were  based, 
and  the  governing  motives   of  their   conduct.     Thus   as 
every  man  in  proportion  to  his  standing  among,  and  con 
nection  with  his  fellows,  is  more  or  less  their  representative ; 
in  arriving  at  a  just  perception  of  the  individual  mind,  we 
see  also  the  spirit  of  bodies  whose  lives  are  written  only  in 
the  aggregate. 

In  these  pages  will  be  found  a  free  expression  of  the 
opinions  of  many  persons,  distinguished  in  the  ranks  of 
one  of  the  two  great  political  sects  which,  formed  con 
temporaneously  with  our  present  government,  in  their 
struggles  for  power  and  alternate  successes,  have  influ- 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  7 

enced  its  course  and  left  their  stamp  upon  its  policy. 
The  original  distinctions  of  both,  have  in  a  great  measure 
been  lost  in  the  new  relations  which  have  since  arisen, 
while  each  has  imparted  a  portion  of  its  character  to  all. 
The  federalists  had  in  great  measure  the  advantage  of 
giving  its  tone  to  the  Constitution,  and  of  directing  the 
government  during  the  first  years  of  its  existence.  On 
them  therefore  lies  the  responsibility  of  success,  so  far  as 
their  policy  was  adopted  and  has  been  pursued.  Hence  it  is 
important,  as  well  for  the  full  understanding  of  their  politi 
cal  system,  as  for  the  just  appreciation  of  their  motives  and 
their  capacity,  that  the  fullest  exposition  of  their  views 
and  designs  be  made.  If  in  executing  the  high  trust 
which  the  nation  confided  to  them,  they  wantonly  abused 
that  confidence,  if  they  were  indeed  guilty  of  the  nefarious 
plans  and  corrupt  practices  which  have  been  imputed  to 
them  by  their  opponents,  let  them  be  branded  with  the  infa 
my  so  justly  due.  If  an  ignorant  or  mistaken  policy  has 
brought  weighty  political  evils  upon  the  country,  let  that 
too  be  visited  with  condemnation  ;  but  if  inquiry  and 
experience  shall  prove  that  their  measures  were  dictated 
by  patriotism  and  honesty  of  purpose,  and  were  in  them 
selves  wise  and  enlightened,  justice  and  gratitude  demand 
that  we  should  know  and  acknowledge  it. 

Of  the  individual,  from  the  records  of  whose  official 
life  these  pages  are  in  great  measure  derived,  some  ac 
count  is  here  requisite  as  an  introduction.  It  will  be 
understood  that  the  prominence  given  to  himself  and  to 
his  department  through  the  narrative,  results  from  no  un 
due  estimate  of  their  importance,  but  from  the  source  of 
the  materials. 


The  family  of  WOLCOTT  were  among  the  earliest  of  the 
colonists  of  New  England,  HENRY  WOLCOTT  the  ancestor, 
having  emigrated  from  the  mother  country  in  1630,  to  escape 


8  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

the  religious  persecutions  of  the  day.  He  belonged  to  the 
congregation  of  Mr.  Warham,  which  settled  Dorchester  in 
Massachusetts,  and  afterwards  removed  to  Windsor  upon 
Connecticut,  being  one  of  the  five  at  whose  expense  the 
expedition  was  chiefly  conducted.  He  had  been  a  man  of 
considerable  estate  in  landed  property,  a  great  part  of 
which  he  sold  and  employed  in  bringing  out  the  colony  of 
which  he  was  a  member. 

His  eldest  son,  of  the  same  name,  was  one  of  the  paten 
tees  under  the  Charter  of  Charles  II.,  and  for  many  years 
a  magistrate  of  the  Colony.  SIMON,  another  son,  was  a 
farmer  in  Windsor  and  left  a  numerous  issue,  of  whom  the 
youngest  was  ROGER  WOLCOTT,  a  man  distinguished  in  the 
annals  of  the  province  both  for  his  civil  and  military  ser 
vices.  He  was  originally  a  weaver  by  trade,  and  possessed 
no  other  education  than  such  as  he  had  been  able  to  acquire 
during  the  intervals  of  daily  labor,  amidst  extreme  povert}^ 
and  in  a  settlement  which  afforded  no  advantages.  The 
Indian  and  French  wars  opened  to  him  a  more  congenial 
pursuit  than  his  trade,  and  by  his  ability  and  courage  he 
gained  a  high  reputation  throughout  the  colonies.  He  was 
successively  a  member  of  the  assembly  and  of  the  council, 
a  judge  of  the  County  Court,  Deputy  Governor,  chief  judge 
of  the  Superior  Court,  and  Governor.  When  the  expedition 
against  Cape  Breton  under  Col.  Pepperrell  was  undertaken 
in  1745,  as  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Connecticut  he  com 
manded  the  troops  sent  by  that  province,  and  as  Major 
General  and  second  officer  of  the  expedition,  was  present 
at  the  capture  of  Louisbourg.  He  died  in  1767,  at  the 
age  of  eighty-nine. 

OLIVER,  the  youngest  son  of  Roger  Wolcott,  entered  the 
army  in  1747,  being  then  twenty-one  years  of  age,  as  a 
captain  in  the  service  of  New  York,  and  served  in  the  de 
fence  of  the  northern  frontier,  until  the  peace  of  Aix  La 
Chapelle.  He  then  returned  to  Connecticut  and  studied 
medicine.  In  1751,  he  established  himself  in  the  town  of 


1760.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  9 

Litchfield,  and  on  the  organization  of  the  county  of  that 
name  was  chosen  its  first  sheriff.  From  this  time  to  the 
commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war  he  held  many 
civil  offices  in  the  province.  By  the  aid  of  a  farm  and  his 
practice,  he  in  due  time  found  himself  in  condition  to 
marry,  and  accordingly  took  to  wife  Lorrain  Collins  of 
Guilford,  a  lady  who  to  good  family  and  personal  attrac 
tions,  added  some  other  qualities  more  essential  to  the 
mate  of  one  who  was  to  be  a  leader  in  a  revolution.  She 
possessed  a  degree  of  courage  remarkable  even  in  those 
days  of  female  heroism,  and  a  masculine  judgment  and 
business  character  which  seconded  effectually  her  hus 
band's  pursuits,  while  they  lightened  their  burden. 

They  had  four  children,  two  sons  and  two  daughters, 
the  eldest  of  whom,  also  named  OLIVER,  is  the  subject  of 
this  memoir.  He  was  born  at  Litchfield,  on  the  llth  of 
January,  1760. 

The  rudiments  of  his  education  he  received  at  the  com 
mon  town  school,  of  which  one  Master  Beckwith  was  then 
teacher.  Beckwith  was  a  mild  man,  more  devoted  to  the 
fishing  rod  than  the  birch,  and  under  his  tuition  the  pupil 
made  at  least  as  much  proficiency  in  angling  and  squirrel 
shooting  as  in  Lilly's  grammar.  Maternal  anxiety  for  his 
health,  which  was  delicate,  gave  him  perhaps  a  larger  li 
berty  in  this  respect,  and  he  improved  it  to  the  acquiring 
of  an  iron  constitution.  At  odd  hours  he  was  employed 
in  tending  the  cattle  and  the  other  occupations  of  a  far 
mer's  son. 

At  a  period  much  later  than  this,  Litchfield  was  on  the 
outskirts  of  New  England  civilization,  and  presented  a 
very  different  aspect  from  its  now  venerable  quiet.  The 
pickets  which  guarded  its  first  dwellings  were  not  yet 
decayed.  The  Indian  yet  wandered  through  its  broad 
streets,  and  hunters  as  wild  as  our  present  borderers,  chas 
ed  the  deer  and  the  panther  on  the  shores  of  the  lake.  The 
manners  of  its  inhabitants  were  as  simple  and  primitive 


10  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  I. 

as  those  of  their  fathers,  a  century  back,  in  the  older  set 
tlements  on  the  Connecticut.  Travelling  was  entirely  on 
horseback,  except  in  the  winter,  and  but  a  casual  inter 
course  was  carried  on  with  the  distant  towns.  Occasion 
ally,  and  more  frequently,  as  they  became  more  interest 
ing,  tidings  reached  them  from  Boston,  and  even  from 
the  old  world.  Here  among  the  mountains  the  future 
Secretary  passed  a  tolerably  happy  boyhood,  except  when 
on  Sundays  he  was  encased  in  a  suit  of  tight  scarlet 
breeches  and  forced  to  wear  shoes,  a  penance  reserved 
for  that  day,  and  endured  with  much  dissatisfaction. 

At  the  age  of  thirteen  he  had  mastered  the  lore  then  re 
quisite  for  entering  college.  His  father,  although  con 
sidering  him  too  young,  was  yet  willing  to  let  him  exercise 
his  own  discretion,  or  perhaps  catch  a  glimpse  of  the 
world.  The  outfit  of  a  student  was  not  cumbrous,  and 
mounted  on  a  steady  horse,  with  a  passport  to  the  clergy 
on  the  road,  Master  Oliver  for  the  first  time  left  his  native 
village. 

His  first  halt  was  at  the  venerable  parson  Trumbull's, 
the  father  of  the  poet,  John  Trumbull.  In  an  account  of 
this  adventure  written  some  years  after,  he  says :  "  I  found 
parson  Trumbull  in  the  field  superintending  laborers. 
He  received  me  well,  ordered  my  horse  to  be  taken  care 
of,  and  invited  me  to  a  farmer's  dinner.  He  looked 
kindly  at  me,  and  placing  his  hand  on  my  head  said,  I 
was  one  of  the  old  stock  of  Independents.  I  did  not  then 
understand  his  meaning,  but  as  it  was  said  to  be  a  fa 
mily  characteristic,  I  recollected  it  ever  after.  I  was 
dismissed  in  season  to  get  down  to  parson  Leavenworth's, 
at  Waterbury,  before  sunset.  Here  I  found  another  ag 
ricultural  clergyman,  who  lived  well  in  a  good  house,  but 
in  a  poor  parish,  where  the  lands  did  not  enable  his  pa 
rishioners  to  afford  a  support  equal  to  that  received  by 
parson  Trumbull.  On  asking  my  name,  placing  his 
hands  on  my  head,  he  enquired  whether  I  intended,  if  I 


1776.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  11 

was  able,  to  be  like  old  Noll,  a  republican  and  a  King 
Killer  ?  These  words  were  new  phrases  to  my  ears,  but 
I  treasured  them  in  my  memory." 

After  spending  a  week  in  viewing  New  Haven,  some 
mysterious  apprehensions  of  the  coming  trial,  and  the  awe 
inspired  by  the  solemn  wigs  and  robes  worn  by  the  profes 
sors,  convinced  him,  what  his  father's  opinion  had  failed 
to  do,  that  he  was  too  young  to  enter  college.  He  there 
fore  retraced  his  steps,  pondering  on  the  wonders  he  had 
seen,  and  on  his  newly  discovered  family  characteristic. 
The  year  after  however,  1774,  he  returned  to  New  Haven 
and  entered  the  college.  Thick  coming  events  soon  ex 
plained  the  meaning  of  his  clerical  friends. 

Of  Wolcott's  class,  there  were  several  who  afterwards 
became  eminent  in  different  pursuits.  Among  them  may 
be  mentioned  Noah  Webster,  Joel  Barlow,  Uriah  Tracy 
and  Zephaniah  Swift.  One  of  them,  Dr.  Webster,  speaks 
as  follows  of  Wolcott's  collegiate  reputation.  "  I  was  an 
intimate  friend,  class-mate,  and  for  some  months  room 
mate  with  Gov.  Wolcott.  My  acquaintance  with  him 
was  of  nearly  sixty  years  duration.  I  found  him  always 
frank  and  faithful  in  his  friendship,  and  generous  to  the 
extent  of  his  means.  He  was  in  college  a  good  scholar, 
though  not  brilliant.  He  possessed  the  firmness  and 
strong  reasoning  powers  of  the  Wolcott  family,  but  with 


some  eccentricities  in  reasoning." 


General  Wolcott,  Oliver's  father,  became  during  this 
year  a  member  of  the  Council,  and  was  afterwards  annu 
ally  re-elected  until  1786.  His  former  military  services, 
his  known  probity  and  judgment,  his  ardent  attachment 
to  the  republican  cause,  and  perhaps  not  least,  the  influ 
ence  of  his  family  name,  always  a  powerful  advantage  in 
the  Puritan  states,  had  contributed  to  give  him  an  extend 
ed  influence,  and  he  now  exerted  it  effectually  in  bringing 
about  a  compromise  of  the  boundary  controversies  be 
tween  New  York  and  Vermont,  and  Pennsylvania  and 


12  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

Connecticut,  and  in  uniting  the  border  settlers  in  support 
of  the  war.  In  July,  1775,  he  was  appointed  by  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  in  conjunction  with  Philip  Schuyler 
and  others,  one  of  the  Commissioners  of  Indian  Affairs  for 
the  northern  department,  a  trust  of  great  importance ;  and 
in  October  of  the  same  year  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the 
Congress  of  1776,  in  which  capacity  he  signed  the  DE 
CLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

From  this  time  to  the  end  of  the  war,  he  was  constantly 
engaged,  either  in  the  council  or  in  the  field.  During  the 
intervals  of  Congressional  duty,  he  employed  his  time  in 
raising  and  disciplining  forces,  and  in  correspondence  on 
military  subjects.  A  large  proportion  of  the  troops  in  ser 
vice  during  the  northern  campaign,  consisted  of  his  drafts, 
and  he  commanded  between  one  and  two  thousand  men  in 
person  at  the  reduction  of  Burgoyne's  army. 

These  were  some  of  the  services  of  General  Wolcott 
during  the  war  of  Independence.  There  were  very  many 
whose  names  occupy  a  more  conspicuous  place  in  the  his 
tory  of  that  contest,  but  there  was  no  one  who  in  his  own 
province  redeemed  more  faithfully  than  he,  the  pledge 
of  the  SIGNERS.*  Of  the  principal  features  in  his  character 
were  his  indomitable  resolution  and  unspotted  integrity. 
It  might  be  said  of  him  as  Jenkins  said  of  Coke,  that  "  he 
was  one  whom  power  could  not  break,  nor  favor  bend."b 

During  his  continued  absence  from  home,  Mrs.  Wolcott 
managed  his  farm  and  educated  his  younger  children ;  thus 
enabling  him  to  devote  himself  to  the  public  service  un 
fettered  by  private  anxieties.  Indeed  her  devotion  to  the 
cause  was  not  exceeded  by  that  of  her  husband,  and  the 
family  underwent  privation  and  fatigue  during  some  of  the 

a  Gen.  Wolcott  remained  in  Congress  annually  elected  Lieutenant  Governor 
till  the  end  of  the  war.  In  1784-85,  until  1796,  when  he  was  chosen  Go- 
he  was  again  a  Commissioner  of  Indi-  vernor,  which  office  he  held  till  his  death 
an  Affairs  in  the  northern  department,  in  December,  1797,  in  the  72d  year  of 
and  with  Richard  Butler  and  Arthur  his  age. 

Lee,  prescribed  the  terms  of  peace  to  b  Preface  to  the  "  Centuries." 
the  Six  Nations.     From  1786  he  was 


1777.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  13 

years  of  the  revolution,  which,  not  uncommon  then,  would 
startle  the  matrons  of  our  more  peaceful  days. 

Such  were  the  family  influences  under  which  Oliver 
Wolcott  grew  up,  and  such  too  nerved  the  minds  and  deep 
ened  the  lines  of  character  of  many  who  in  after  days 
stood  high  in  the  national  councils. 

In  April  1777  his  studies  were  broken  in  upon,  by  a  call 
to  a  less  peaceful  scene  than  the  groves  of  Yale.  He  had 
gone  to  Litchfield  on  a  visit  to  his  mother,  his  father  being 
absent  attending  Congress,  when  the  news  arrived  that  a 
large  body  of  the  British  under  Tryon,  had  landed  and 
marched  to  D anbury  to  destroy  the  continental  stores. 
Awakened  at  midnight  by  the  summons  to  repair  to  the 
rendezvous  of  the  militia,  he  armed  himself;  and  his  mother 
furnishing  his  knapsack  with  provisions  and  a  blanket, 
hastened  his  departure  and  dismissed  him  with  the  charge 
"  to  conduct  like  a  good  soldier." 

T;J  :  party  to  which  he  was  attached  reached  the  enemy 
at  Wilton  where  a  skirmish  took  place,  in  which  as  well  as 
in  the  subsequent  attacks  during  the  retreat  of  the  British, 
Wolcott  participated. 

The  next  year  he  took  his  degree  at  Yale  College,  and 
immediately  commenced  the  study  of  law  at  Litchfield 
under  Tapping  Reeve.  In  1779,  after  the  destruction 
of  F airfield  and  Norwalk,  he  attended  his  father  as  a 
volunteer  aid,  to  the  coast.  At  the  close  of  this  service  he 
was  offered  a  commission  in  the  continental  service,  which 
he  declined  in  consequence  of  having  already  entered 
upon  his  professional  studies.  He  however  shortly  after 
accepted  a  commission  in  the  Quarter  Master's  depart 
ment,  which  being  stationary  at  Litchfield  would  the  less 
interfere  with  them. 

During  the  severe  winter  of  1779-80,  famine  added 
its  terrors  to  excessive  cold.  The  deep  snows  in  the 
mountain  region  of  the  State  and  the  explosion  of  the  pa 
per  system,  rendered  it  almost  impossible  to  procure  the 

VOL.  i.  2 


14  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

necessaries  of  life.  Connecticut  had  been  in  the  fore 
most  rank  of  the  supporters  of  the  war;  she  had  contri 
buted  freely  from  her  narrow  resources,  and  the  blood  of 
her  sons  had  fattened  every  battle-field.  Never  the  seat  of 
much  opulence,  the  few  individuals  who  had  possessed 
comparative  wealth  were  reduced  to  indigence,  the  towns 
were  burdened  with  the  support  of  the  families  of  soldiers 
in  addition  to  the  usual  poor.  And  now  when  cold  and 
hunger  threatened  their  utmost  rigors,  when  a  dark  cloud 
hung  over  the  fate  of  the  country,  when  misfortune  attend 
ed  its  arms  and  bankruptcy  its  treasury,  the  courage  of 
her  citizens  failed  not.  The  records  of  her  towns,  the 
votes  of  recruits  to  the  army,  and  of  bread  to  the  suffering, 
showed  that  she  had  counted  the  cost  of  the  struggle  and 
was  willing  to  meet  it.  It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the 
resources  of  so  zealous  an  advocate  for  the  war  as  General 
Wolcott,  were  not  withheld,  Every  dollar  that  could 
be  spared  from  the  maintenance  of  the  family,  was  ex 
pended  in  raising  and  equipping  men;  every  blanket  not. 
in  actual  use  was  sent  to  the  army,  and  the  sheets  were 
torn  into  bandages  or  cut  into  lint,  by  the  hands  of  his 
wife  and  daughters.  During  almost  the  whole  of  this 
winter  he  had  been  with  Congress,  and  his  absence  threw 
upon  young  Oliver  an  almost  insupportable  burden,  in  ob 
taining  fuel  and  provisions  for  the  family,  and  in  keeping 
open  the  roads  for  the  transportation  of  stores.  At  that 
time  the  line  of  travelling  and  carriage,  from  New  Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island,  to  Pennsylvania, 
had  in  consequence  of  the  incursions  of  the  enemy,  been 
turned  northward  of  the  Highlands  of  New  York.  Much 
of  the  army  stores  and  ordnance  had  been  deposited  at 
Litchfield,  and  in  his  capacity  of  Quarter  Master,  the 
charge  of  providing  for  their  safe  keeping  and  conveyance, 
fell  upon  him. 

One  family  anecdote  is  interesting  and  may  be  mention 
ed  here,  although  the  circumstance  occurred  earlier  in  the 


1780.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  15 

war.  Before  the  revolution,  a  leaden  equestrian  Statue  of 
George  III.,  stood  in  the  Bowling  Green  in  the  City  of 
New  York.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  this  statue 
was  overthrown,  and  lead  being  highly  valuable,  was 
sent  to  General  Wolcott's  at  Litchfield  for  safe  keeping; 
where,  in  process  of  time  it  was  cut  up  and  run  into  bul 
lets  by  his  daughters  and  their  friends.  An  account  of  the 
number  of  cartridges  made  by  each,  is  still  preserved 
among  the  family  papers.  This  conversion  of  a  monarch 
into  practical  arguments  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  as 
may  be  supposed,  furnished  abundant  material  for  the 
wits  of  the  day. 

The  hospitalities  of  his  house  and  his  father's  public 
character,  introduced  young  Wolcott  to  many  persons  of 
distinction  in  the  army  and  in  Congress.  In  the  year 
1780,  he  thus  received  General  Washington,  who  with  his 
suite,  among  whom  were  Hamilton  and  Meade,  passed 
through  the  district.  The  arduous  duties  thrown  upon 
him  at  so  early  a  period  of  his  life,  and  his  constant  inter 
course  with  men,  were  high  advantages  in  their  influence  in 
forming  and  ripening  his  character. 

In  January,  1781,  he  became  of  age,  and  was  immedi 
ately  admitted  to  the  bar.  He  shortly  after  removed  to 
Hartford.  Such  was  his  poverty,  that  he  left  home  with 
no  more  than  three  dollars  in  his  pocket,  and  to  defray  his 
expenses,  on  reaching  Hartford  he  accepted  a  clerkship  in 
the  office  of  the  Committee  of  Pay-Table,  with  a  salary 
amounting  to  about  fifty  cents  per  diem,  in  specie  value. 

His  diligence  in  this  employment  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  General  Assembly,  who  in  January,  1782,  unsolicited, 
appointed  him  one  of  the  members  of  the  Committee,  at 
that  time  the  central  board  of  accounts.  Being  the  junior 
member,  it  became  a  part  of  his  duty  to  call  upon  the 
Council  of  Safety  at  their  almost  daily  sittings,  and  receive 
and  execute  their  directions.  There,  under  the  keen  in 
spection  of  Governor  Trumbull  and  the  Council,  he  became 


16  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

initiated  into  the  system  of  conducting  public  affairs,  and 
personally  known  to  many  of  the  prominent  characters  in 
different  departments.  His  labors  from  this  time  to  the 
end  of  the  war  were  incessant.  Cut  off  from  the  society 
natural  to  his  age,  and  at  twenty-one  thrown  upon  his  own 
resources,  in  a  situation  arduous  and  responsible,  associ 
ating  with  men  of  ability,  he  acquired  the  self  confidence, 
the  intense  application  to  business,  practical  habits  and 
iron  perseverance  which  formed  the  basis  of  his  success 
in  life. 

In  May,  1784,  he  was  appointed  a  Commissioner  for  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  in  concert  with  Oliver  Ellsworth, 
with  full  power  to  adjust  and  settle  the  accounts  and  claims 
of  the  State  against  the  United  States,  with  the  Commis 
sioner  on  the  part  of  Congress.  This  duty,  which  was  con 
tinued  through  several  years,  was  performed  in  addition  to 
his  ordinary  occupation  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  Pay- 
Table.  During  that  year,  finding  that  the  constant  atten 
tion  required  by  the  duties  of  his  office  destroyed  all  pros 
pect  of  professional  advancement,  he  requested  from  the 
General  Assembly  a  dismission  from  the  office.  The  fol 
lowing  resolution  was  passed  by  the  two  Houses. 


"  In  the  Upper  House — 

"  On  the  foregoing  representation  the  said  Oliver  Wolcott,  Jun'r.,  is  excused 
from  constant  attendance  as  one  of  the  Committee  of  Pay-Table,  but  is  desired 
to  attend  occasionally,  when  by  the  absence  of  the  rest  of  the  Committee  or  other 
wise,  his  attendance  may  be  necessary,  and  it  may  be  convenient  for  him,  so  long 
as  he  shall  reside  in  Hartford. 

Teste,  GEORGE  WYLLYS,  Sec'y." 

"  In  the  Lower  House — 

"  Concurred,  with  the  following  alteration,  viz.,  expunging  the  words  is  desir 
ed,  in  the  second  line  of  the  vote  of  the  Hon.  Upper  House,  and  in  lieu  thereof  in 
sert  the  words,  "  he  is  expected." 

Teste,  ISAAC  BALDWIN,  Clerk. 

"  Concurred  in  the  Upper  House, 

Teste,  GEORGE  WYLLYS,  Sec'y." 


1788.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  17 

Under  this  partial  dismission  however,  he  was  still  almost 
constantly  employed  in  the  State  service.  In  May,  1788, 
the  committee  of  Pay-Table  was  abolished,  and  the  office 
of  Comptroller  of  Public  Accounts  instituted,  to  which  their 
duties  and  some  others,  until  then  differently  distributed, 
were  assigned.  Wolcott  was  appointed  Comptroller,  and 
arranged  the  financial  affairs  of  the  state  anew,  in  a  man 
ner  which  met  the  approval  of  the  Assembly,  and  has  since 
been  tested  by  experience.  In  this  post  he  continued  un 
til  the  establishment  of  the  National  Treasury,  in  the  fall  of 
the  succeeding  year. 

In  1785  he  had  married  Elizabeth,  the  only  daughter  of 
Col.  John  Stoughton,  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  families 
who  settled  Windsor,  and  a  distinguished  officer  in  the 
French  war. 

During  his  residence  in  Hartford  he  formed  or  cemented 
a  friendship  with  a  number  of  men,  then  young,  but  after 
wards  well  known  for  their  wit  and  literary  attainments. 
Such  were  John  Trumbull,  Dr.  Lemuel  Hopkins,  Richard 
Alsop,  Barlow  and  Webster.  Few  cities  in  the  union 
could  boast  of  a  more  cultivated  or  intelligent  society  than 
Hartford,  whether  in  its  men  or  women,  and  during  the  in 
tervals  of  business  Wolcott  was  enabled,  in  the  study  of 
the  English  classical  writers  and  intercourse  with  educated 
minds,  to  make  amends  for  the  irregularities  of  his  educa 
tion.  He  never,  even  during  the  pressing  occupations  of 
after  life,  forgot  his  literary  tastes ;  his  powerful  memory 
enabling  him  to  recal  long  passages  of  the  English  poets, 
with  whom  he  was  especially  familiar. 

Among  his  earlier  correspondence  are  several  of  Barlow's 
letters,  written  within  a  few  years  after  the  close  of  their 
college  life.  In  one  of  these  the  latter  thus  advises  the 
cultivation  by  his  friend  of  his  own  favorite  pursuit. 

"Now  respecting  yourself,  I  think  it  is  a  shame  to  the 
world  and  a.  dishonor  to  yourself  that  you  should  bind 
your  whole  attention  to  the  Law  and  neglect  the  fine  arts, 
2* 


18  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

and  especially  Poetry,  a  study  of  all  others  the  most  ca 
pable  of  a  delicate  sublimity  which  is  exactly  suited  to 
your  genius.  I  have  been  waiting  a  long  time  to  see  some 
of  your  poetry  and  saw  it  not.  I  hope  ere  long  to  rejoice 
in  the  vision." 

Whether  seduced  by  this  advice  or  from  his  own  motion 
is  not  known,  but  Wolcott  certainly  did  achieve  some 
poems,  among  which  is  one  entitled  "The  Judgment  of 
Paris,"  of  which  it  is  only  necessary  to  say,  it  would  be 
much  worse  than  Barlow's  epic,  if  it  were  not  much 
shorter. 


During  the  first  session  of  Congress  under  the  new 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  acts  were  passed  cre 
ating  three  departments  ;  that  of  foreign  affairs,  afterwards 
denominated  of  State,  the  Treasury  and  the  War  Depart 
ments. 

In  September  their  respective  heads  were  selected,  Mr. 
Jefferson  being  appointed  secretary  of  State,  Col.  Hamilton 
of  the  Treasury  and  General  Knox  of  War.  Mr.  Edmund 
Randolph  was  made  Attorney  General.  Until  the  arrange 
ment  of  the  new  offices,  their  duties  were  performed  by 
those  under  the  old  system.  It  was  not  until  November 
that  the  business  of  the  Treasury  was  entered  upon  in 
earnest.  In  August,  Wolcott  was  induced  by  the  advice 
of  his  friends,  to  offer  himself  as  a  candidate  for  office 
in  the  Treasury,  and  his  application,  seconded  by  the 
Connecticut  delegation,  procured  his  appointment  as 
auditor,  whose  duties  were  in  some  degree  analogous 
to  those  he  had  performed  in  the  state  service.  The  letter 
he  wrote  to  president  Washington  on  this  occasion,  he  has 
mentioned  as,  "the  only  application,  direct  or  indirect, 
which  he  ever  made  for  any  office  under  the  United  States, 
or  the  state  of  Connecticut." 

From  this  date  to  the  fall  of  his  party  in  1801,  he  re- 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  19 

mained  uninterruptedly  in  the  employ  of  the  federal  gov 
ernment. 

The  following  letters  may  serve  as  a  kind  of  personal 
introduction. 

FROM  JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 

'   NEW  YORK,  August  12th,  1789. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  had  it  in  contemplation  to  write  to  you  some  time,  but  have  been  so 
busily  employed  that  I  could  not  get  time.  What  I  have  to  propose  to  you,  is  to 
write  to  the  President  and  offer  yourself  for  an  office  in  the  Finance  or  Treasury, 
referring  him  to  the  Senate  and  Representatives,  where  tell  him  if  he  finds  a 
single  objection,  you  will  withdraw  your  application.  I  recommend  the  applica 
tion  because  every  body  applies,  and  because  Connecticut  having  no  claimants 
for  national  office  out  of  it,  (but  you,  if  you  become  one,)  I  think  you  can  pro 
bably  succeed.  I  am  in  haste,  Dear  Sir,  yours,  &c., 

JERE.  WADSWORTH. 

TO  JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 

HARTFORD,  August  15th,  1789. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  honoured  with  your  favour  of  the  12th  of  August,  and  now  take 
the  liberty  to  enclose  to  your  care  a  letter  to  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
in  which  I  have  offered  myself  as  a  candidate  for  an  office  in  the  Treasury  De 
partment,  agreeably  to  your  advice.  I  have  ventured  to  take  this  liberty  as  I 
am  unwilling  to  have  it  known  that  I  have  made  an  application,  in  case  it  should 
not  succeed. 

I  feel  grateful  to  you  for  the  trouble  you  have  already  taken,  but  must  beg  of 
you,  if  it  can  be  done  with  propriety,  to  have  matters  so  arranged  that  no 
appointment  be  given  to  me,  unless  it  be  one  which  I  can  accept  with  some  pros 
pect  of  reputation.  Those  offices  which  relate  to  a  treasury,  and  are  merely 
mechanical,  are  in  my  opinion  very  undesirable.  If  the  duties  are  not  properly 
discharged,  they  produce  ruin  and  disgrace  ;  if  they  are  discharged  well,  intense 
application  is  necessary,  and  success  will  only  acquire  the  reputation  of  an  honest, 
plodding  fellow  of  little  genius  or  ability.  As  I  have  made  an  application,  it  will 
be  improper  for  me  to  refuse  any  appointment  that  may  be  given,  though  I  should 
not  choose  to  relinquish  my  present  situation  to  enter  on  a  service  in  New  York, 
equally  burdensome  and  more  dependent. 

I  hope  you  will  not  infer  from  all  this  that  I  have  become  vain  and  self  suffi 
cient.  I  am  sensible  that  there  are  some  duties  connected  with  the  Treasury 
Department  to  which  I  am  by  no  means  competent,  and  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  judge  what  situation  is  most  proper  forme.  I  shall  therefore  implicitly  rely 
on  your  judgment  and  friendship,  after  having  communicated  these  few  ideas  on 
the  subject. 


20  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

HARTFORD,  August  15th,  1789. 
Sir, 

I  beg  leave,  with  diffidence,  to  offer  myself  as  a  candidate  for  an  appointment 
under  the  government  of  the  United  States.  If  I  may  be  allowed  to  judge  of  my 
own  qualifications,  they  are  most  suitable  to  some  business  in  the  Finance  or 
Treasury  Department. 

The  gentlemen  who  represent  the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  are  best  acquainted  with  the  degree  of  merit  on  which 
I  venture  to  found  this  application.  If  they  do  not  concur  in  a  proper  recom 
mendation,  I  cannot  hope  and  do  not  wish  to  succeed. 

In  case  this  request  shall  on  inquiry  be  found  to  have  originated  in  no  improper 
estimate  of  my  own  merits,  and  shall  be  favorably  received,  sentiments  of  personal 
gratitude  will  be  added  to  those,  which  duty  and  patriotism  have  already  excited, 
which  will  strongly  prompt  me  to  contribute  whatever  may  be  in  my  power,  to 
the  success  and  prosperity  of  your  administration. 

FROM  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  12th,  1789. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  Treasury  Department  is  at  length  arranged  and  filled. 
Secretary,  $3500  Col.  Hamilton,  New  York. 

Comptroller,       -  2000  Mr.  Eveleigh,  South  Carolina. 

Auditor,  1500  Oliver  Wolcott,  Jr.,  Connecticut. 

Register,  1250  Mr.  Nourse,  Pennsylvania. 

Treasurer,  2000  Mr.  Meredith,  Pennsylvania. 

I  think  your  merit  would  have  justified  your  standing  higher  in  the  list,  but 
you  are  young  enough  to  rise,  and  I  believe  you  ought  to  accept  the  appointment. 
I  am  sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

OLIV.  ELLSWORTH. 

FROM  JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.   9th,  1789. 
Dear  Sir, 

Tho'  it  may  be  too  late  before  you  receive  this,  I  wish  to  have  your  answer  at 
once,  as  there  may  be  a  delay  till  your  answer  can  arrive.  Will  you  accept  the 
place  of  Auditor  at  1500  dollars  per  ann.  You  must  move  with  the  national 
government.  It  will  not  be  what  I  wish,  but  it  will  be  in  the  way  of  something 
better,  and  I  think  you  may  live  cheap  and  snug  as  you  please.  I  pray  you  to 
answer  me  immediately.  I  am  dear  sir,  your  very  humble  servt. 

JERE.  WADSWORTH. 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  21 


TO  JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 

HARTFORD,  Sept.  10th,  1789. 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  2d,  instant.  The  office  of  Auditor  will  not 
answer  the  ideas  of  an  appointment  which  I  had  contemplated  as  proper  for  me. 
I  must  therefore  decline  it,  though  my  objections  do  not  arise  from  the  salary, 
but  from  its  dependence  on  another  office,  and  from  the  nature  of  the  service  to 
be  performed.  With  sentiments  of  gratitude  for  your  friendly  offices,  permit  me 
to  subscribe  myself  your  most  obedt.  and  humble  servant. 

FROM  JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  13th,  1789. 
Dear  Sir, 

You  have  been  nominated  by  the  President  as  Auditor  ;  the  salary  one  thou 
sand  five  hundred  dollars  a  year.  I  did  not  like  this,  as  it  was  my  wish  and 
hope  you  would  have  been  Comptroller.  Col.  Hamilton,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  is  very  anxious  you  should  accept  ;  thinks  you  can  live  here  or  in  Phi 
ladelphia  as  cheap  as  at  home.  That  is  not  the  case,  yet  with  economy  you 
may,  I  think,  save  something,  and  be  in  the  way  of  doing  better  ;  but  on  this  too 
much  reliance  is  not  to  be  placed.  When  I  wrote  you  last,  I  hoped  a  delay  till  I 
could  hear  from  you.  If  you  refuse,  I  think  Mr.  Burrall  will  certainly  have  it,  as  he 
has  been  long  in  service  and  expected  it.  If  you  accept,  there  is  a  great  number 
of  meritorious  clerks  who  want  employ,  and  it  is  my  advice  that  you  do  not 
promise  any  body  before  you  get  here,  and  hear  their  claims,  &c.  I  shall  be  glad 
to  hear  from  you  by  the  post.  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  very  humble  serv't, 

JERE.  WADSWORTH. 

I  had  written  the  above  when  your  letter  came  to  me.  I  am  not  sorry  you 
are  appointed,  though  you  do  not  accept.  I  shall  say  nothing  about  your  refusal, 
but  let  your  appointment  go  forward.  Mr.  Trumbull  and  myself  both  gave  our 
opinions  before,  that  you  would  not  accept,  wishing  you,  as  Col.  Hamilton  wished, 
to  be  comptroller. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  13th,  1789. 
Sir, 

It  is  with  pleasure  I  am  able  to  inform  you,  that  you  have  been  appointed  Au 
ditor  in  the  department  of  the  Treasury.  The  salary  of  this  office  is  1500  dol 
lars.  Your  friends  having  expressed  a  doubt  of  your  acceptance,  I  cannot  for 
bear  saying  that  I  shall  be  happy  to  find  the  doubt  has  been  ill-founded,  as  from 
the  character  I  have  received  of  you,  I  am  persuaded  you  will  be  an  acquisition 


22  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  1. 

to  the  department.     I  need  scarcely  add  that  your  presence  here  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  is  essential  to  the  progress  of  business.     I  am  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON, 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  Esq. 


FROM  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  15th,  1789. 
Dear  Sir, 

You  may  wish  to  know  what  would  be  the  probable  expense  of  your  living 
in  this  place. 

House  and  stable  would  be  about         -         -         -         $200  00 
Wood  per  cord,  (best,)  4  00 

"      "      (oak,) 2  50 

Hay,  per  ton,  8  00 

Marketing  higher  than  at  Hartford,  25  per  cent. 

It  would  not  be  expected  that  your  office  should  subject  you  to  more  expense 
of  company,  or  a  different  style  of  living,  than  you  would  choose.  It  is  my  opin 
ion  that  you  could  live  within  1000  dollars,  as  your  family  now  is,  and  that  you 
might  expect,  on  some  future  occasion,  such  further  advancement  as  your  talents 
and  services  will  entitle  you  to.  I  wish  to  see  you  transplanted  into  the  national 
government  for  its  sake  and  your  own.  And  am  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

OLIV.  ELLSWORTH. 
OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  JR.,  Esq. 

TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  24th,  1789. 

I  have  concluded  to  accept  the  office  of  Auditor.  On  consultation  with  my 
friends  I  think  it  will  be  best  for  us.  If  we  are  careful,  we  may  save  some 
property,  more  than  I  can  expect  in  Connecticut,  and  by  observation  of  the  prin 
cipal  people  in  public  service,  and  other  respectable  families,  I  am  confident  that 
no  change  in  our  habits  of  living  will  be  in  any  degree  necessary.  We  can  live 
as  retired  or  as  much  in  the  world  as  we  choose.  In  short,  I  am  persuaded  that 
you  will  feel  happy  on  this  account.  From  the  appearance  of  Col.  Hamilton,  I 
think  him  a  very  amiable,  plain  man,  and  one  whom  I  expect  to  like  on  acquaint 
ance.  The  other  officers,  except  Mr.  Eveleigh  who  is  not  in  town,  appear  to 
be  good  people.  The  example  of  the  President  and  his  family,  will  render  parade 
and  expense  improper  and  disreputable.  What  degree  of  attention  to  business 
will  be  necessary  for  me  to  discharge  the  office  well,  I  cannot  determine,  but  at 
the  worst  I  believe  it  will  not  be  more  severe  than  the  business  I  have  transacted  ; 
and  though  the  prospect  of  advancement  may  be  remote,  yet  in  this  city  there 
are  more  chances  than  in  Connecticut.  On  the  whole  I  can  give  this  as  my 
opinion,  that  while  I  remain  in  the  public  service,  we  shall  live  more  agreeably 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  23 

here  than  at  Hartford  ;  that  we  may  save  more  money ;  that  there  are  more 
Chances  for  good  and  bad  fortune,  and  that  from  what  judgment  I  can  form,  I 
shall  not  be  liable  to  suffer  a  disadvantageous  comparison  with  my  brother  officers 
in  the  walks  of  business.  At  any  rate  we  must  now  undertake  the  risque,  if 
any  there  be,  and  by  prudence  endeavour  to  guard  against  any  disappointment. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  3d.  1789. 

We  arrived  here  after  as  good  a  passage  as  could  be  expected,  and  have  pro 
cured  lodgings  at  Mrs.  Grinnell's,  No.  27  Queen  street,  in  a  good  family. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  inform  myself  of  the  extent  of  the  business  in  which 
I  am  engaged,  as  Col.  Hamilton  has  been  unwell  and  as  Mr.  Eveleigh  has  not 
arrived.  Though  the  business  will  be  for  sometime  difficult,  it  will  not  be  insur 
mountable,  and  I  trust  that  I  shall  be  able  to  discharge  my  trust  with  as  much 
reputation  as  the  nature  of  such  an  appointment  will  permit. 

What  arrangements  are  in  contemplation  with  respect  to  the  public  debt,  I 
have  not  been  able  to  learn,  though  I  believe  from  the  character  and  manners  of 
the  Secretary,  that  they  will  be  prudent,  sensible  and  firm. 

As  soon  as  I  shall  have  found  such  acquaintances  as  will  enable  me  to  write 
letters  that  convey  information  of  the  state  of  our  affairs,  I  will  write  fully  to  you. 
In  the  mean  time,  I  am  with  respect  your  obedient  son. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Nov.  24th,  1789 
Sir, 

#  #  *  * 

Old  age  is  very  apt  to  be  vain  in  giving  advice.  No  one,  I  believe,  of  your 
years  requires  it  less,  as  you  have  been  long  conversant  with  people  of  almost 
every  condition,  and  very  readily  investigate  the  principles  of  human  action ; 
yet  I  will  indulge  myself  once,  and  which  I  shall  probably  never  think  it  neces 
sary  to  do  again,  advise  you  that  in  every  matter  of  consequence  you  depend,  in 
the  last  resort,  upon  your  own  judgment  rather  than  upon  that  of  any  other. 
In  this  mode  of  conduct  you  will  less  frequently  err.  It  will  induce  a  stricter 
habit  of  reflection,  and  if  you  mistake,  you  will  not  feel  the  mortification  of 
being  misguided  by  such  as  may  have  an  interest  in  deceiving  you.  The  exe 
cutive  officers  with  whom  you  will  have  most  intercourse  will,  I  believe,  be 
inclined  to  treat  you  with  generosity  and  frankness,  from  the  first  magistrate 
downwards.  An  open  unassuming  behaviour  will  be  most  agreeable  to  them ; 
this  naturally  induces  confidence  and  may  be  done  consistently  with  such  reserva 
tion  as  may  be  necessary.  It  is  generally  said  that  courtiers  always  act  in 
disguise.  This  is  far  from  being  universally  the  case,  and  when  it  is,  it  is  more 
generally  owing  to  their  situation  than  choice,  especially  among  those  who  are 
to  be  denominated  good  men>  to  which  character  I  truly  believe  the  first  magis- 


24  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  CHAP.  1. 

trate,  and  the  heads  of  the  executive  departments,  all  of  whom  I  know,  are 
justly  entitled.  The  habits  and  manners  of  a  soldier  are  naturally  open  and 
frank,  and  if  at  any  time  it  shall  seem  to  be  otherwise,  such  conduct  will  be  rather 
assumed  and  politic  than  otherwise. 

Your  service  will  be  complicated  and  arduous,  but  you  will  reflect  that  those 
who  are  to  judge  of  your  services,  will  be  most  capable  of  making  a  just  estimate 
of  them.  You  may  therefore  safely  indulge  yourself  with  as  much  exercise,  and 
relaxation  as  will  be  necessary  for  your  health.  Endeavour  further  to  preserve 
the  mens  sana  in  corpore  sano  by  yielding  at  times  to  a  certain  vacuity  of 
thought.  As  to  your  mode  of  living  I  need  say  but  very  little,  your  habits  of 
temperance  will  render  it  unnecessary. 

Thus  far  I  have  written,  which  is  much  farther  than  I  intended  when  I 
began  to  scribble.  You  need  be  under  no  apprehension  that  I  shall  oblige  you 
to  read  such  long  letters  of  advice  in  future,  and  will  consider  this  rather  as  an 
evidence  of  my  regard  for  your  happiness,  than  of  any  anxiety  I  feel,  lest  you 
should  be  under  misapprehension  of  what  principles  ought  to  govern  your  con 
duct.  With  kind  regard,  yours, 

OLIV.  WOLCOTT. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT  SEN. 

NEW  YORK  Dec.  2d,  1789. 

My  situation  has  been  so  confined  in  arranging  my  business,  that  I  have  found 
but  few  acquaintances,  but  my  condition  is  not  disagreable.  There  is  a  chaos  of 
old  accounts  which  must  be  settled  in  some  way  or  other ;  but  I  think  that  a 
great  part  are  in  such  a  state  that  the  accountants  will  not  be  pressing,  and 
owing  to  the  deaths  and  bankruptcies  of  those  who  are  charged  with  monies,  it 
is  probable  that  the  public  will  be  in  no  otherwise  benefitted,  than  in  being  able  to 
say  that  they  have  settled  their  accounts. 

The  public  credit  of  this  country  is  rapidly  rising ;  securities  sell  at  seven  shil 
lings  in  the  pound.  This  is  in  some  degree  owing  to  the  speculations  of  fo 
reigners.  The  disorders  in  France,  the  declining  state  of  the  Dutch  republic,  and 
the  enormous  debts  which  oppress  all  the  great  nations  of  Europe,  are  circum 
stances  which  give  the  United  States  a  relative  importance,  and  of  which  I  hope 
we  shall  profit. 

I  cannot  however,  help  considering  all  that  is  doing  towards  the  establishment 
of  government,  as  an  experiment  of  doubtful  success.  It  is  certain  that  the 
southern  states  are  far  less  advanced  in  political  science,  than  the  northern,  and 
even  there  the  people  have  by  no  means  prepared  themselves  for  a  steady  opera 
tion  of  the  general  government. 

The  impost  will  produce  about  as  much  as  it  was  estimated  at ;  some  addi 
tional  revenue  will  be  proposed,  probably  a  system  of  inland  duties  on  spirits,  &c. 
to  be  collected  on  the  first  sale  from  the  wholesale  dealer,  by  regulations  which 
will  not  be  perceived  much  in  the  country.  It  will  probably  be  also  proposed  to 
consolidate  the  debts  of  the  Union,  in  the  settlement  of  the  state  accounts. 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  2-5 

This  measure  though  difficult,  is  I  believe  necessary,  as  the  states  will  by  excises 
or  otherwise,  defeat  any  general  system  of  revenue  which  can  be  proposed,  unless 
this  shall  be  effected. 


FROM  JOHN  TRUMBULL.* 

HARTFORD,  Dec.  9th,  1789. 

I  received  yours  by  Dr.  Cogswell,  who  appears  a  sensible,  agreeable  young  man, 
and  I  am  glad  that  he  proposes  to  settle  in  Hartford.  Indeed  our  circle  of  friends 
wants  new  recruits.  Humphreys,  Barlow  and  you  are  lost  to  us.  Dr.  Hopkins 
has  an  itch  of  running  away  to  New  York,  but  I  trust  his  indolence  will  prevent 
him.  However  if  you  should  catch  him  in  your  city  I  desire  you  to  take  him  up 
and  return  him,  or  scare  him  so  that  we  may  have  him  again,  for  which  you  shall 
have  sixpence  reward  and  all  charges.  Webster  has  returned  and  brought  with 
him  a  very  pretty  wife.  I  wish  him  success,  but  I  doubt  in  the  present  decay  of 
business  in  our  profession,  whether  his  profits  will  enable  him  to  keep  up  the  style 
he  sets  out  with.  I  fear  he  will  breakfast  upon  Institutes,  dine  upon  Disserta 
tions,  and  go  to  bed  supperless.  I  cannot  conceive  what  Barlow  is  doing.  Aftei 
being  eighteen  months  abroad,  you  tell  me  he  has  got  so  far  as  to  see  favourable 
prospects.  If  he  should  not  effect  something  soon,  I  would  advise  him  to  write 
"  the  Vision  of  Barlow,"  as  a  sequel  to  those  of  Columbus  and  McFingal. 

Pray  congratulate  Col.  Humphreys,  in  my  name,  on  his  late  promotion  in  the 
diplomatic  line.  If  I  understand  the  matter  rightly,  he  holds  the  same  post 
which  Crispe  promised  George  in  the  Vicar  of  Wakefield.  You  remember  Crispe 
told  him  there  was  an  embassy  talked  of  from  the  synod  of  Pennsylvania  to  the 
Chickasaw  Indians,  and  he  would  use  his  interest  to  get  him  appointed  Secretary. 
Tell  him  not  to  be  discouraged  too  much  at  his  want  of  success.  The  President 
has  tried  him  on  McGillivray  first,  and  he  did  not  suit  the  skull  of  the  savage, 
but  we  cannot  argue  from  that  circumstance  that  he  could  not  fit  as  easy  as  a  full 
bottomed  wig  upon  the  fat  headed,  sot  headed  and  crazy  headed  sovereigns  of 
Europe.  Tell  him  this  story  also,  for  his  comfort,  and  to  encourage  his  hopes  of 
speedy  employment.  A  king  being  angry  with  an  ambassador,  asked  him 
whether  his  master  had  no  wise  men  at  Court,  and  was  therefore  obliged  to  send 
him  a  fool ?  "  Sire,"  said  the  other,  "  my  master  has  many  wise  men  about  his 
court,  but  he  conceived  me  the  most  proper  ambassador  to  your  majesty."  Upon 
this  principle  I  am  in  daily  expectation  of  hearing  that  he  is  appointed  minis 
ter  plenipo.  to  George,  Louis,  or  the  Stadtholder.  For  is  not  his  name 
Mumps  ? 

You  must  know  that  at  this  present  writing  I  am  confined  with  this  paltry 
influenza.  I  kept  it  for  six  weeks  at  the  stave's  end,  as  Shakespear's  Malvolio  did 
Beelzebub,  but  it  has  driven  me  into  close  quarters  at  last.  Indeed  I  could  not 
expect  to  avoid  it,  for  old  Wronghead  says  it  is  a  Federal  disorder,  bred  out  of  the 
new  Constitution  at  New  York,  and  communicated  by  infection  from  Congress. 

a  McFingal. 
VOL.  I.  3 


26  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.], 

I  see  the  President  has  returned  all  fragrant  with  the  odour  of  incense.  It 
must  have  given  him  satisfaction  to  find  that  the  hearts  of  the  people  are  united 
in  his  favour  ;  but  the  blunt  and  acknowledged  adulation  of  our  addresses  must 
often  have  wounded  his  feelings.  We  have  gone  through  all  the  popish  grades 
of  worship,  at  least  up  to  the  Hypcrdoulia.  This  tour  has  answered  a  good 
political  purpose,  and  in  a  great  measure  stilled  those  who  were  clamoring  about 
the  wages  of  Congress  and  the  salaries  of  officers. 

I  expect  something  capital  with  regard  to  the  arrangement  of  the  public  debt 
from  the  abilities  of  the  gentlemen  in  the  Treasury  Department.  You  will  avoid 
the  complicated  and  embarrassed  systems  of  financiers  who  affect  to  be  mysteri 
ous  and  artful,  and  form  a  plan  at  once  bold,  simple  and  decisive.  I  almost  envy 
you  the  friendship  of  Col.  Hamilton,  with  whom  I  doubt  not,  you  are  in  the 
closest  habits  of  intimacy.  However,  till  I  have  the  honour  of  a  personal  acquaint 
ance  with  him,  I  will  not  depose  on  oath  that  he  is  half  so  great  or  good  a  man 
as  I  think  him. 

I  perceive  I  shall  repay  your  correspondence  in  quantity.  Indeed,  writing  this 
letter  is  the  only  amusement  I  could  have  found  under  this  unpleasant  indispo 
sition.  I  am  dear  sir,  with  the  highest  esteem,  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN  TRUMBULL, 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  21st,  1789, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  24th  November. 

*  *  *  * 

My  health  is  good,  and  my  situation  on  the  whole  rather  more  eligible  than 
when  I  was  in  public  service  in  Connecticut.  My  business  is  difficult  and  ex 
ceedingly  accumulated,  beyond  what  has  been  supposed.  The  affairs  of  the 
Treasury  were  in  my  opinion  not  left  in  a  proper  condition  by  the  late  board  of 
the  Treasury.  Time  and  great  application  will  be  necessary  to  reduce  them  to 
order,  but  with  the  assistance  of  able  clerks,  I  hope  to  go  through  my  part  of  the 
business.  Securities  are  rapidly  rising ;  perhaps  too  much  expectation  has  been 
excited  in  the  public  creditors.  Something  more  stable  than  opinion  must 
eventually  support  public  credit,  and  no  useful  experience  has  yet  been  acquired, 
of  the  inclination  or  resources  of  this  country  to  support  a  public  debt. 

The  State  of  Pennsylvania  will  have  a  new  Constitution,  and  they  seem  to 
have  adopted  the  fashionable  politics  of  vesting  the  powers  of  government  in  a 
single  executive,  in  two  houses  of  assembly  and  an  independent  judiciary.  The 
southern  gentlemen  are  growing  more  federal,  but  I  presume  it  will  appear  that 
the  states  north  of  the  Potomac,  are  to  pay  a  great  proportion  of  the  public 
expense . 


1789.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  27 

TO  HIS  MOTHER. 

NEW  YORK,  Dec.  21, 1789. 

*  *  *  The  manners  of  the  people  here  are  favourable  to  the  plan  which  I 
have  in  view.  Great  expense  is  not  required,  nor  does  it  add  to  the  reputation 
of  any  person.  There  appears  to  be  great  regularity  in  the  city.  Honesty  is  as 
much  in  fashion  as  in  Connecticut,  and  I  am  persuaded  that  there  is  a  much  great 
er  attention  to  good  morals,  than  has  been  supposed  in  the  country.  So  far  as 
an  attention  to  the  Sabbath  is  a  criterion  of  religion,  a  comparison  between  this 
city  and  many  places  in  Connecticut,  would  be  in  favour  of  New  York.  The 
greatest  inconvenience  which  I  shall  suffer  will  drise  from  being  separated  from 
my  friends — this  I  must  remedy  by  keeping  up  a  strict  correspondence  with  them. 
We  have  not  been  able  to  hire  a  house,  and  I  shall  continue  in  lodgings  till  the 
spring.  This  mode  of  tiving,  taking  all  things  into  consideration,  is  best  for  us 
at  present. 


CHAPTER    II. 


FIRST    CONGRESS SECOND    AND    THIRD    SESSIONS. 

THE  organization  of  the  Treasury  Department,  of  course 
occupied  a  considerable  time.  The  ifhere  arrangement 
with  respect  to  its  modes  of  transacting  business,  was  in 
itself  no  easy  task.  The  machinery  by  which  the  finan 
cial  affairs  of  the  nation  are  carried  on,  was  to  be  constructed 
at  once,  upon  a  plan  of  indefinite  expansion,  and  suited  to 
every  object  which  future  exigencies  might  require.  The 
regulations  of  the  custom  houses  and  loan  offices ;  the 
modes  of  providing  for  the  efficient  collection  and  distribu 
tion  of  the  revenue,  of  regulating  the  accounts  of  receipts 
and  expenditures,  in  all  of  which  the  easy  attainment  of 
complete  information  at  the  Treasury,  was  to  be  united 
with  the  preservation  of  central  and  local  accountability  ; 
the  numberless  official  forms  to  be  used  in  every  branch  of 
business ;  were  now  to  be  prescribed  for  the  first  time. 

But  the  department  had  not  even  the  advantage  of  start 
ing  anew  in  its  operations.  The  confederacy  had  left  every 
thing  connected  with  its  finance,  in  a  state  of  almost  inex 
tricable  confusion,  and  the  affairs  of  those  offices  which 
were  transferred  to  the  new  Treasury  had  all  to  be  arrang 
ed  and  stated  by  the  auditor,  and  finally  settled  by  the 
comptroller. 

The  subsequent  establishment  of  the  funding  system  and 
assumption  of  the  State  debts,  threw  upon  them  the  duty 
of  reviewing,  recording  and  adapting  to  new  forms  of 
alienation,  an  enormous  mass  of  claims,  existing  in  various 


1790.]  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  29 

forms,  and  till  then  transferable  by  mere  delivery.  As  the 
policy  of  the  government  matured,  and  the  acts  of  Con 
gress  multiplied,  the  duties  of  the  executive  offices  were 
directed  to  new  objects  of  attention.  Thus  the  internal 
revenue,  the  surveyor's  office,  military  and  naval  establish 
ments,'1  the  mint  and  purveyor's  office  were  successively 
organized  and  regulated. 

The  modes  adopted,  which  with  trivial  alterations  have 
since  been  adhered  to,  were  almost  entirely  of  American 
origin,  and  it  is  believed  form,  under  the  conduct  of  able 
and  honest  men,  a  system  the  best  adapted  to  its  objects 
which  has  ever  been  devised.  The  Executive  arrange 
ment  of  the  Treasury,  fell  of  course  upon  the  subordinate 
officers,  and  it  reflects  no  small  degree  of  credit  upon  them, 
that  it  was  planned  upon  so  perfect  a  model.  In  the  per 
formance  of  those  duties  which  devolved  upon  him,  Wol- 
cott  was  incessantly  and  laboriously  employed,  and  all  the 
skill  and  method  acquired  under  his  former  tuition  were 
called  into  requisition. 

During  the  session  of  1789,  a  commencement  of  a  re 
venue  had  been  made  in  an  act  laying  a  duty  on  imports. 
The  subject  of  the  finances  was  resumed  when  they  again 
met. 

The  following  letter  suggests  a  plan,  somewhat  similar 
to  that  adopted,  for  an  adjustment  of  the  accounts  between 
the  general  government  and  the  several  States. 

TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

NEW  YORK,  November  29th,  1789. 

I  believe  it  will  appear  from  an  examination  of  the  acts  of  Congress,  that  all 
the  requisitions  upon  the  States  for  money,  contain  the  following  conditions. 

1st,  That  the  sums  required  shall  not  be  considered  as  the  real  proportions  of 
the  States. 


a  Most  of  the  duties  of  these  establishments,   were  at  first  performed  by  the 
Treasury. 

3* 


30  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

2d,  That  the  actual  payments  into  the  public  Treasury  shall  be  credited  with 
an  interest  at  six  per  cent,  per  annum,  until  the  period  of  final  adjustment. 

3d,  That  all  balances  due  to  or  from  the  several  States,  on  the  final  adjust 
ment  of  accounts,  shall  be  equalised  by  subsequent  requisitions  of  Congress. 

It  is  presumed  that  no  requisitions  will  in  future  be  made  upon  the  States,  and 
that  the  payment  of  past  requisitions  will  not  be  enforced.  The  United  States 
will  probably  provide  funds  and  pay  their  debts,  under  regulations  to  be  devised 
and  executed  by  the  authority  of  the  Union,  and  past  experiences  of  the  difficul 
ty  and  perplexity  of  adjusting  accounts  between  powerful  communities,  will 
prevent  them  from  suffering  any  law  to  pass  which  can  possibly  occasion  a  new 
account  to  be  opened  with  a  State.  The  object  of  a  settlement  with  the  States 
is  not  therefore  to  find  what  sums  are  due  on  the  past  requisitions  ;  but  to  ascer 
tain  whether  some  members  of  the  Union  have  not  contributed  more  than  their 
proportions,  of  the  sums  actually  paid  into  the  public  treasury. 

It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  all  the  States  may  be  debtors  to  the  United  States 
on  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  and  at  the  same  time,  that  one,  or  even  twelve 
of  the  States  may  be  creditors  to  each  other,  or  to  the  United  States,  in  various 
proportions,  for  payments  made  within  a  given  period.  As  it  would  be  produc 
tive  of  endless  contention,  for  Congress  to  adjust  the  accounts  in  such  a  manner 
that  some  States  would  be  made  debtors  to  other  States,  and  as  it  is  taken  for 
granted  that  no  attempt  will  be  made  to  equalise  old  balances  by  new  requisi 
tions,  it  follows  that  the  particular  states  must  be  considered  as  creditors  to  the 
United  States,  for  all  such  sums  as  they  have  expended  for  the  common  defence, 
or  paid  into  the  general  treasury  above  their  proportions  of  the  aggregate  of  the 
sums  actually  expended  or  advanced. 

Indeed  the  terms  of  the  requisitions  prove,  that  the  payments  by  the  several 
States  are  to  be  regarded  as  loans  on  interest,  subject  to  a  deduction  by  the  rule 
established  in  the  eighth  article  of  the  confederation. 

The  best  method  for  affecting  a  settlement  which  I  have  been  able  to  devise 
would  be  this. 

To  credit  the  particular  States  for  all  payments  and  advances  made  by  them, 
according  to  some  liberal  and  equitable  scale,  and  to  consider  the  whole  credits  as 
forming  the  aggregate  of  a  loan  to  the  United  States. 

To  these  credits,  all  advances  from  the  general  treasury,  and  all  debts  of  the 
States  which  may  be  assumed  by  the  Union,  ought  to  be  opposed.  The  result 
would  be,  that  balances  would  appear  in  favour  of  each  of  the  States,  which 
would  be  subject  to  a  charge  for  their  several  equitable  proportions  of  the  com 
mon  expense. 

To  ascertain  these  proportions  will  be  a  work  of  great  difficulty.  If  the  obsta 
cles  to  undertaking  this  business  are  insurmountable,  the  settlement  with  the 
States  ought  to  be  abandoned,  for  an  apportionment  of  the  expense  is  equally 
necessary  to  a  settlement  upon  any  principle.  I  conceive  that  the  objections 
which  would  be  made  by  the  States,  to  the  mode  I  propose,  would  be  less  effec 
tual  than  to  any  other,  for  if  the  settlements  are  so  made  as  to  occasion  debits 
against  the  States,  their  opposition  may  be  successful,  as  they  can  refuse  to  pay, 
whereas  if  the  settlements  are  so  regulated  as  to  produce  credits,  which  will  con- 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  31 

stitute  a  part  of  the  public  debt,  no  opposition  can  be  successful  which  does  not 
produce  a  subversion  of  the  government. 

The  more  fully  to  illustrate  my  ideas,  I  have  stated  an  account  of  balances 
which  is  founded  on  a  supposition,  that  the  requisition  of  Congress,  of  the  22d  of 
November  1777,  contains  the  principles  of  a  just  apportionment  of  the  public  ex 
pense,  and  that  it  will  appear  that  the  States  of  Rhode  Island,  North  Carolinia 
and  Georgia,  have  contributed  the  smallest  sums,  in  proportion  to  their  ability, 
compared  with  the  other  States,  and  equal  sums  in  proportion  to  their  ability 
when  compared  with  each  other.  In  this  account  balances  are  stated  to  be  due  to 
the  States,  but  as  much  uncertainty  will  arise,  both  in  liquidating  the  expenditures 
and  ascertaining  the  proportionsof  the  States,  it  is  probable  that  no-balances  will  be 
declared,  except  in  cases  where  the  inequality  of  the  contributions  is  very  appa 
rent,  and  as  those  balances  will  only  consist  of  the  excess  of  actual  payments, 
compared  with  the  rule  for  ascertaining  the  ability  of  the  States  to  pay,  there  is 
no  reason  to  expect  that  any  of  those  balances  would  be  so  great  as  to  excite  dis 
content  between  the  States,  or  inconveniently  increase  the  public  debt. 

As  it  cannot  be  presumed  that  any  State  will  have  occasion  for  the  sums  which 
they  have  advanced,  before  it  will  suit  with  the  convenience  of  the  United  States 
to  discharge  them  ;  and  as  some  influence  may  be  derived  to  the  general  govern 
ment,  from  an  interest  on  the  part  of  the  State  Legislatures,  to  support  the  mea 
sures  of  the  Union  ;  it  appears  to  be  expedient  that  the  balances  credited  to  the 
States  should  bear  interest  like  other  public  debt,  but  that  no  alienation  or  trans 
fer  should  be  permitted. 

The  second  session  of  Congress  commenced  on  the  8th 
of  January,  and  on  the  14th,  the  Secretaiy  of  the  Treasury 
reported  the  plan  for  the  maintenance  of  the  public  credit, 
upon  which  was  formed  the  AMERICAN  FUNDING  SYSTEM. 
The  discussion  of  this  project  occupied  the  greater  part  of 
a  long  and  arduous  meeting  of  Congress.  The  national 
legislature  comprised  a  large  portion  of  the  prominent  cha 
racters  of  the  country  ;  the  friends  and  opponents  of  fede 
ral  principles  were  almost  equally  balanced,  and  every 
subject  was  discussed  with  direct  reference  to  its  bearings 
on  state  sovereignty,  the  great  source  of  the  original  divi 
sion  of  the  two  parties.  A  system  so  well  calculated  to 
strengthen  and  give  efficacy  to  the  powers  of  the  general 
government,  naturally  called  forth  the  whole  weight  and 
force  of  both. 

The  most  prominent  questions  which  arose  upon  the 
plan  recommended,  were  the  payment  of  the  whole  amount, 
or  the  mere  market  value  of  the  government  paper,  the  dis- 


32  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

crimination  between  original  and  present  holders,  the  as 
sumption  of  the  State  debts,  and  the  terms  as  to  the  period 
of  payment  and  rate  of  interest,  of  the  general  debt  thus 
proposed  to  be  established. 

The  two  last  were  the  most  ardently  controverted.  That 
of  assumption  in  particular,  was  several  times  lost  or  car 
ried,  as  circumstances  favored  its  opponents  or  its  friends  ; 
and  finally  passed  by  a  majority  of  two  votes  only.  Its  suc 
cess  was  in  some  degree  owing  to  another  measure  of  the 
session,  the  change  of  the  seat  of  government. 

The  funding  of  the  State  debts  was  supposed  materially 
to  benefit  the  northern  states,  in  which  was  the  active  ca 
pital  of  the  country  ;  and  a  more  southern  residence  was 
considered  by  some  as  a  countervailing  advantage.  A  com 
promise  having  been  effected  between  the  advocates  of 
Philadelphia  and  those  of  the  Potomac,  a  bill  passed  fix 
ing  the  former  as  the  temporary,  and  the  latter  as  the  per 
manent  location,  and  sufficient  votes  were  thereupon  thrown 
in  favor  of  assumption  to  make  the  project  a  law. 

The  House  during  the  first  Congress,  contained  under 
the  constitutional  ratio,  but  sixty-five  members.  How  near 
ly  opinion  was  balanced,  may  be  judged  from  the  vote  on 
this  question. 

Among  other  important  public  measures  of  this  session, 
may  be  noticed  those  directing  the  enumeration  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  United  States ;  establishing  a  uniform 
rule  of  naturalization  ;  providing  the  means  of  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations,  and  for  holding  treaties  and  regulat 
ing  trade  and  intercourse  with  the  Indians. 

The  following  letters  refer  to  the  subjects  discussed  dur 
ing  the  session.  The  strong  declarations  of  opinion  in  the 
letters  of  the  elder  Wolcott,  respecting  the  relations  which 
should  exist  between  the  general  and  state  governments, 
will  be  found  curious,  as  opposed  to  the  views  of  the  dele 
gates  from  Connecticut  in  the  Federal  Convention.  It  was 
to  the  representatives  of  the  small  states,  and  to  Sherman 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  33 

and  Ellsworth,  perhaps  more  than  to  any  others,  that  what 
of  independence  in  the  states  was  preserved  is  due. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Dec.  23d,  1789. 
Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  2d  inst.  by  Mr.  Stanley  has  been  received.  The  rise  of 
public  credit  which  you  mention,  is  perhaps  as  good  a  criterion  ascaabe  derived 
from  any  one  circumstance,  of  the  degree  of  confidence  which  is  put  in  the  new 
government.  The  government  will,  I  believe,  have  a  permanent  establishment, 
although  it  may  perhaps  for  some  time  find  itself  embarrassed  by  the  claims  of  the 
local  jurisdictions,  somewhat  similar  to  what  has  been  experienced  from  the  ex 
tensive  feudal  claims  in  the  early  ages  of  the  European  Governments.  To  render 
the  operation  of  the  national  government  easy,  and  extensively  beneficial,  the 
states  must  be  considered  as  corporations  only,  and  their  laws  strictly  municipal- 
If  that  shall  be  effected,  the  arrangement  of  government  may  be  very  happy.  To 
effectuate  this,  an  absorption  of  the  state  debts  into  the  national  mass  might  be 
of  much  advantage  ;  but  this  I  suspect  will  not  be  done  till  the  state  creditors  shall 
clearly  perceive  their  advantage  in  having  them  placed  there,  and  till  the  nation 
al  government  shall  render  the  local  payments  more  difficult  than  they  are,  by 
extending  their  objects  of  taxation.  I  sincerely  wish  it  was  not  in  the  power  of 
any  particular  state  to  do  any  thing  which  might  affect  commerce,  and  therefore 
that  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  enforce  any  excise  whatever.  Nothing  but  the 
most  mistaken  policy  could  induce  this  state  to  wish  for  a  continuation  of  this,  as 
every  neighbouring  one  which  shall  adopt  a  similar  measure,  will  derive  much 
profit  thereby  from  the  labour  of  our  people,  in  the  same  manner  as  they  before  did 
by  the  impost.  Indeed  such  a  general  excise  as  our  law  contemplates,  connected 
with  the  national  imposts  is  peculiarly  burdensome  upon  commerce  in  this  state  ; 
but  as  I  believe  the  trading  interests  are  about  to  combine  to  oppose  it,  and  as 
those  who  have  been  most  in  favour  of  the  excise  are  such  men  as  have  always 
believed  that  "  vox  populi,  vox  est  Dei,"  they  will  therefore  give  it  up  the  next 
session. 

The  commotions  in  France  will,  I  apprehend,  have  a  long  and  extensive  opera 
tion,  and  may  probably  enough  involve  in  their  consequences  within  a  few  years, 
a  dismemberment  of  the  greater  part  of  the  American  Continent  from  the 
European  powers ;  at  the  least  such  will  likely  be  the  duration  and  effect  of  the 
civil  commotions  in  Europe,  that  many  people  of  large  property  in  that  country, 
will  wish  to  deposit  their  money  in  the  American  funds,  in  case  they  shall  be 
well  established.  If  this  shall  so  happen,  which  I  cannot  consider  as  an  impro 
bable  event,  money  will  be  loaned  upon  our  funds  as  low  as  it  is  in  any  part 
of  the  universe.  This  circumstance  together  with  the  difficulty  to  provide  for 
the  payment  of  a  large  interest  on  our  domestic  debt,  and  the  circumstances  in 
which  that  debt  exists  in  the  hands  of  the  creditors,  will  from  principles  of  justice, 
prudence  and  policy,  prevent,  I  apprehend,  any  plan  being  adopted  at  any  time 


34  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

which  will  provide  for  the  payment  of  a  larger  interest  than  three  per  cent.  Per 
haps  so  large  an  interest  will  not  at  present  be  either  politick  or  practicable  to 
provide  for.  But  however  this  is,  I  hope  it  will  never  be  judged  necessary  to  pay 
a  higher  interest  than  what  I  have  mentioned  upon  the  domestic  debt,  and  that  if 
more  shall  be  required  by  the  creditors,  that  it  will  be  in  the  power  of  Congress 
to  pay  them  off.  During  the  administration  of  Grenville,  I  think  it  was,  that  it 
was  made  optionable  for  the  English  national  creditors  to  receive  three  per  cent, 
instead  of  three  and  one  half,  or  be  paid  off;  they  assented  to  three  percent.  I 
hope  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  our  funds  will  be  of  equal  credit.  It  will  be 
found  that  if  the  calculation  shall  be  to  raise  a  fund  sufficient  to  pay  six  per  cent. 
in  specie  on  the  domestick  debt,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  people  of  these  states 
will  not  think  it  just,  but  very  unreasonable,  and  will  therefore  be  much  dissatis 
fied  with  the  new  government ;  which  might  be  highly  dangerous  to  its  existence. 
A  dissolution  of  this  government  would  involve  in  its  consequences  almost 
every  species  of  human  misery.  Yours  with  much  regard. 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  January  2d,  1790. 
Dear  Sir, 

There  has  been  this  week  a  respectable  meeting  of  the  Convention  of  Mer 
chants  at  Middletown,  who  have  united  in  a  petition  to  our  legislature  for  a  repeal 
of  the  Excise  Laws,  and  if  that  should  not  eventually  prove  successful  to  forward 
one  to  Congress  on  the  subject  of  commerce,  that  it  may  be  embraced  in  one 
general  system.  No  other  political  subject  engrosses  the  public  attention  except 
the  assumption  of  the  state  debt.  Men  of  sense,  unshackled  with  office,  who  are 
the  only  ones  who  speak  their  opinions  till  the  public  opinion  is  formed,  express 
themselves  pleased  with  the  plan.  I  believe,  however,  the  time  is  almost  past 
that  men  of  ability  will  prize  personal  character  above  honors.  The  zeal  for  the 
general  government  does  not  lessen,  and  its  enemies  will  not  be  able  to  make  any 
ferment  about  the  salaries,  either  to  the  prejudice  of  the  government  or  the 
individuals  who  administer  it.  We  all  hope  that  Congress  will  devise  some  wise 
arrangement  of  the  public  debt,  which  perhaps  will  try  the  popularity  as  well  as 
the  strength  of  your  new  house  the  most  of  anything. 

You  ought  to  know  that  the  young  wiseacre  of  the  treasury  quondam,  some 
times  wags  the  tongue  against  you  in  your  absence,  and  has  once  more  attempted 
to  influence  the  election  of  the  Lt.  Governor,  but  with  as  much  address  as  before. 
He  attempted  to  persuade  one  of  our  members  of  the  Merchant  Convention  that 
your  father  was  the  author  of  the  Excise  Law,  but  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  ad 
dress  himself  to  one  of  them  who  knew  much  better,  and  what  was  worse  for  him, 
knew  him  also.  He  is  too  despicable  for  resentment. 

The  election  for  the  council  will,  from  present  appearances,  be  favourable  to  the 
best  folks  in  the  nomination  for  new  members.  Your  successor  in  office  appears 
with  dignity  in  his  department ;  as  to  your  circle  of  friends,  they  are  as  much  so 
as  ever,  and  as  much  so  to  one  another.  We  keep  up  the  story  of  Mr.  Trum- 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  J35 

bull's  being  representative.  He  is  a  violent  enemy  to  the  Excise,  receives  at  his 
levee  the  merchants,  drafts  warm  petitions,  attends  town  meetings,  has  got  a 
dozen  of  us  appointed  trustees  of  the  grammar  school,  not  forgetting  the  parsons 
of  the  city,  and  of  West-Division.  With  him  at  our  head  we  are  busy  in  cherishing 
the  interests  of  the  rising  generation  and  piety,  which  will  atone  for  a  large  quan 
tity  of  invisible  sin. 

Instead  of  a  political  club  we  have  this  winter  a  lawyers'  club  ;  at  which  we 
talk  away  scientifically ;  and  eat  and  drink  voraciously.  This  letter  has  pro 
ceeded  thus  far  from  great  to  small  things,  from  larger  communities  to  small  ones, 
and  now  descends  down  in  progression  to  my  own  cell,  where  now  is  in  the 
main,  health,  peace  and  plenty.  We  are  a  sober,  well  regulated  family.  Ac 
cept  our  love  for  yourself  and  Betsey,  for  we  do  love  you  both,  and  are  always 
your  best  friends. 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK  Jan.  10th,  1790. 

Congress  are  now  convened,  and  the  accounts  from  the  different  parts  of  the 
Union  are  favourable.  The  accession  of  North  Carolina  has  blasted  the  last 
hopes  of  the  anti-federalists.  All  that  now  remains  is  to  arrange  our  affairs 
wisely — perhaps  nothing  very  difficult  will  occur  except  with  respect  to  the  public 
debt.  The  ideas  on  this  subject,  suggested  in  your  letter,  are  such  as  will  have 
great  weight.  On  the  rate  of  interest  different  opinions  will  be  entertained,  it 
will  be  fixed  at  three  or  four  per  cent. — probably  three  per  cent  will  be  established, 
though  I  believe  four  per  cent,  will  be  recommended,  which  will  be  the  best  pro 
position  to  come  from  the  Secretary. 

TO  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

NEW  YORK  Jan.  23d,  1800. 

Your  favour  of  the  10th  has  been  received,  *  *  *  *  I  send  you 
as  an  apology  for  not  writing,  and  also  for  your  amusement,  a  copy  of  the  Secre 
tary's  report,  and  as  I  have  no  other,  I  will  thank  you,  when  you  shall  have  perus 
ed  it,  to  send  it  under  cover  to  Litchfield. 

The  general  ideas  of  the  system  meet  with  approbation.  Some  gentlemen 
suppose  three  per  cent,  interest  would  content  the  public  creditors.  The  great 
question  will  be  about  the  funds,  and  in  case  the  state  debts  shall  be  assumed,  it 
is  certain  that  the  objects  of  revenue  will  be  extended  much  farther  than  will  be 
possible  under  the  local  arrangements.  If  the  present  session  shall  adopt  prudent 
measures,  and  those  measures  shall  not  be  opposed  in  the  country,  our  govern 
ment  will  succeed.  We  have,  in  my  opinion,  arrived  at  the  crisis  of  affairs  ;  and 
wish  I  did  not  think  that  there  is  reason  to  be  concerned  for  the  evtfnt. 


36  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Jan.  28,  1790. 
Sir, 

By  accounts  Rhode  Island  will  soon  adopt  the  Constitution,  which  every  sen 
sible  man  in  that  state  ought  to  wish  for,  if  it  was  only  to  give  stability  to  their 
own  local  police.  When  this  shall  be  effected,  we  may  consider  the  National 
Government,  as  I  trust,  fixed  upon  an  immoveable  basis.  But  what  will  be  its 
real  complexion,  will  probably  depend  more  upon  the  conduct  of  the  present  ses 
sion  of  Congress,  than  upon  the  last,  or  any  subsequent  one.  As  I  have  an  entire 
confidence  in  the  Executive  and  deliberative  branches  of  government,  I  have  but 
little  doubt  but  that  it  will  be  conducted  wisely,  and  at  the  same  time  am  well 
convinced  of  my  own  inability  to  know  how  so  complicated  a  subject  ought  to 
be  regulated.  This  much  I  will  venture  a  conjecture  upon,  that  the  efficiency  of 
this  government  will  essentially  depend  upon  the  system  of  their  finances,  and 
the  regulation  of  their  militia,  both  of  which  therefore,  I  suppose,  they  will  extend 
as  far  as  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  will  admit,  and  consequently  endeavour 
to  include  ultimately  the  State  debts  in  the  system,  and  render  the  militia  as  de 
pendent  as  the  case  will  admit,  upon  the  general  Executive.  The  State  govern 
ments  ought  most  certainly  to  exist  for  local  purposes,  indeed  they  are  the  essen 
tial  principles  of  the  National  Government;  but  let  us  not  from  them  derive  any 
of  the  miseries  of  the  old  European  feudal  government.  The  article  relative  to 
the  militia  is  not  very  clear  to  my  apprehension,  but  I  believe  it  ought  to  receive 
a  strict  construction  for  national  purposes,  as  it  is  the  primary  principle  of  nation 
al  defence,  and  a  more  general  ground  of  ambition  than  any  other.  I  hope  at 
least  that  no  officer  will  be  appointed  by  popular  election,  which  is  not  otherwise 
done,  than  according  to  the  quantity  of  grog  which  is  given.  I  have  long  been 
persuaded,  that  this  State  has  suffered  much  in  every  respect  by  this  mode  of  ap 
pointment.  I  think  that  the  militia  should  be  made  as  much  a  national  object, 
as  circumstances  will  admit. 

I  wish  that  the  Members  of  Congress  may  not  covet  a  momentary  popularity, 
instead  of  doing  their  duty.  They  are  upon  a  new  and  unexperienced  piece  of 
business,  but  they  will  succeed  in  it  if  they  do  not  defeat  themselves.  Some,  at 
least  unless  they  are  different  men  from  what  have  heretofore  attended  Congress, 
will  be  absolutely  governed  by  all  the  ignorance  and  prejudices  of  their  constitu 
ents.  You  will  remember  that  I  never  re-draft  any  letters  which  I  write  to  you  ; 
you  will  therefore  regard  them  only  as  the  momentary  effusions  of  my  mind. 

Some  abstracts  of  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  Finance  have  been  published. 
We  shall  have  the  whole  I  suppose  before  long.  The  public  have  great  reason 
to  confide  in  his  abilities.  All  that  any  one  can  possibly  possess,  cannot  be  more 
than  will  be  sufficient  to  execute  so  complicated  a  trust.  He  will  wish  to  give 
Congress  an  opportunity  to  descant  upon  the  subject  of  finance,  to  be  better  able 
to  judge  of  what  is  practicable.  Yours  with  much  regard, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  Feb.  1st,  1790. 

I  enclosed  to  Mr.  Goodrich  last  week,  a  copy  of  the  Secretary's  Report  on  the 
affairs  of  the  Treasury,  with  a  request  that  it  might  be  transmitted  to  you.  Lest 
he  may  have  failed,  I  now  send  another  copy.  The  plan  meets  with  as  much 
approbation  as  could  have  been  expected.  Some  suppose  the  rate  of  interest  is 
too  high  ;  others  suppose  that  it  is  so  low  that  the  public  creditors  will  not  sub 
scribe  ;  many  apprehend  that  it  will  tend  to  a  consolidation  of  the  government. 
On  the  whole  I  think  the  plan  will  be  found  to  combine  as  many  interests  and 
reconcile  as  many  prejudices,  as  any  that  could  be  devised,  and  that  it  will  be 
adopted  without  any  substantial  variation. 

Congress  appears  to  be  going  on  smoothly  ;  the  opposition  to  the  government 
is  diminished,  and  if  the  people  will  in  practice  submit  to  what  in  theory  they 
have  admitted  to  be  proper,  all  will  be  well. 

My  situation  is  as  agreeable  as  possible,  considering  the  unreasonable  accu 
mulation  of  business  thrown  upon  me.  If  I  get  through  with  it,  it  will  operate  to 
my  advantage.  I  am  treated  very  fairly  by  all  the  officers  of  the  department, 
and  have  been  noticed  by  all  the  principal  gentlemen  in  the  public  service. 
The  favours  I  have  received  I  am  very  happy  to  mention  to  you,  as  I  am  certain 
that  they  have  been  bestowed  upon  me  under  the  auspices  of  your  reputation. 
I  have  reason  to  believe  that  when  we  shall  keep  house  by  ourselves,  you  could 
spend  a  few  weeks  here  very  happily  with  many  gentlemen  with  whom  you 
have  been  well  acquainted  during  the  war  ;  and  I  flatter  myself  that  you  will  be 
persuaded  to  accept  the  invitation. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH 

HARTFORD,  February  3d,  1790. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  your  letter  inclosing  the  Secretary's  Report,  which  I  have  forward 
ed  to  your  father.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  this  favour.  The  report  has 
been  reprinted  in  this  town  and  is  sought  for  with  much  avidity,  but  has  not  been 
sufficiently  read  for  a  public  opinion  to  be  formed  about  it.  So  far  as  I  can  col 
lect  the  sentiments  of  your  acquaintance,  they  are  favourable  to  the  system. 
We  hope  the  government  will  improve  the  present  season  of  its  popularity  to 
establish  a  more  permanent  foundation  than  what  it  now  rests  on.  Its  only  stable 
support  will  be  a  well  regulated  treasury,  and  I  am  sure  that  the  best  friends  of  thei.- 
government  will  not  only  be  disappointed  but  dissatisfied,  if  the  present  session  of 
Congress  passes  without  a  good  arrangement  of  the  finances.  The  public  creditors 
will  esteem  themselves  honourably  used,  in  case  the  Secretary's  ideas  be  carried 
into  effect  ;  and  even  if  they  are  not  so  advantageous,  I  do  not  imagine  it  would 
occasion  any  discontent  to  be  regarded.  Perhaps  without  the  active  influence 

VOL.  I.  4 


38  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  % 

of  the  creditors  the  government  could  not  have  been  formed,  and  any  well 
grounded  dissatisfaction  on  their  part  will  certainly  make  its  movements  dull  and 
languid,  if  not  worse.  *  *  *  I  arn,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate- 

friend. 

CHAUNCEY   GOODRICH- 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Feb.  8th,  1790. 
Sir> 

Your  favor  of  the  1st  instant  with  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
has  been  received.  We  were  happy  to  hear  that  you  enjoy  health,  which  I 
have  been  much  concerned  that  you  would  be  deprived  of,  in  transacting  that 
farrago  of  business  which  has  been  assigned  to  you.  You  have  had  too  much 
advice  to  attend  to  yourself,  to  need  any  repetition  of  it.  It  must  give  you 
much  pleasure  to  be  treated  with  the  candor  you  mention  by  the  gentlemen  of 
the  department  with  which  you  are  specially  connected.  The  gentleman  at  the 
head  of  the  department,  with  whom  I  am  most  acquainted,  I  have  always  known 
to  be  a  man  of  strict  integrity  and  honor.  The  Comptroller  and  Treasurer  I  am 
a  perfect  stranger  to. 

Your  kind  invitation  to  visit  you  after  you  shall  have  taken  a  house,  I  shall 
if  circumstances  admit,  gladly  accept  of,  though  I  think  I  shall  see  you  here  first. 
Mr.  Goodrich  sent  me  the  Secretary's  Report.  I  have  not  had  much  time  to 
examine  it,  and  consider  myself  as  a  very  improper  judge  of  the  complicated  and 
most  relative  subject  of  finance.  The  Secretary  must  have  given  it  a  very  deep 
reflection,  and  I  think  his  reasoning  upon  the  impracticability  of  making  any 
discrimination  among  the  domestic  creditors,  entirely  conclusive.  The  debt  can 
only  be  contemplated  upon  the  general  principles  upon  which  it  exists.  It  is 
necessary  to  do  justice  as  far  as  possible  upon  the  whole  view  of  the  subject  ;  to 
consider  how  far  taxation  can  be  extended,  so  as  to  include  a  provision  for  the 
individual  state  debts,  without  being  repugnant  to  their  general  sense  of  what 
is  proper,  thereby  disinclining  them  to  yield  these  debts  to  the  control  of  Congress, 
and  to  subject  themselves  to  such  a  taxation  for  their  payment  as  Congress  shall 
ordain ;  to  provide  a  pecuniary  sinking  fund  without  which  the  whole  system 
will  be  liable  to  be  deranged  by  every  accident ;  to  consider  whether  if  our  inter 
est  shall  be  raised  higher  than  money  is  loaned  by  the  Dutch  Government  it  will 
not,  especially  as  the  balance  of  trade  is  always  against  us,  (and  if  the  debt  shall 
also  be  made  irredeemable,)  in  a  few  years  be  principally  and  permarently  owned 
in  Europe  ;  and  consequently  occasion  a  larger  draft  of  cash  from  the  country  than 
its  infant  condition  will  admit.  It  will  also,  I  imagine,  be  a  matter  of  much  con 
sideration,  whether  the  debt  ought  not  to  be  founded  upon  a  pecuniary  provision 
alone,  and  the  western  territory  be  made  use  of  occasionally,  merely  as  a  sinking 
fund,  as  a  more  unrestrained  liberty  would  be  preserved  in  locating  and  settling 
the  western  country.  The  future  peace  and  happiness  of  the  United  States  gen 
erally,  and  the  western  territory  in  particular,  will  much  depend  in  what  manner 
the  same  shall  be  settled  and  governed.  By  the  report  I  find  that  the  supposed 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  39 

punctilio  of  national  honour,  relative  to  a  literal  payment  is  abandoned  as  being 
what  the  creditors  have  no  right  injustice  to  expect,  and  what  an  attention  to  the 
essential  interests  of  our  country  will  not  admit  of.  This  idea  being  relinquished, 
as  I  believe  it  ought  to  be,  we  ought  to  consider  how  this  aggregate  and  heteroge 
neous  debt  ought  to  be  treated.  National  reputation  is  undoubtedly  of  the  last  im 
portance.  This  must  be  supported  by  an  apparent  and  determined  effort  to  do 
substantial  justice  ;  by  an  unequivocal  punctuality  of  payment  in  the  manner  and 
time  proposed  ;  by  being  always  in  a  condition  to  provide  against  untoward  acci 
dents,  and  by  a  firm  union  among  ourselves.  But  the  question  still  will  be,  at 
what  rate  would  you  fix  the  interest  ]  My  own  solitary  reflections,  unassisted  by 
advice,  and  with  but  little  information,  induce  rne  to  answer  this  question.  At 
the  lowest  rate  at  which  money  is  loaned  to  any  government  in  Europe,  and  inde 
pendent  of  any  provisional  land  payment.  Nothing  prevents  our  credit  from  be 
ing  as  good  as  any  of  theirs,  and  our  government,  I  trust,  is  more  secure  than  any, 
as  I  consider  the  internal  commotions  in  Europe  but  as  just  begun.  They  will, 
therefore,  in  a  short  time  induce  a  deposite,  (if  that  can  be  supposed  to  behest) 
in  our  funds  rather  than  in  their  own,  and  I  am  fully  convinced  it  will  place  the 
domestick  debt  in  as  advantageous  a  situation  as  the  aggregate  of  the  public  cred 
itors  have  any  reason,  upon  the  most  punctilious  principle  to  expect.  It  will  con 
duce,  as  I  apprehend,  to  preserve  union  and  stability  among  ourselves,  and  it  will 
not  extend  the  pecuniary  provisions  beyond  the  power  of  the  state  to  make  pay 
ment  and  provide  for  a  sinking  fund,  which  I  consider  as  essential  to  our  safety. 
This  interest,  I  therefore  imagine,  ought  to  be  either  at  three  or  about  three  per 
cent. 

If  the  creditors  shall  not  accept  of  a  reasonable  provision,  which  I  believe  but 
very  few,  if  any,  will  decline  ;  it  will  be  fully  in  the  power  of  Congress  to  purchase 
in  stock  by  their  sinking  fund  sufficient  to  indemnify  them  upon  such  a  contin 
gency. 

You  will  present  my  compliments  to  Mr.  Ellsworth  who  has  been  so  complai 
sant  as  to  send  me  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury's  Report.  He  has  asked  my 
opinion  upon  the  subject  of  it.  I  had  rather,  indeed,  he  should  have  asked  any 
other  service  of  me.  My  opinion  could  be  but  of  little  aid  to  his  own.  But  he  is 
entitled  to  an  acknowledgement  of  his  letter,  which  I  shall  take  some  other  op 
portunity  to  answer.  Yours  with  the  kindest  affection, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


TO  NATHAN  STRONG. 

NEW  YORK,  February,  1790. 

Congress  are  proceeding  in  .their  deliberations  on  the  Secretary's  report.  Ths 
northern  States  seem  generally  to  favor  the  plan.  In  Virginia  and  some  other 
states,  there  is  a  determined  and  stubborn  opposition.  They  fear  a  consolidation 
of  the  government ;  and  also  that  if  their  state  debts  are  assumed,  all  the  securities 
will  be  purchased  by  foreigners,  and  by  their  neighbors.  They  say  that  the  sys 
tem  of  raising  revenues  by  imposts  operates  unequally,  they  being  the  greatest 


40  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

consumers  ;  that  to  remedy  this  inequality  by  a  land  tax,  will  make  such  esta 
blishments  necessary  as  will  render  the  general  government  formidable  ;  that 
though  the  assumption  will  be  a  temporary  relief,  by  causing  the  revenues  to  be 
expended  where  they  are  collected,  yet  in  the  end  it  will  operate  to  them  like  a 
foreign  debt,  as  they  know  the  disposition  of  their  people  will  be  to  sell  every 
thing  which  will  produce  money.  'I^hese  arguments  have  weight  upon  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  gentlemen  who  urge  them,  but  the  contrary  ideas,  by  being  founded 
upon  the  most  undeniable  principles  of  general  policy,  will  gain  ground  and  ob 
tain  a  majority  in  the  United  States.  The  worst  circumstance  attending  our 
affairs,  arises  from  the  great  variety  of  prejudices  and  manners  in  the  United 
States.  If  they  shall  not  shortly  be  assimilated,  I  fear  that  disagreeable  conse 
quences  will  ensu*  . 

From  the  late  discussions  in  Congress,  one  favorable  argument  may  be  drawn, 
to  quiet  the  fears  of  those  politicians  who  apprehend  danger  from  the  rigid  princi 
ples  of  an  aristocratical  policy.  It  is  certain  that  a  sufficient  degree  of  the  tri- 
bunitian  spirit  prevails  in  the  public  councils.  The  same  men  who  warmly  advo 
cated  the  cause  of  the  public  creditors,  who  pressed  the  states  with  heavy  requisi 
tions  for  money,  and  who  contended  for  an  efficient  government,  when  Congress 
had  no  power,  except  to  discuss  propositions,  and  declare  the  obligations  of  mo 
rality  ;  now  when  they  are  called  upon  to  put  in  practice  the  tenets  they  have 
maintained,  are  found  to  be  oppressed  with  the  same  fears,  which  have  been  the 
subjects  of  ridicule  and  contempt  in  less  respectable  characters. 

The  exemplification  of  these  truths  in  our  leading  men,  proves  your  system  of 
philosophy  to  be  well  founded,  which  supposes  that  men  love  virtue  in  the  ab 
stract,  but  hate  to  exercise  it,  and  that  superior  information  has  but  little  tendency 
to  correct  the  infirmities  of  human  nature. 

I  firmly  believe  that  the  United  States  will  never  appoint  more  respectable  men 
to  posts  in  Congress,  than  the  present,  and  yet  the  observation  made  by  a  states 
man  to  his  son,  is  in  many  instances  deplorably  verified,  "  Nescis,  mi  fili,  parva 
cum  sapientia  regitur  mundus." 

The  following  letter  contains  the  method  of  official  ac 
counting,  devised  with  reference  to  the  debt. 


TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

NEW  YORK,  March  1st,  1790. 
Sir, 

In  consequence  of  the  permission  which  you  have  given,  I  take  the  liberty  to 
suggest  a  plan  for  keeping  the  accounts  of  the  funded  debt, and  for  regulating  the 
payment  of  interest ;  which  I  now  submit  to  your  consideration. 

Let  one  commissioner  be  appointed  in  each  state,  or  in  convenient  districts  of 
the  Union,  with  instructions  to  take  up  and  cancel  the  certificates  now  in  circula 
tion,  and  to  ascertain  the  interest  thereon  to  the  day  which  may  be  fixed  for  com 
mencing  business  under  the  new  system.  For  the  sums  BO  ascertained  by  the 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  41 

commissioners,  let  credits  be  passed  in  their  books,  and  certificates  be  given,  trans 
ferable  at  the  office  from  whence  they  issued. 

Let  the  several  credits  on  the  books  of  the  treasury  be  examined,  and  the  inter 
est  in  like  manner,  and  when  this  is  done  let  a  warrant  issue  to  the  Commission 
er  for  New  York,  to  credit  the  sums  which  may  be  due  to  individuals  on  the 
settlement  of  the  books  of  the  treasury,  in  accounts  to  be  opened  in  his  office. 

Let  a  general  account  of  funded  debt  be  opened  in  the  books  of  the  treasury,  to 
be  debited  with  all  the  sums  settled  to  the  credit  of  individuals  by  the  Commis 
sioners,  and  to  be  balanced  by  accounts  to  be  opened  with  the  books  of  each  com 
missioner.  The  old  certificates  taken  up  by  the  commissioners,  and  the  accounts 
on  which  the  settlements  are  made,  being  returned  to  the  treasury,  will  afford 
vouchers  to  support  their  accounts. 

The  result  of  this  plan  will  be,  that  the  whole  amount  of  the  funded  debt  will 
be  known  from  one  account,  and  the  amount  of  credits  to  individuals  on  the  books 
of  each  commissioner  from  the  subordinate  accounts,  and  as  the  interest  on  the 
whole  debt  will  commence  from  one  period,  the  necessary  estimates  may  be  made 
with  precision. 

As  the  aggregate  sum  of  the  credits  to  individuals,  on  the  books  of  each  com 
missioner  will  be  known,  the  commissioners  may  be  permitted  to  make  transfers 
of  any  credits  on  their  books,  under  such  regulations,  as  may  be  easily  devised — 
and  to  facilitate  the  alienation  of  stock,  transfers  from  the  books  of  one  commis 
sioner  to  those  of  another,  may  be  made  by  warrants  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  This  mode  will  preserve  complete  information  at  the  treasury  of  the 
state  of  the  accounts,  and  will  afford  sufficient  data  to  controul  the  interest  ac 
counts  of  the  commissioners. 

To  enable  the  commissioners  to  keep  regular  accounts,  and  discharge  the  inter 
est  punctually,  I  would  propose  that  the  transfer  books  be  closed  for  fourteen  days, 
before  the  interest  becomes  payable — and  in  that  time  let  the  commissioners 
draw  out  compleat  lists  of  the  credits  then  existing,  on  which  let  them  compute 
the  interest  which  may  be  due  to  the  several  creditors,  and  prepare  the  receipts, 
ready  to  be  signed,  as  the  claimants  shall  appear. 

If  the  accounts  are  properly  kept,  the  interest  which  will  appear  to  be  due. 
will  agree  with  an  interest  for  the  like  time,  computed  on  the  gross  amount  of 
each  commissioner's  credit  in  the  books  of  the  treasury,  to  cover  which  interest 
let  one  warrant  issue  to  be  accounted  for  in  the  following  manner. 

Let  the  commissioners  report  a  list  of  all  the  credits  existing  on  their  books, 
when  the  transfers  are  closed  in  each  quarter,  and  let  them  transmit  monthly 
statements  of  the  payments  which  may  be  made. 

To  prevent  the  inconveniences  resulting  from  unsettled  accounts  and  accumu 
lated  balances,  let  the  interest  books  remain  in  the  commissioner's  hands  only 
one  year  after  the  interest  becomes  payable  ;  let  them  then  be  transmitted  to  the 
treasury  ;  the  receipts  unsigned  will  agree  with  the  balances  of  cash  on  hand, 
for  which  let  the  commissioners  be  debited  as  funds  advanced  for  the  payment  of 
future  interest. 

Let  the  interest  books  remain  open  at  the  treasury  one  other  year,  and  let  the 
balances  which  then  remain  unclaimed  revert  to  the  public. 

4* 


42  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

This  plan  will  relieve  the  treasury  from  many  minute  details,  to  the  execution 
of  which  the  offices  are  not  adequate,  it  will  simplify  all  calculations  of  the  pub 
lic  debt,  it  will  prevent  forgeries,  it  will  preserve  an  effectual  check  on  the  ex 
penditure  of  public  money,  and  will  tend  to  distribute  the  public  debts  in  propor 
tion  to  the  revenues  collected  in  the  differenj  parts  of  the  United  States. 

These  being  the  great  objects  to  be  attended  to,  in  a  plan  of  this  nature,  I  am 
induced  to  believe  that  the  leading  ideas  now  suggested,  may  be  usefully  adopt 
ed.  I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  the  most  perfect  respect,  sir,  your  obedient 
servant. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  March  23,  1790. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  certainly  have  the  most  reason  to  regret  your  want  of  leisure  to  write  to  your 
friends  ;  for  were  it  not  for  that  ambition  of  yours,  of  doing  every  thing  better  than 
other  folks,  and  more  than  any  body  else,  I  might  claim  from  you  to  know  what 
wise  men  think,  which  I  believe  cannot  always  be  found  out  from  what  they  say 
and  do,  and  also  know  your  own  feelings  and  reflexions,  in  which  I  am  really 
more  interested  than  in  political  systems,  or  the  noisy  clamour  of  Congress.  I  do 
not  however  mean  or  wish  to  make  our  correspondence  a  burden — write  when  busi 
ness,  or  more  necessary  relaxation  from  it  does  not  prevent. 

The  public  mind  is  more  awake  to  the  present  measures  before  Congress,  than 
disposed  to  censure  the  past.  No  spirit  of  electioneering  prevails  so  far  as  my 
information  extends  ;  the  farmers  are  well  pleased  with  the  high  price  of  corn. 
&c.,  and  half  of  them  are  so  great  fools  as  to  believe,  that  the  President  has  or 
dered  Englishmen,  French  and  Algerines,  to  come  and  give  the  high  price  for 
which  grain  is  now  selling.  They  wont  quarrel  I  presume,  this  season,  about  any 
thing 

,  We  shall  make  a  strong  effort  to  make  Mr.  Trumbull  deputy,  and  probably  a 
successful  one.  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  invitation  to  visit  you  in  New  York, 
and  mean  to  do  it  in  the  course  of  the  summer. 

I  fear  that  Mr.  Reeve  will  come  to  this  town,  for  though  I  do  not  care  very 
greatly  about  it  on  my  own  account,  I  am  persuaded  that  it  will  be  much  to  his 
prejudice.  The  practice  of  law  has  become  but  a  small  object  in  this  county, 
compared  with  what  it  has  been. 

Col.  Wadsworth  gave  us  a  very  sensible  satisfaction,  by  the  account  he  has 
given  of  the  high  estimation  in  which  you  are  held  by  Mr.  Hamilton  and  the  pub 
lic.  I  could  easily  believe  it,  for  I  knew  you  would  deserve  it.  I  am,  my  dear 
sir,  your  friend, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

The  opinions  expressed  in  the  following  letter  respect 
ing  the  objects  of  a  funding  system,  it  should  be  observed, 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  43 

were  widely  different  from  Mr.  Hamilton's,  and  from  those 
which  the  writer  himself  afterwards  entertained. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  March  27,  1790. 


Congress  are  proceeding  slowly,  but  I  hope  surely,  in  their  deliberations.  A  me 
morial  from  the  Quakers  respecting  the  condition  of  the  Africans,  has  unfortunate 
ly  occasioned  considerable  animation  of  debate.  That  business  has  now  subsided 
without  any  thing  being  accomplished. 

What  system  will  be  adopted  with  respect  to  the  public  debt,  cannot  be  calcu 
lated  on  at  this  time.  Nothing  has  been  done  except  to  pass  a  few  votes,  recognis 
ing  the  obligation  of  the  public.  The  opposition  to  what  has  been  done  proves 
that  great  obstacles  are  yet  to  be  surmounted.  Such  have  been  the  ill  conse 
quences  of  depreciation,  that  all  the  arguments  in  favor  of  every  opinion  are  plau 
sible  and  equivocal. 

I  can  consider  a  funding  system  as  important,  in  no  other  respect  than  as  an 
engine  of  government.  The  only  question  is  what  that  engine  shall  be.  The 
influence  of  a  clergy,  nobility  and  armies,  are  and  ought  to  be  out  of  the  question 
in  this  country  :  but  unless  some  active  principle  of  the  human  mind  can  be  inter 
ested  in  support  of  the  government,  no  civil  establishments  can  be  formed,  which 
will  not  appear  like  useless  and  expensive  pageants,  and,  by  their  unpopularity 
weaken  the  government  which  they  are  intended  to  support.  Perhaps  the  great 
desideratum  is  to  contrive  business  to  be  executed,  which  shall  appear  to  be  im 
portant,  if  it  be  not  so  in  reality,  and  at  the  same  time  have  this  business  of  a 
kind  which  shall  not  depress  the  spirit,  or  check  the  industry  of  the  country. 
Duties  on  most  of  the  articles  imported,  ought  to  be  imposed  from  political  con 
siderations,  even  though  the  money  were  to  be  buried.  If  the  money  is  paid  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  interest  the  people  in  the  government,  and  at  the  same  time 
not  corrupt  their  integrity,  the  circulation  of  a  revenue  answers  a  good  purpose. 
All  taxes  answer  some  good  purposes.  The  propriety  of  imposing  them  can  be 
estimated  only  by  the  circumstances  which  attend  them. 

For  these  reasons  I  think  the  State  debts  ought  to  be  assumed,"  as  without 
the  assumption  the  political  purposes  which  I  have  enumerated,  cannot  be  attain 
ed.  This  will  indeed  increase  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  to  a  degree  which 
will  be  very  inconvenient.  The  taxes  necessary  to  pay  the  interest  will  be  bur 
densome,  and  they  will  appear  to  be  just,  only  to  those  who  believe  that  the  good 
attained  is  more  important  than  the  evil  which  is  suffered. 

The  rate  of  interest  in  my  opinion  ought  to  be  as  low  as  will  answer  the  pub 
lic  expectation,  and  content  the  public  creditors.  On  this  point  the  ablest  men 
have  expressed  different  sentiments.  The  gentlemen  from  the  northern  States 
suppose  the  rates  proposed  too  high.  The  southern  gentlemen  think  them  too 
low.  The  opinions  of  those  who  are  most  accustomed  to  perform  their  promises, 
are  perhaps  of  most  weight. 


44  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

One  great  evil  will  at  all  events  attend  a  funding  system  ;  the  debt  will  be  alie 
nated  to  foreigners,  as  long  as  the  exchange  is  against  this  country.  This  will 
take  place  in  the  same  degree,  let  the  rate  of  interest  be  fixed  as  it  may.  provided 
the  funds  are  considered  as  sure.  Foreigners  buy  for  the  sake  of  the  annuity,  and 
from  a  confidence  in  the  resources  of  the  country.  The  only  question  which  they 
ask  is,  what  is  the  value  of  an  annuity  for  a  given  sum,  payable  in  America.  We 
cannot  check  their  speculations  except  by  lessening  their  confidence  in  our  punc 
tuality. 

Though  E  write  in  this  manner  I  am  here  no  politician.  I  feel  no  interest  and 
take  no  part  in  any  debates.  The  business  in  which  I  am  engaged  engrosses  my 
attention,  and  though  it  is  tedious  at  present,  I  shall  soon  reduce  it  within  limits. 
I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  I  have  hitherto  given  satisfaction.  The  expenses 
of  living  here  will  be  greater  than  I  had  imagined.  I  mean  however  to  save 
something,  and  indulge  the  fond,  but  perhaps  vain  hope  of  living  in  the  country. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  March  28,  1790. 
Dear  Sir, 

*  *  *  # 

Before  I  received  your  letter,  I  had  placed  an  implicit  kind  of  confidence  in  the 
present  plan  of  finance  before  Congress,  and  supposed  that  it  must  be  founded  on 
sufficient  funds.  For  if  that  fails,  the  whole  must  fail,  unless  some  good  Genius 
shall  do  better  with  patching  than  is  commonly  the  case.  I  have  since  attended 
to  it,  but  without  any  conversation  with  any  of  our  politicians.  It  certainly  is  de 
fective  in  this  respect,  that  it  does  not  embrace  direct  taxes  in  some  way.  Per 
haps  the  idea  would  be  unpopular  in  some  parts  of  the  Union  ;  I  believe  the  good 
sense  of  the  people  would  adopt  it  here,  without  much  complaint.  The  present 
popularity  of  the  government  is  not  the  principle  on  which  it  is  to  depend,  but  it 
is  to  be  used  as  the  means  to  obtain  real  power,  which  is  by  a  system  of  finance 
sure,  extensive  and  permanent.  Exorbitant  taxes  are  always  odious,  moderate 
ones  which  go  to  the  property  of  every  individual,  is  perhaps  one  of  the  best  cir 
cumstances  of  respectability.  A  man  ought  to  feel  the  force  of  government,  to 
reverence  it.  Without  a  land  tax  our  wealthiest  farmers  will  pay  but  little. 

External  taxation  unprotected  by  a  navy,  must  always  be  in  jeopardy.  Nor  is 
it  safe  to  leave  the  Union  without  any  arrangements  for  direct,  as  it  will  take 
years  to  devise  the  plan,  and  put  it  into  operation,  and  public  credit  will  sink 
when  most  wanted.  The  system  of  finance  certainly  ought  to  be  a  complete 
whole,  and  the  laws  of  revenue  to  embrace  the  whole  circle  of  the  great  revenue 
objects,  were  it  only  to  have  such  revenue  laws  in  existence  for  future  use. 

Nothing  but  such  a  plan  can  ever  link  together,  and  consolidate  all  parts  of  an 
unconnected  and  extensive  continent. 

But  this  is  like  Phormio's  prating  to  Hannibal  about  war ;  and  so  with  our  best 
wishes  for  yourself  and  family,  that  now  are  and  soon  will  be.  I  once  more  sub 
scribe  myself  your  very  affectionate  friend,  C.  GOODRICH. 


1790.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  45 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  April  23d,  1790. 


Sir, 


I  have  been  happy  to  learn  by  a  variety  of  information,  that  your  conduct  in 
your  department  is  very  acceptable  to  the  officers  of  government ;  this  indeed  is 
no  more  than  what  I  expected.  Your  zeal  in  the  execution  of  your  office,  ought 
(as  probably  I  too  frequently  observe  to  you,)  to  be  consistent  with  a  proper  at 
tention  to  your  health,  and  I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  expect  to  have  it  reduced 
to  a  less  oppressive  condition.  The  superintending  a  business  which  requires 
fifteen  clerks  to  execute,  must  be  extremely  arduous. 

Your  observations  respecting  the  public  debts  as  essential  to  the  existence  of 
the  national  government,  are  undoubtedly  just, — there  certainly  cannot  at  present 
exist  any  other  cement.  The  assumption  of  the  State  debts  is  as  necessary,  and 
indeed  more  so,  for  the  existence  of  the  national  government,  than  those  of  any 
other  description  ;  if  the  state  governments  are  to  provide  for  their  payment, 
these  creditors  will  for  ever  oppose  all  national  provisions,  as  being  inconsistent 
with  their  interest  which  ;  circumstances,  together  with  the  habits  and  pride  of 
the  local  jurisdictions,  will  render  the  states  very  refractory.  A  rejection  to  pro 
vide  for  the  State  debts,  which  it  seems  has  been  done  by  a  committee  of  Con 
gress,  if  persisted  in,  I  consider  as  an  overthrow  of  the  national  government.  I 
perceive  an  idea  has  been  given  out,  that  all  national  pecuniary  provisions  can  be 
made  which  are  necessary,  even  including  the  State  debts,  without  a  direct  taxa 
tion.  I  think,  with  all  my  ignorance  of  the  subject,  that  it  would  be  very  strange 
if  it  could  be  effected  without  a  land  tax,  but  if  it  can,  I  hope  it  will  never  be  at 
tempted,  for  unless  there  shall  be  a  direct  taxation  which .Stall  affect  every  man 
of  property,  the  people  in  general  in  this  country  will  not  have  the  least  appre 
hension  of  the  existence  of  a  national  government,  and  consequently  have  no  re 
gard  for  it  A  direct  taxation  (as  odd  as  it  may  seem,)  is  essentially  necessary  to 
induce  a  people  to  love  their  government. 

Besides,  if  this  mode  of  tax  is  not  introduced  upon  the  first  establishment  of 
government,  and  with  the  influence  of  all  the  public  creditors,  it  is  not  likely  it 
can  be  hereafter  adopted,  but  with  the  greatest  public  disturbance.  I  should 
think  that  the  general  government  would  be  looking  forward  to  the  establishment 
of  a  navy,  to  give  themselves  respectability,  protection,  and  to  preserve  the  peace 
of  the  States.  I  wish  myself  that  Congress  would  prefer  the  white  people  of  this 
country  to  the  blacks.  After  they  have  taken  care  of  the  former,  they  may 
amuse  themselves  with  the  other  people.  The  African  trade  is  a  scandalous  one  ; 
but  let  us  take  care  of  ourselves  first.  *  *  *  *  Yours, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT, 


46  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  April  14th,  1790. 

The  question  of  assuming  the  state  debts  has  been  taken  in  committee  of  the 
whole,  and  lost  by  a  majority  of  two  votes.  The  question  will  be  revived,  as  it 
is  of  too  much  importance  to  be  lost  finally,  if  it  shall  be  possible  to  carry  it. 

I  much  fear  that  the  various  opinions  with  respect  to  the  public  debt  will  not 
soon  be  reconciled,  and  that  the  popularity  of  the  government  will  be  diminished 
by  what  shall  be  adopted.  If  the  Southern  states  were  prepared  for  the  operation 
of  systematic  measures,  all  would  be  well ;  this  is  far  from  being  the  case  ;  many 
very  respectable  characters  entertain  political  opinions  which  would  be  with  us 
thought  very  whimsical,  and  the  general  complexion  of  their  sentiments  can  be 
but  ill  reconciled  with  the  plans  which  have  been  proposed. 


NEW  YORK,  May  8th,  1790. 

#  #  #  * 

Congress  go  on  with  more  zeal  than  usual  in  business,  and  begin  to  make  pro 
gress.  They  will  probably  adopt  the  principles  of  the  Secretary's  report,  except 
with  respect  to  the  state  debts.  Whether  they  are  to  be  assumed,  will  depend  on 
the  verdict  of  public  opinion,  which  will  I  think,  be  finally  in  favour  of  the 
measure. 

The  affairs  of  this  country  are  so  generally  prosperous,  that  public  management 
must  be  very  bad  to  render  the  people  very  unhappy.  It  seems  as  though  all  the 
events  in  Europe  were  concurring  for  the  benefit  of  America.  By  the  last  vessel 
from  France,  we  learn  that  Mr.  Necker  had  stated  a  deficiency  in  the  revenue  of 
this  year  of  nearly  three  hundred  million  livres  ;  that  the  national  assembly  had 
begun  to  emit  paper  money,  and  that  all  public  measures  indicated  the  weak 
ness,  folly  and  turbulence  of  the  democratical  government.  It  is  said  that,  such 
is  the  prevalence  of  the  new  ideas,  that  there  is  little  prospect  of  a  re-establish 
ment  of  the  government  ;  the  nobility,  clergy  and  army  are  destroyed,  and  the 
name  and  figure  of  an  "  aristocrat  "  renders  a  man's  life  unsafe.  Perhaps  some 
of  these  stories  are  magnified,  but  there  remains  no  doubt  that  the  affairs  of  the 
nation  are  ruined  for  some  time. 

In  consequence  of  the  bill  of  rights  agreed  to  by  the  national  assembly,  an  as 
sociation  has  been  formed  for  settling  a  colony  in  the  western  country  of  the 
United  States.  About  one  hundred  Frenchmen  have  arrived  with  the  national 
cockade  in  their  hats,  fully  convinced  that  it  is  one  of  their  natural  rights  to  go 
into  the  woods  of  America  and  cut  down  trees  for  a  living.  I  believe  that  my 
friend  Barlow  has  been  the  principal  agent  in  forming  this  association,  and  if  it 
shall  prove  successful,  it  will  be  a  great  event  and  profitable  for  him. 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  47 


NEW  YORK,  May  22d,  1790. 

Congress  are  debating  a  bill  for  funding  the  public  debt,  exclusive  of  the  state 
debts,  of  which  I  despair  of  a  settlement.  There  is,  however,  a  strong  current 
to  be  opposed,  and  the  success  of  any  measures  may  be  considered  as  dubious. 
I  am  not  certain  that  the  gentlemen  who  embarrass  this  subject,  are  not  as  honest 
men  as  those  who  are  endeavouring  to  establish  some  system.  The  truth  is,  that 
the  government  of  most  of  the  states  were  sa  entirely  prostrated  at  several  peri 
ods  during  the  war,  that  it  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  considerable  certainty  in 
adjusting  the  mutual  claims  of  the  states.  It  is  also  the  case  that  desultory  regu 
lations,  and  knavish  and  weak  persons  who  have  been  empowered  to  establish 
debts  against  the  public,  have  increased  our  burdens  very  improperly.  The 
avidity  of  speculators  has  also  excited  a  resentment  which,  though  not  strictly  ra 
tional,  is  in  a  great  degree  excusable. 

These  circumstances  create  different  sentiments,  both  with  respect  to  the  jus 
tice  of  the  debt  and  the  obligations  of  government  to  discharge  it,  and  as  a  politi 
cal  tie  of  union  the  arguments  which  recommend  a  funding  system  to  one  party 
disgrace  it  in  the  opinions  of  the  other. 

The  people  of  this  country  do  not  appear  to  me  to  harmonize  in  sentiment  on 
governmental  subjects  ;  they  have  the  same  general  interests,  but  when  the  details 
of  systems  are  examined,  and  the  operation  of  particular  laws  discussed,  almost 
insuperable  difficulties  are  presented. 

The  President  has  been  exceedingly  unwell ;  had  the  fears  of  those  acquainted 
with  his  situation  been  verified,  the  consequences  would  have  been  alarming. 
What  is  most  wanted  here  is  stability  and  political  knowledge.  There  are  men 
of  great  abilities  and  of  extensive  science  ;  but  they  are  in  some  instances  prone  f 
to  indulge  their  minds  in  fanciful  theories  of  republican  liberty.  Some  few  mis 
take  cunning  for  wisdom. 

The  office  which  I  hold  is  the  most  burdensome  under  the  government,  but  1 
shall  execute  it  in  the  best  manner  which  I  can.  What  degree  of  success  I  may 
expect,  is  entirely  uncertain. 


TO  HIS  MOTHER. 

NEW  YORK,  May  31,  1790 

*  *  «  * 

We  are  now  conveniently  situated  in  a  very  healthy  and  convenient  part  of  the 
town,  and  expect  to  live  more  at  ease  than  we  have  done,  and  shall  be  happy  to 
see  such  of  our  friends  as  will  visit  us.  From  my  brother  we  have  received  a 
promise  which  we  expect  he  will  shortly  fulfil  with  good  faith.  I  have  nothing 
new  to  inform  you,  not  even  in  the  world  of  politics,  of  which  you  can  wish  to 
be  informed,  except  that  the  House  of  Representatives  have  this  day  resolved  to 
remove  to  Philadelphia.  This  event  is  indifferent  to  me,  except  as  it  will  require 
me  to  remove  farther  from  my  friends.  It  cannot,  however,  be  a  matter  of  great 


48  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

consequence  even  in  this  respect,  as  I  can  hear  from  them  as  frequently  as  at  this 
place,  and  whenever  lean  visit  them  at  all,  the  difference  of  the  journey  will  not 
be  considerable.  I  often  think  of  you  and  my  friends,  and  regret  that  my  fortune 
in  life  compels  me  to  live  from  them — a  hope,  which  is  perhaps  vain,  is  frequently 
indulged  that  some  incident  will  enable  me  to  return,  with  a  prospect  of  business 
which  will  support  me.  In  all  events,  it  will  be  my  constant  prayer  that  you  and 
they  may  live  in  health  and  prosperity. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

JULY  4th,  1790. 

*  #  *  # 

With  respect  to  public  business  in  the  country,  I  can  form  no  definite  calculation. 
Congress  are  still  disputing  whether  they  shall  fund  the  debt.  The  assumption  of 
the  state  debts  this  session  is  an  improbable  event.  Direct  taxes  are  the  political 
abhorrence  of  the  day,  and  I  believe  that  a  majority  cannot  be  induced  to  vote  for 
anything  resembling  an  excise.  Thus,  it  seems,  all  the  revenues  are  expected  to 
be  derived  from  duties  on  importations.  *  * 

I  wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  give  you  a  pleasing  account  of  the  state  of  our 
public  affairs.  Nothing  is  yet  done,  nor  can  I  determine  from  the  votes  in  Congress 
what  any  one  wishes  or  expects  to  do.  The  question  respecting  the  state  debts 
is  not  given  up.  Continual  negociations  are  making  with  regard  to  it.  The 
question  of  residence  is  also  continually  entangling  every  measure  which  is  pro 
posed,  and  a  party  which  is  gained  by  one  proposition,  is  frequently  lost  by  the 
resentment  which  another  party  can  excite  by  bringing  up  some  other  question. 
There  are  in  Congress  all  the  varieties  of  opinion  that  can  be  imagined.  Some 
believe  that  the  public  debt  has  qualities  that  are  most  sacred.  These  insist  that 
nothing  shall  be  done  which  does  not  imply  the  greatest  veneration  for  the  public 
creditors  ;  others  imagine  that  their  claims  are  principally  founded  in  accident  or 
fraud,  and  wish  to  disavow  the  obligations  of  the  late  government.  In  the  mean 
between  these  two  extremes,  the  truth  probably  lies ;  and  if  anything  is  completed, 
the  result  will  be  a  proposal  for  a  new  loan  of  the  public  debt,  at  about  four  per 
cent,  interest  With  respect  to  residence,  I  think  we  shall  finally  settle  in  Phila 
delphia,  where  the  consequences  stated  in  your  letter  will  be  perceived.  Some 
indications  of  a  spirit  too  imperious  have  appeared.  ...Indeed,  all  the  disputes  of 
this  session  may,  in  my  opinion,  be  traced  to  the  rival  claims  for  pre-eminence 
between  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  These 
states  have  very  important  interests  at  stake,  which  cannot  easily  be  reconciled, 
and  the  consciousness  which  they  have  of  their  weight  in  the  government,  pre 
vents  them  from  exercising  all  the  moderation  which  our  present  circumstances 
require. 


1790.J  OF  WASHINGTON.  49 

TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK,  July  20,  1790. 

*  *  *  * 

The  comptroller  is  unable  to  attend  constantly  to  the  business  of  his  office, 
which  renders  my  attention  somewhat  more  necessary. 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  people  of  the  country  should  feel  disappointment  at 
the  delays  of  Congress.  You  may,  however,  be  assured  that  a  great  majority  are 
honestly  attempting  to  serve  the  public.  They  disagree,  it  is  true,  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  this  is  to  be  effected,  and  this  is  to  be  imputed,  in  a  great 
measure,  to  the  real  difficulties  which  attend  the  subjects  of  their  deliberation. 

The  business  of  the  residence  is  settled.  We  are  to  remove  before  the  1st  of 
December  to  Philadelphia,  and  if  we  live  so  long,  in  ten  years,  to  the  Indian 
place  with  the  long  name  on  the  Potowmac.* 

The  great  question  is  now  respecting  the  interest.  Our  friend,  Mr.  Ellsworth, 
in  the  Senate,  has  been  of  opinion  that  it  was  not  expedient  to  attempt  to  fund 
the  public  debt  at  a  higher  rate  of  interest  than  four  per  cent.  That  this  sum, 
punctually  paid,  would  answer  the  expectations  of  the  creditors,  the  requirements 
of  justice,  and  would  better  secure  the  public  honor  than  a  promise  of  a  higher 
provision,  which  would,  under  the  circumstances  of  this  country,  be  attended  with 
greater  risque  of  failure. 

He  has  also  been  dissatisfied  with  the  Secretary's  proposal  of  leaving  one-third 
of  the  debt  unfunded  for  ten  years,  as  this  measure  would  tend  to  encourage 
speculations,  and  would  leave,  after  ten  years,  a  great  burden  upon  the  country, 
with  little  advantage  to  the  creditors,  who  would  probably  alienate  their  demands 
to  foreigners,  who  would  purchase  that  part  of  the  debt  at  a  low  rate. 

These  opinions  have  been  supported  by  him  with  all  that  boldness  and  reason 
which  give  him  a  predominant  influence  in  the  Senate.  He  has,  however,  been 
warmly  opposed,  and  a  compromise,  it  is  said,  has  been  made  to  fund  the  principal 
of  the  domestic  debt  in  the  following  manner : 

For  every  $100  principal,  66  2-3  to  be  funded  presently  at  6  per  cent.,  and 
26  88-100  after  ten  years  at  the  same  rate.  The  indents  and  all  arrearages  of 
interest,  which  amount  to  about  one-third  of  the  debt,  to  be  funded  at  three  per 
cent.  This,  it  is  said,  will  give  about  4s.  3  per  cent,  interest  for  the  entire  debt. 

A  resolution  has  passed  the  Senate  for  funding  the  state  debts  at  the  same  rate 
as  the  continental  debt  ;  but  all  these  things  may,  and  probably  will  assume  a 
different  modification  before  the  session  is  completed. 

The  House  have  passed  an  additional  impost  act,  by  which  the  duties  are 
increased  about  33  1-3  per  cent.  This  has  not  yet  passed  the  Senate. 

These  are  the  principal  matters  of  which  lam  able  to  inform  you  at  this  time, 
as  the  post  will  leave  the  town  directly.  *  *  *  * 

a  Conococheague^ 
VOL.    1.  5 


50  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK>  July  27th,  1790. 

Yesterday,  the  question  for  assuming  the  state  debts  was  carried  in  the  House 
by  a  majority  of  six  votes.  Both  Houses  having  agreed  on  this  question,  it  will 
probably  be  carried  into  effect. 

No  bill  for  ways  and  means  has  been  settled  ;  the  House  have  passed  a  bill  for 
extending  the  impost.  It  is  said  that  some  considerable  alterations  will  be  made 
in  the  Senate.  If  they  should  propose  what  has  been  called  an  excise,  a  long 
debate  will  probably  ensue,  and  if  they  agree  to  the  bill  of  the  House,  they  risk 
much  upon  the  pacific  temper  of  the  merchants  and  the  vigilance  of  public 
officers.  I  think  it  is  unfortunate  that  they  have  so  limited  themselves  with 
respect  to  a  revenue  system. 

The  House  have  disagreed  to  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  to  the  funding  bill, 
by  raising  interest  to  four  per  cent.,  and  engaging  to  fund  the  full  remaining  third 
of  the  principal  of  the  debt  after  seven  years,  instead  of  ten  years,  as  was  pro 
posed  by  the  Senate.  On  this  question,  the  Senate  have  not  yet  decided.  The 
system  for  funding  the  public  debt  is,  in  my  opinion,  too  intricate,  and  the  part 
which  is  to  be  funded,  at  a  future  time,  will  nourish  improper  speculations,  per 
petuate  the  ideas  of  depreciation,  and  will  be  transferred  to  foreigners  at  a  low 
value.  The  country  will  be  charged  with  a  heavy  debt,  and  will  receive  but  a 
small  consideration.  "**^-  *  *  * 

TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK,  July  29th,  1790. 

1  am  here  in  the  old  way,  as  grave,  though  I  hope  not  quite  so  whimsical  as  a 
bachelor.  Our  good  neighbours  and  Mr.  Langdon  have  much  sport  at  my 
expense,  which  I  would  not  mention  except  that,  in  my  opinion,  their  jokes  afford 
an  indirect  compliment  to  me  and  you  as  good  people  who  have  an  affection  for 
each  other.  I  shall  come  and  see  you  as  soon  as  possible,  though  the  precise  time 
is  uncertain.  Mr.  Eveleigh  has  been  very  unwell ;  he  will  be  obliged  to  go  into 
the  country  for  the  recovery  of  his  health,  and  this  renders  my  attention  here 
rather  more  necessary  than  usual. 

Tell  all  friends  who  enquire  about  politics,  that  the  Congress  begin  to  proceed 
with  success  ;  that  they  have  assumed  the  state  debts,  and  done  a  variety  of  good 
things  to  pacify  the  people  who  censure  them.  You  must  also  make  apologies  to 
all  of  them  for  my  negligence  in  writing,  and  mention  your  reasons  for  believing 
that  I  remember  them  with  sincere  affection. 

NEW  YORK,  August  8th,  1790. 

Another  motion  has  been  made  in  Congress  for  continuing  in  this  city.  It  has 
failed,  so  that  our  removal  may  be  considered  as  certain.  If  I  can  gain  a  good 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  51 

opportunity,  I  shall  go  to  Philadelphia  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  a  house.  I 
am  not  pleased  with  this  plan  of  removing,  especially  as  it  will  occasion  an 
expense  which  I  cannot  well  support.  I  mean  to  live  with  as  much  economy  as 
possible,  and  if,  after  all,  I  get  into  gaol,  I  shall  expect  Congress  will  redeem 
me.  At  any  rate,  I  will  not  feel  anxiety  with  respect  to  matters  which  I  cannot 
control. 

It  is  expected  that  Congress  will  adjourn  on  Tuesday  or  Wednesday,  at  which 
time  I  will  write  you  again.  Mr.  Eveleigh  has  gone  to  New  Lebanon  Springs 
for  his  health.  This  renders  it  difficult  for  me  to  set  any  precise  time  to  come 
and  see  you.  You  need  not  feel  any  concern  on  my  account ;  my  health  is  very 
good,  and  the  business  which  has  been  most  fatiguing  to  me  is  completed.  I  live 
the  life  of  a  sober  bachelor,  and  the  servants  are  very  regular  and  attentive.  All 
is  as  well  as  can  be  while  you  are  absent,  and  the  thoughts  which  I  indulge  of  the 
happiness  you  enjoy  with  our  friends  render  me  tolerably  contented. 


On  the  eleventh  of  August,  Congress  adjourned  to  meet 
at  Philadelphia  on  the  first  Monday  of  December. 

As  an  account  of  the  financial  history  of  the  country 
during  a  subsequent  period  will  form  a  part  of  this  work, 
it  will  be  deemed  necessary  to  state  briefly,  in  passing,  the 
principal  features  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  administration. 

The  funding  system,  the  leading  measure  of  this  session, 
was,  in  fact,  the  basis  of  all  that  followed ;  and  to  effect 
its  object  in  the  payment  of  the  national  debt,  many  of  the 
others  were  chiefly  intended  as  means.  Of  the  origin  of 
that  debt,  of  the  reasons  for  giving  it  the  form  which  it  now 
received,  and  the  arguments  advanced  by  its  author  and 
advocates  in  their  support,  it  would,  of  course,  be  improper 
here  to  speak  ;  but  a  sketch  of  the  plan  on  which  the  debt 
was  consolidated,  and  put  in  a  condition  to  be  discharged, 
is  essential  for  the  purpose  of  future  reference. 

The  act  passed  in  consequence  of  Hamilton's  recom 
mendations,  differed  in  many  of  its  details  from  the  system 
as  proposed  by  him,  but  in  its  general  outline  was  the  same. 
It  is  sufficient  to  notice  that  actually  adopted. 

The  debt  of  the  United  States,  collectively,  was,  at  this 
time,  distinguishable  into  two  kinds — the  foreign  and 
domestic  debt, 


52  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

The  foreign  debt  consisted  of 

Principal, bearing  an  interest  of  4  and  5per  cent $  10,070,307  00 

Arrears  of  interest  to  Dec.  31,  1789, 1,640,071  62 


$11,710,378  62 

The  domestic  debt  was  subdivided  into  liquidated  and 
unliquidated,  principal  and  interest : 

Principal  of  the  liquidated,  bearing  6  per  cent,  interest, $27,383,917  74 

Arrears  of  interest  to  Dec.  31,  1790, 13,030,168  20 


40,414,085  94 
Unliquidated,  estimated  at 2,000,000  00 


Making  in  all $54,124,464  56 


The  debts  of   the  individual  states  were  moreover  estimated, 

principal  and  interest,  at  about $25,000,000  00 

The  mode  adopted  in  the  act  for  systematizing  the 
whole  was  as  follows  : 

The  foreign  debt  was,  at  all  events,  to  be  paid  according 
to  its  terms,  and  provision  was  made,  in  the  first  place,  by 
appropriating  the  revenue  derived  from  foreign  duties  on 
imported  goods,  and  on  the  tonnage  of  vessels,  to  the 
payment  of  interest  and  principal ;  six  hundred  thousand 
dollars  per  annum  being  first  deducted  for  the  support  of 
government.  The  President  was  likewise  authorised  to 
borrow  a  sum  not  exceeding  $12,000,000,  reimbursable  in 
15  years,  to  pay  off  the  arrears  of  interest  arid  the  instal 
ments  already  due,  and  if  the  change  could  be  made  on 
advantageous  terms,  to  pay  off  the  principal. 

The  domestic  debt  of  the  Union  and  the  state  debts 
were  funded.  The  former  existed  in  various  shapes.  To 
provide  for  it,  a  loan  was  authorized  to  be  opened  at  the  trea 
sury  and  at  loan  offices  established  in  each  state,  for  its  full 
amount.  Subscriptions  to*  this  loan  were  receivable  in  the 
evidences  both  of  the  principal  and  of  the  interest  of  the  old 
debt  at  par,  and  in  continental  money,  at  the  rate  of  one 
hundred  dollars  in  bills  to  one  in  specie.  Subscribers  of  the 
principal  received  two-thirds  of  the  amount  in  six  per  cent. 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  53 

stock,  bearing  a  present  interest ;  and  to  induce  creditors  to 
subscribe  by  rendering  this  stock  a  desirable  investment  in 
point  of  permanency,  the  government  were  not  to  pay  more 
than  two  per  cent,  per  annum  on  account  of  the  principal. 
For  the  remaining  third,  six  per  cent,  stock  was  also  issued, 
but  the  interest  was  not  to  commence  until  after  the  year 
1800.  Subscribers  on  account  of  arrears  of  interest  received 
certificates  of  three  per  cent,  stock  to  the  whole  amount, 
redeemable  at  any  time.  Non-subscribing  were  allowed 
the  same  interest  as  subscribing  creditors  for  the  year  1791, 
on  renewing  and  liquidating  their  certificates  to  specie 
value. 

The  debts  of  the  individual  states  were  assumed  and 
funded  in  this  wise : 

A  third  loan  was  authorised  of  $21,500,000,  the  amount 
assumed,  receivable  in  the  principal  and  interest  of  the 
certificates  or  notes  issued  ly  the  states  for  general  or  parti 
cular  defence,  prior  to  January  1st,  1790.  This  gross 
amount  was  apportioned  among  the  states,  and  it  was 
provided  that  in  case  of  an  excess  being  subscribed  over 
the  ratio  of  any  one  state,  that  a  proportionate  allowance 
only  be  made.  The  interest  to  the  end  of  1791  was  to 
become  principal.  The  stock  issued  for  the  debts  thus 
assumed,  bore  interest  in  a  manner  somewhat  different 
from  that  of  the  domestic  debt.  Four-ninths  bore  six  per 
cent,  interest,  to  commence  with  the  year  1792,  one-third 
three  per  cent.,  and  the  balance,  two-ninths,  bore  six  per 
cent,  after  1800.  Where  the  whole  amount  to  which  a 
state  was  entitled,  was  not  subscribed,  interest  on  the 
balance  was  paid  to  the  state  in  trust  for  the  creditors. 
Each  state  was  made  indebted  to  the  United  States  for  the 
amount  subscribed  and  the  sums  thus  paid. 

The  sums  derived  from  the  revenue  laws  and  remaining 
after  the  before  mentioned  appropriation,  were  pledged  for 
the  payment  of  interest  on  the  stocks  thus  created.  The 
faith  of  the  United  States  was  likewise  pledged  to  provide 

5* 


54  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

further  revenues  if  necessary,  and  the  proceeds  of  the  public 
lands  were  devoted  to  the  discharge  of  the  principal  of  this 
debt. 

The  gross  amounts  of  the  several  kinds  of  debt  as  thus 
constituted,  ultimately  differed  somewhat  from  the  original 
estimates.  The  amount  existing  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1791,  was  generally  adopted  by  the  federalists  as  the  basis 
of  calculation,  and  will  be  hereafter  given. 

It  yet  remained  to  settle  the  accounts  between  the  United 
States  and  the  respective  states,  in  order  to  equalize  their 
expenditures  during  the  war.  By  a  subsequent  act  of  this 
session,  three  commissioners  were  appointed  to  examine 
the  claims  exhibited  and  determine  on  those  accrued  for 
general  or  particular  defence.  They  were  to  debit  the 
states  with  advances  made  to  them  and  interest  thereon  to 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1790,  and  to  credit  them  with 
disbursements  and  advances,  with  interest  to  the  same 
period,  and,  having  struck  a  balance,  to  apportion  the 
aggregate  of  all  the  balances.  The  difference  between 
the  apportionments  and  the  respective  balances  to  be 
carried  in  a  new  account  to  their  debit  or  credit,  as  the 
case  might  be.  This  apportionment  was  to  be  made 
according  to  the  ratio  of  representation  as  ascertained  by 
the  first  census.  The  states  having  balances  to  their 
credit  were  entitled  to  have  them  funded  in  the  same 
.manner  as  the  rest  of  the  domestic  debt. 

The  national  debt  having  thus  obtained  a  tangible  form, 
measures  were  brought  forward  to  provide  for  its  payment ; 
they  were,  of  course,  progressive,  and  some  years  elapsed 
before  the  system  was  completed.  Congress,  at  the  first 
session,  had  commenced  by  laying  duties  on  imports,  and 
new  acts  were  passed  at  the  present,  imposing  a  duty  on 
the  tonnage  of  vessels  ;  altering  and  extending  the  objects 
of  the  former  duties,  and  providing  for  their  more  efficient 
collection.  As  it  was  desirable  that  the  burden  of  the 
debt  should  be  removed  within  the  time  to  which  the  mere 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  55 

reimbursements,  at  the  rate  of  two  per  cent,  per  annum, 
would  extend  it,  the  nucleus  of  a  sinking  fund  was 
created  by  the  appropriation  of  the  revenue  for  the  current 
year,  after  deducting  previous  appropriations,  to  its  pur 
chase  at  its  then  low  value.  The  purchases  were  to  be 
made  under  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  Senate, 
the  Chief  Justice,  the  Secretaries  of  State  and  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  Attorney  General,  acting  with  the 
assent  of  the  President.  The  President  was  also  autho 
rized  to  borrow  $2,000,000  for  the  same  purpose,  and  the 
interest  accruing  on  the  stock  which  should  be  thus  bought 
in,  was  to  be  applied  to  repay  the  loan.  The  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands  when  sold,  had  before  been  pledged  to  the 
discharge  of  the  debt. 

The  measures  for  the  restoration  of  public  credit  thus 
commenced,  had  the  most  happy  effect  upon  the  country. 
Increased  confidence  in  the  resources  and  good  faith  of  the 
nation  begot  increased  activity,  and  its  consequent  effects 
were  seen  every  where,  in  the  revival  of  agriculture  and 
commerce ;  general  prosperity  bid  fair  soon  to  succeed 
the  apathy  and  depression  which  existed  under  the  con 
federacy. 

The  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States  at  this  time, 
it  may  be  mentioned,  were  on  the  contrary  far  from  satis 
factory.  France  and  Holland  were  the  only  nations  with 
which  a  favorable  state  of  affairs  existed.  Great  Britain 
had  no  minister  in  this  country,  and,  since  the  return  of 
Mr.  Adams,  none  had  been  appointed  to  that  court  from 
the  United  States.  During  this  summer,  some  informal 
attempts  were  made,  but  fruitlessly,  by  Mr.  Morris,  who 
was  commissioned  as  agent  for  that  purpose,  to  arrange 
the  difficulties  arising  out  of  the  non-execution  of  the  treaty 
of  peace.  Mr.  Carrnichael  had  been  sent,  in  April,  as 
charge  to  Spain ;  but  his  efforts  to  adjust  the  points  of 
controversy  with  that  country,  respecting  the  boundary 
and  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  were  attended  with 


56  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

the  like  fate.  A  treaty  with  the  Creek  nation  of  Indians 
was  effected  by  Col.  Willett — an  object  heretofore  defeated 
by  the  authorities  of  the  adjoining  Spanish  colonies.  At 
tempts  made  to  effect  a  similar  one  with  the  tribes  north 
of  the  Ohio  failed,  as  it  was  supposed,  through  the  influ 
ence  of  the  British,  and  an  expedition  against  them,  under 
Gen.  Harmar,  met  with  a  defeat. 

TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK,  August  26th,  1790. 

I  find  it  but  a  dull  business  to  live  alone,  especially  since  Congress  have  adjourned. 
The  difference  which  this,  and  the  removals  of  the  citizens  into  the  country  has 
made  in  the  appearance  of  the  city,  is  much  greater  than  I  could  have  imagined. 
I  have  heard  or  seen,  I  know  not  which,  the  advice  which  you  sent  to  Miss  M. 
and  Miss  W.,  to  inform  you  how  I  behave.  Miss  M.  has  gone  into  the  country 
and  Miss  W.  cannot  give  you  much  information.  I  know  more  than  both  of 
them  respecting  the  matter,  and  if  I  did  not  fear  that  this  letter  would  fail  of  a 
direct  conveyance,  would  give  you  a  history  of  all  my  proceedings.  In  general 
I  have  behaved  well,  but  to  enumerate  my  good  actions  would  savour  of  vanity, 
for  which  reason  I  am  prevented  from  affording  a  great  part  of  the  history  of 
my  conduct ;  I  do  not  think  that  what  has  been  amiss  ought  to  be  published  to 
the  world,  which  is  as  good  a  reason  why  the  remaining  part  ought  not  to  be 
committed  to  writing. 

As  I  know  you  cannot  have  done  any  thing  which  is  not  praiseworthy,  and 
as  the  ladies  are  permitted  by  custom  to  compliment  themselves,  it  will  be  per 
fectly  proper,  and  will  be  a  satisfaction  to  me  to  know  how  you  have  behaved, 
which  I  doubt  not  you  will  be  good  enough  to  inform  me.  I  suppose  the  reason 
that  I  have  not  heard  from  Litchfield,  has  been  that  my  friends  supposed  me  to 
be  from  the  city.  It  is  a  sore  disappointment  that  I  have  not,  but  Mr.  Eveleigh's 
sickness,  and  the  labour  necessary  to  prepare  to  execute  the  acts  passed  the  last 
session  have  absolutely  prevented.  At  no  future  period  will  my  business  be  so 
burdensome  as  it  has  been,  and  in  one  or  two  years  it  will  be  easy.  The  busi 
ness  of  the  loan  office,  mentioned  by  you,  is  not  worth  accepting,  it  will  be  bur 
densome  and  the  expenses  will  for  some  time  consume  the  whole  salary.  Be 
sides,  Mr.  Imlay's  claims  were  such  that  it  would  have  been  dishonourable  to 
have  attempted  to  interfere  with  them. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  6th,  1790. 

I  have  for  some  time  been  anxiously  expecting  to  proceed  on  a  journey  to  my 
friends  ;  but  the  absence  au.l  sickness  of  the  comptroller,  and  the  indispensable 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  57 

necessity  of  making  the  necessary  arrangements  for  executing  the  funding  sys 
tem  have  hitherto  prevented.  I  have  been  to  Philadelphia  to  procure  a  house, 
and  have  succeeded,  though  with  some  difficulty.  I  am  to  pay  the  excessive 
rent  of  one  hundred  pounds,  which  if  known  would  probably  divert  some  of  the 
envy  which  my  old  acquaintances  feel  on  account  of  the  "  high  salary  "  which  is 
given  me.  The  Philadelphians  tell  me  to  keep  up  my  spirits,  that  rents  will  be 
lower.  I  believe  they  will  be  so  in  another  year,  but  the  expenses  of  living  and 
removing,  will  for  this  year  exhaust  my  earnings. 

The  revenue  of  this  country  under  the  old  act  has  answered  the  most  sanguine 
expectations.  I  hope  no  disappointment  will  happen  with  respect  to  the  new 
system.  The  funding  bill  is  by  far  more  complex  than  it  ought  to  be  in  my 
opinion,  but  the  inconveniences  will  in  a  great  measure  rest  upon  the  executive 
officers  of  the  revenue  department  whose  labours  will  be  greatly  increased.11 


TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  7th,  1790. 

I  have  at  length  been  to  Philadelphia,  and  with  much  difficulty  have  procured 
a  house  in  Third  Street,  which  is  a  reputable  part  of  the  city.  The  rent  is  one 
hundred  pounds,  which  is  excessive,  being  near  double  what  would  have  been 
exacted  before  the  question  of  residence  was  determined.  If  the  rent  was  more 
reasonable  I  should  be  contented  for  the  ensuing  year,  after  which  a  better  choice 
and  lower  rents  are  to  be  expected. 

Philadelphia  is  a  large  and  elegant  city.  It  did  not  however,  strike  me  with 
all  the  astonishment  which  the  citizens  predicted.  Like  the  rest  of  mankind  the 
Philadelphians  judge  favourably  of  their  city  and  themselves,  and  their  represen 
tations  are  to  be  admitted  with  some  deductions. 

You  know  all  the  important  business  of  the  last  session  remained  unfinished 
until  the  last  days — among  others  the  funding  bill  of  which  so  much  has  been  said. 
This  bill  is  to  take  effect  on  the  first  day  of  October,  and  all  the  plans  and  ar 
rangements  for  executing  the  system  must  be  made  in  season.  These  regulations 
are  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  public,  and  the  reputation  of  all  concerned 
in  framing  them  is  interested  in  them.  On  account  of  the  absence  of  the  Comp 
troller,  considerable  business  of  this  nature  has  devolved  on  me,  and  though  I 
wish  much  to  see  you  and  the  little  boy,  yet  I  cannot  at  this  time  be  spared  without 
injury  to  the  public  business  and  missing  an  opportunity  favourable  to  my  views. 

a  This  system,  as  has  been  mentioned  Mr.  Hamilton's  plan,  and  lost  much  of  its 
in  the  text,  was  altered  in  the  )a.w  from  simplicity. 


FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  '2 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  14th,  1790. 

*  #  *  * 

We  have  no  news,  the  country  is,  I  believe,  pretty  quiet.  Some  contentions 
respecting  the  new  elections  exist,  but  they  are  matters  of  course.  It  will  be 
several  years  before  we  shall  know  certainly,  whether  the  new  constitution  will 
answer  the  purpose.  I  think  it  will,  as  measures  have  succeeded  hitherto  ac 
cording  to  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  its  best  friends.  We  want  men  of 
political  experience  in  Congress,  and  to  administer  the  government,  but  where 
the  general  affairs  of  society  are  prosperous,  it  must  be  a  very  bad  administration 
which  overturns  a  government. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  21st,  1790. 

*  *  *  * 

I  have  no  special  news  to  communicate  except  that  a  story  prevails  here,  and 
is  credited,  that  Spain  has  relinquished  the  right  of  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
to  the  United  States.  If  this  is  true,  we  shall  soon  receive  notice  of  it  from  the 
President. 

There  seems  to  be  no  certainty  with  respect  to  the  negociations  between  Spain 
and  Great  Britain.  It  has  ever  been  my  opinion  that  the  dispute  would  be  set 
tled  amicably. 

The  rage  for  abolishing  monarchy  is  extending  through  Europe.  Late  ac 
counts  from  Hungary  inform  us  that  violent  commotions  prevail  in  that  kingdom. 
If  the  French  do  not  carry  their  innovations  too  far,  it  is  probable  that  there  will 
be  a  general  revolution  in  favour  of  liberty  in  most  of  the  European  governments. 

The  present  time  is  one  when  the  greatest  complaints  are  to  be  expected  against 
the  government  of  this  country,  as  the  new  elections  are  approaching  ;  notwith 
standing  which,  no  alarming  uneasiness  appears  to  prevail.  The  Northern  States 
are  somewhat  unhappy  with  respect  to  high  salaries  and  pensions,  the  middle 
states  are  vexed  at  the  assumption  of  the  state  debts,  and  the  southern  planters 
are  execrating  the  politics  of  the  Quakers.  These  things  will  not  however  much 
effect  the  government. 

,  Pennsylvania  has  just  begun  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  candidates  for  the  im 
portant  office  of  governor.  Either  Gen.  Mifflin  or  Gen.  St.  Clair  will  succeed. 
Much  abuse  and  recrimination  has  happened.  From  what  little  I  have  heard 
and  seen,  the  merits  of  the  candidates  are  pretty  equal  and  the  language  of  fac 
tion  with  respect  to  both  is  probably  more  just  than  commonly  happens  on  such 


1790.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  59 

TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  3d,  1790. 


I  live  here  exactly  like  an  owl,  in  one  month  more  I  should  become  one, 
indeed  I  would  not  live  such  another  month  as  the  last  for  any  thing  which  I  can 
expect  to  obtain  by  common  fortune.  My  health  though  not  confirmed  is  mend 
ing.  I  take  the  bark  and  bathe  every  morning,  by  which  you  will  know  that  I 
am  recovering.  I  have  sent  off  a  part  of  my  office  papers  and  furniture  ;  and 
have  got  our  glasses  packed  and  cases  made  for  the  other  furniture,  the  rest  of 
the  business  can  be  done  in  a  short  time  when  I  am  otherwise  ready. 

You  can  hardly  conceive  the  plague  which  it  is  to  move  the  offices  in  a  pro 
per  manner.  I  shall  however  have  that  business  principally  done  by  the  clerks. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  24,   1790. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  we  have  safely  arrived  in  this  city.  I 
have  yet  seen  but  little  of  it,  but  trust  that  I  shall  grow  reconciled  to  my  situa 
tion.  The  expenses  of  living  will  not  be  quite  so  great  as  I  expected,  though  I 
shall  not  be  able  to  save  much,  if  any  thing  from  my  salary.  The  house  which 
I  live  in  is  a  very  good  one,  and  in  a  very  a}ry  and  reputable  part  of  the  city. 

The  country  is  generally  very  quiet.  Virginia  has  voted  that  the  assumption 
of  the  State  debts  was  unconstitutional  ;  but  I  have  been  informed  that  they  have 
refused  to  provide  funds  for  their  own  debt,  therefore  their  creditors  must  soon 
subscribe.  It  is  fortunate  that  there  can  be  no  successful  opposition  to  this  mea 
sure  ,  without  an  open  rebellion  against  the  laws.  The  opinion  of  the  legislature 
is  not  of  much  importance. 

If  the  general  government  get  money,  all  will  go  on  well.  A  short  time  will 
now  put  the  government  to  a  trial  of  its  efficiency.  *  *  * 


Congress,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  met  again  on  the  first 
Monday  of  December,  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia  ;  the 
business  of  the  most  urgent  importance  was  an  additional 
provision  for  the  support  of  public  credit,  resolutions  passed 
at  the  last  session,  had  required  of  the  Secretary  further 
plans  for  this  object,  and  they  were  now  furnished. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1790,  there  was  a  considerable 
surplus  of  revenue  beyond  the  objects  of  expenditure,  which 
had  required  a  provision  for  that  period,  no  interest  being 
payable  on  the  funded  debt  during  this  year,  and  the 


60  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

amount  had  been  applied  under  the  act  of  the  last  session 
to  the  purchase  of  debts. 

Sufficient  provision  already  existed  for  the  payment  of 
interest  on  the  foreign  debt,  and  for  the  chief  part  of  that 
on  the  old  domestic  debt.  Additional  revenue  was  now 
required  for  the  deficiency  in  this  latter,  and  for  the  inter 
est  on  the  assumed  debt,  which  would  commence  with  the 
year  1792.  For  this  purpose  the  Secretary  recommended 
a  further  duty  on  foreign  distilled  spirits,  and  a  new  duty 
on  those  of  domestic  manufacture.  A  bill  founded  upon 
the  recommendations  of  this  report,  was  accordingly  in 
troduced,  and  though  strongly  opposed  by  the  southern 
and  western  members,  which  latter  represented  the  dis 
tricts  most  affected  by  it,  at  length  became  a  law. 

Having  thus  obtained  the  means  of  discharging  the  na 
tional  obligations,  it  remained  to  devise  the  most  proper 
and  efficient  mode  of  applying  them  to  the  contemplated 
object.  As  the  best  instrument  for  the  collection  of  the  im 
port  duties,  and  for  the  safe  keeping  and  transmission  of 
the  public  monies,  the  Secretary  recommended  a  National 
Bank,  and  submitted  a  plan  for  its  establishment.  In  Feb 
ruary  an  act  was  passed  in  accordance  with  his  report 
incorporating  the  BANK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  charter  of  this  institution  was  limited  to  twenty  years. 
The  capital  was  $10,000,000,  of  which  $2,000,000  were 
subscribed  on  behalf  of  the  government,  and  it  was  re 
stricted  to  six  percent,  interest  on  its  loans.  The  subscrip 
tions  of  individuals  were  payable,  one  fourth  in  gold  and 
silver,  and  three-fourths  in  the  six  per  cent,  stocks,  bearing 
a  present  interest,  or  in  three  per  cents.,  at  one  half  their 
nominal  value. 

The  subscription  on  the  part  of  the  government  was  to 
be  paid  out  of  monies  borrowed  under  previous  acts,  the 
government  borrowing  again  the  full  amount  from  the  bank, 
to  be  reimbursed  in  ten  annual  instalments  with  interest. 

No  future  loans  exceeding  one  hundred  thousand   dol- 


1791.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  61 

lars,  were  to  be  made  to  the  United  States,  except  by  au 
thority  of  law.  The  bank  was  authorized  to  establish 
offices  of  discount  and  deposit  in  the  several  States,  and 
its  notes  were  made  receivable  in  payment  of  dues  to  the 
government.  It  was  authorised  to  sell  the  stock  of  the 
United  States,  but  not  to  become  a  purchaser. 

The  creation  of  a  national  bank  marked,  in  the  opinion 
of  Judge  Marshall,  an  era  in  the  organization  of  our  politi 
cal  sects.  The  lapse  of  half  a  century  has  since  seen  the 
same  institution  more  than  once  a  monument  of  their  con 
tests,  alternately  re-created  and  destroyed  by  its  first  ene 
mies  ;  and  the  question  is  not  yet  settled  whether  men  or 
principles  have  changed. 

Another  measure  recommended  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  was 
the  establishment  of  a  MINT,  and  the  creation  of  a  national 
currency.  The  subject  was  discussed  at  length  in  all  its 
bearings,  and  the  project  of  the  office,  as  well  as  the  num 
ber  and  value  of  the  coins  suggested.  The  length  of  the 
debates  on  the  subjects  above-mentioned,  prevented  any 
further  action  on  this  than  the  passage  of  a  joint  resolu 
tion  towards  the  end  of  the  session,  ordering  the  mint  to 
be  established,  under  such  regulations  as  should  be  there 
after  directed  by  law,  and  authorizing  the  President  in  the 
meantime  to  enga.ge  the  principal  artist,  and  procure  the 
necessary  apparatus. 

Among  the  more  important  acts,  were  the  admission 
into  the  Union,  of  the  new  States  of  Kentucky  and  Ver 
mont  ;  the  former  to  take  effect  in  June,  1792,  the  latter 
in  March,  1791.  Each  state  was  allowed  two  representa 
tives  until  the  next  apportionment. 

An  additional  regiment  of  infantry  was  ordered  to  be 
raised,  and  future  provision  made  for  the  protection  of  the 
frontiers,  inconsequence  of  the  defeat  of  Gen.  Harmar. 

VOL.  i.  6 


62  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  2. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  1,  1791. 


Congress  appear  to  be  in  good  humour,  and  are  proceeding  to  complete  the 
fiscal  arrangements  of  the  country,  which  will  doubtless  be  substantially  such  as 
are  proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The  credit  of  this  country  is 
rising  at  home  and  abroad,  and  so  far  as  I  hear,  there  prevails  a  general  senti 
ment  that  our  affairs  are  in  a  prosperous  way. 

I  have  not  yet  made  many  acquaintances  in  this  city  ;  the  manners  of  the  peo 
ple  here  are  more  reserved  than  in  New  York.  I  shall  not  however  want  a  suf 
ficiently  respectable  and  extensive  society  of  friends.  In  point  of  compensation 
for  services,  I  have  the  vanity  to  think  myself  not  placed  upon  a  proper  scale. 
If  it  shall  be  the  opinion  of  others,  this  matter  will  be  redressed.  At  any  rate,  I 
can  live  on  less  than  most  of  my  comrades  in  business,  and  therefore  may  safely 
calculate  that  their  wants  will  not  be  inconsistent  with  my  interests. 


PHILADELPHIA,  February  12,  1791. 

#  *  *  * 

A  bill  for  imposing  duties  on  ardent  spirits  imported,  and  distilled  in  this  coun 
try,  is  almost  settled.  Its  operation  in  the  northern  States  will  not  be  perceived 
to  be  different  from  that  of  the  act  for  collecting  the  customs.  A  few  additional 
officers  to  watch  the  distilleries,  will  be  all  that  are  created  by  the  act,  except 
one  general  inspector  for  each  State,  whom  the  President  is  authorized  to  ap 
point  from  the  officers  of  the  customs,  in  cases  where  it  shall  be  judged  expedi 
ent.  In  the  appointment  of  the  inspectors  for  the  States,  the  appointments  are 
to  be  made  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate  ;  the  sub-inspectors,  and  the  limits 
within  which  they  are  to  operate,  will  be  designated  and  defined  by  the  Presi 
dent.  The  bank  bill  has  been  closed,  and  has  been  formed  according  to  the  plan 
suggested  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

I  think  that  no  new  business  of  consequence  will  be  attempted  the  present 
session. 

The  indications  of  the  public  sentiment  with  respect  to  the  new  government, 
are  very  equivocal.  The  northern  States,  and  the  commercial  and  monied  peo 
ple,  are  zealously  attached  to  it.  The  state  executives  and  officers  cannot  be 
considered  as  good  friends  ;  many  of  them  are  designing  enemies. 

This  State,  though  very  officious  in  obtruding  their  opinions,  will  have  but  lit 
tle  influence.  The  power  and  respectability  which  persons  not  acquainted  with 
with  their  affairs  attribute  to  them,  is  ideal.  A  great  portion  of  the  members  are 
ignorant  men  ;  they  are  collected  from  all  nations  under  heaven  ;  many  have 
smarted  under  the  scourges  of  European  tyranny,  and  act  under  the  influences  of 
old  prejudices  and  habits,  though  their  present  condition  is  entirely  different  from 
any  which  they  formerly  experienced.  Zeal  for  liberty,  the  principles  of  which 
they  do  not  understand,  and  envy  of  abilities  and  industry  which  they  cannot 


1791.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  63 

emulate,  induce  them  to  raise  objections  to  every  measure  of  government.  If 
they  were  a  compact,  uniform  body  of  people,  governed  by  the  same  passions  and 
sympathies,  and  had  their  present  disposition  to  advise,  they  would  be  formida 
ble  ;  but  the  desultory  projects  of  Quakers,  Tories,  anti-feds,  Germans  and  Irish 
men,  who  mutually  despise  and  hate  each  other,  will  be  insufficient  to  overcome 
the  great  and  substantial  influence  of  property  and  reason  in  this  State. 

I  am  unable  to  form  any  opinion  as  to  the  real  condition  of  the  southern  States. 
Were  the  representatives  of  the  northern  country  to  express  the  same  sentiments 3 
and  oppose  the  projects  of  government  with  the  same  vehemence,  I  should  ima 
gine  that  the  people  were  on  the  eve  of  a  rebellion.  But  this  is  so  far  from  being 
the  case,  that  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  that  the  revenue  is  as  punctually 
collected  there  as  in  any  part  of  the  United  States. 

The  new  act  which  they  call  an  excise  will  put  them  upon  their  mettle,  as  a 
considerable  number  of  officers  will  be  necessary  to  operate  all  over  the  country. 
It  is  said  that  there  are  over  three  thousand  small  distilleries  in  Pennsylvania  only  ; 
they  equally  abound  in  Virginia  and  Carolina.  *  *  * 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  5,  1791. 

I  have  delayed  to  answer  your  letter  till  this  time,  as  the  revenue  bill  was  un 
settled,  and  as  it  was  uncertain  what  arrangements  would  be  made  respecting 
the  collection. 

The  bill  has  passed,  with  a  provision  that  one  supervisor  of  the  revenue  shall 
be  appointed  in  each  State,  with  such  a  number  of  inspectors  as  the  President 
shall  judge  necessary. 

The  business  of  the  session  has  ended  tolerably  well ;  some  arrangement  which 
is  partly  secret,  has  been  made  with  respect  to  an  Indian  expedition,  which  is  to 
be  commenced  by  General  St.  Clair. 

Doctor  Johnson  has  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  as  the  office  was  inconsist 
ent  with  that  of  President  of  the  University. 

Congress  have  been  pleased  to  increase  my  salary  for  the  ensuing  year  to  1900 
dollars.  It  will  not  after  that  time  be  diminished.  They  have  also  allowed  me 
a  frank,  which  will  enable  me  to  send  you  letters  and  newspapers  occasionally. 


The  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  terminated 
on  the  third  of  March. 


CHAPTER    III. 

SECOND   CONGRESS FIRST    AND    SECOND    SESSIONS. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  28th,  1791. 


The  business  in  which  I  am  engaged  continues  to  be  arduous.  That  part 
which  has  arisen  under  the  present  government,  is  under  tolerable  arrangement ; 
I  shall  probably  be  able  to  render  my  situation  more  endurable.  I  have  been 
well  treated  since  I  have  been  here.  Frequent  enquiries  are  made  after  you,  and 
many  gentlemen  have  expressed  their  wishes  to  see  you  here.  I  need  not  add 
that  such  an  event  would  render  us  very  happy. 

The  President  has  set  out  on  a  tour  for  the  southern  States.  This  will  serve 
to  conciliate  the  affections  of  the  people,  though  he  will  not  be  received  with  all 
that  cordiality,  or  those  zealous  acclamations  which  attended  his  journey  to  New 
England. 

The  people  of  this  State  are  very  proud  of  their  city,  their  wealth  and  their 
supposed  knowledge.  I  have  seen  many  of  their  principal  men,  and  discover 
nothing  that  tempts  me  to  idolatry.  I  must  see  and  examine  more  closely  be 
fore  I  say  much,  but  I  do  not  expect  that  a  more  intimate  acquaintance  will  fur 
nish  me  with  any  self-humiliating  sensations. 

TO  THE  SAME. 

PHILADELPHIA. 

*  *  #  * 

Mr.  Eveleigh,  the  late  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  is  dead.  No  appointment 
has,  or  can  be  made  until  intelligence  is  received  from  the  President,  who  is  now 
in  the  southern  States.  There  will  be  much  competition  for  the  office  ;  who  will 
be  successful  I  cannot  say.  I  have  full  reason  to  believe,  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  wishes  that  it  may  fall  to  me  ;  which  is  some  satisfaction,  as  he  is 
a  man  of  distinguished  talents,  and  has  had  the  best  opportunity  to  judge  of  my 
qualifications. 


1791.]  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  65 

On  this  occurrence  Hamilton  addressed  the  following  let 
ter  to  the  President,  recommending  Wolcott  to  the  vacant 
office,  and  he  accordingly  received  the  appointment. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  17, 1791. 

You  will  probably  recollect,  that  previous  to  your  departure  from  this  place, 
anticipating  the  event  which  has  taken  place,  with  regard  to  the  death  of  Mr. 
Eveleigh,  I  took  the  liberty  to  mention  to  you  that  Mr.  Wolcott,  the  present 
auditor,  would  be  in  every  respect  worthy  of  your  consideration,  as  his  successor 
in  office. 

Now  that  the  event  has  happened,  a  concern  as  anxious  as  it  was  natural,  for 
the  success  of  the  department,  united  with  a  sentiment  of  justice  towards  Mr. 
Wolcott,  leads  me  to  a  repetition  of  that  idea.  This  gentleman's  conduct  in  the 
station  he  now  fills,  has  been  that  of  an  excellent  officer.  It  has  not  only  been 
good,  but  distinguished.  It  has  combined  all  the  requisites  which  can  be  desired  ; 
moderation  with  firmness,  liberality  with  exactness,  indefatigable  industry  with 
an  accurate  and  sound  discernment,  a  thorough  knowledge  of  business,  and  a  re 
markable  spirit  of  order  and  arrangement.  Indeed  I  ought  to  say,  that  I  owe 
very  much  of  whatever  success  may  have  attended  the  merely  executive  opera 
tions  of  the  department  to  Mr.  Wolcott ;  and  I  do  not  fear  to  commit  myself, 
when  I  add  that  he  possesses  in  an  eminent  degree,  all  the  qualifications  desira 
ble  in  a  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury — that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  find  a  man  in 
the  United  Scales,  more  competent  to  the  duties  of  that  station  than  himself — few 
who  could  be  equally  so.  It  may  truly  be  said  of  him,  that  he  is  a  man  of  rare 
merit,  and  I  have  good  evidence  that  he  has  been  viewed  in  this  light  by  the 
members  of  Congress  extensively,  from  different  quarters  of  the  Union,  and  is  so 
considered  by  all  that  part  of  the  public  who  have  had  opportunities  of  witnessing 
his  conduct. 

The  immediate  relation  too,  which  his  present  situation  bears  to  that  of  Comp 
troller,  is  a  strong  argument  in  his  favour.  Though  a  regular  gradation  of  office 
is  not  admissible  in  a  strict  sense,  in  regard  to  offices  of  a  civil  nature,  and  is 
wholly  inapplicable  to  those  of  the  first  rank,  (such  as  the  heads  of  the  great  exe 
cutive  departments,)  yet  a  certain  regard  to  the  relation  which  one  situation  bears 
to  another,  is  consonant  with  the  natural  ideas  of  justice,  and  is  recommended 
by  powerful  considerations  of  policy.  The  expectation  of  promotion  in  civil  as 
in  military  life,  is  a  great  stimulus  to  virtuous  exertion,  while  examples  of  unre 
warded  exertion,  supported  by  talent  and  qualification,  are  proportionable  dis 
couragements.  Where  they  do  not  produce  resignations,  they  leave  men  dissatis 
fied,  and  a  dissatisfied  man  seldom  does  his  duty  well. 

In  a  government  like  ours,  where  pecuniary  compensations  are  moderate,  the 
principle  of  gradual  advancement  as  a  reward  for  good  conduct,  is  perhaps 
more  necessary  to  be  attended  to,  than  in  others  where  offices  are  more  lucrative . 

6* 


66  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

By  due  attention  to  it,  it  will  operate  as  a  mean  to  secure  respectable  men  for 
offices  of  inferior  emolument  and  consequence. 

.  In  addition  to  the  rest,  Mr.  Wolcott's  experience  in  this  particular  line  pleads 
powerfully  in  his  favour.  This  experience  may  be  dated  back  to  his  office  of 
Comptroller  of  the  State  of  Connecticut,  and  has  been  perfected  by  practice  in  his 
present  place . 

A  question  may  perhaps,  sir,  arise  in  your  mind,  whether  some  inconvenience  may 
not  attend  his  removal  from  his  present  office.  I  am  of  opinion  that  no  sensible 
inconvenience  will  be  felt  on  this  score,  since  it  will  be  easy  for  him  as  Comptrol 
ler,  who  is  the  immediate  superior  of  the  auditor,  to  form  any  man  of  business  for 
the  office  he  will  leave,  in  a  short  period  of  time.  More  inconvenience  would  be 
felt  by  the  introduction  of  a  Comptroller  not  in  the  immediate  train  of  the  business. 

Besides  this,  it  may  be  observed,  that  a  degree  of  inconvenience  on  this  score 
cannot  be  deemed  an  obstacle,  but  upon  the  principle  which  would  bar  the  pro 
gress  of  merit  from  one  station  to  another. 

On  this  point  of  inconvenience  a  reflection  occurs,  which  I  think  I  ought  not 
to  suppress.  Mr.  Wolcott  is  a  man  of  sensibility,  not  unconscious  of  his  own 
value,  and  he  doubtless  must  believe  that  he  has  pretensions  from  situation  to  the 
office.  Should  another  be  appointed  and  he  resign,  the  derangement  of  the  de 
partment  would  truly  be  distressing  to  the  public  service. 

In  suggesting  thus  particularly  the  reasons,  which  in  my  mind  operate  in  favour 
of  Mr.  Wolcott,  I  am  influenced  by  information  that  other  characters  will  be 
brought  to  your  view  by  weighty  advocates,  and  as  I  think  it  more  than  possible 
that  Mr.  Wolcott  may  not  be  mentioned  to  you  by  any  other  person  than  myself, 
I  feel  it  a  duty  arising  out  of  my  situation  in  the  department,  to  bear  my  full  and 
explicit  testimony  to  his  worth,  confident  that  he  will  justify  by  every  kind  of 
substantial  merit  any  mark  of  your  approbation  which  he  may  receive. 

I  trust  sir,  that  in  thus  freely  disclosing  my  sentiments  to  you,  you  will  be  per 
suaded  that  I  only  yield  to  the  suggestions  of  an  honest  zeal  for  the  public  good, 
and  of  a  firm  conviction,  that  the  prosperity  of  the  department  under  my  particu 
lar  care,  (one  so  interesting  to  the  aggregate  movements  of  the  government,)  will 
be  best  promoted  by  transferring  the  present  auditor  to  the  office  of  Comptroller 
of  the  Treasury.  I  have  the  honour  to  remain,  with  the  truest  and  most  respect 
ful  attachment,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  &,c., 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  July  2,  1791. 
Dear  Sir, 

We  have  received  the  news  of  your  new  appointment,  though  you  have  not 
been  kind  enough  to  write  us  on  the  subject,  and  let  us  know  how  you  feel  on 
having  one  cubit  more  added  to  your  stature.  We  impute  it  to  modesty,  which 
is  the  prevailing  trait  of  character  among  courtiers,  that  your  pen  has  been  silent. 
He  assured,  however,  that  we  rejoice  in  this  instance  of  your  good  fortune,  and 
the  more  so  ;  as  we  know,  and  every  body  believes,  you  richly  deserve  it.  We 


1791.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  67 

wish  you  more  ease  than  you  have  had  in  your  business,  and  really  imagine  you 
have  laid  up  reputation  enough,  or,  as  the  prompter  says,  have  so  well  got  your 
name  up  that  you  may  be  a  little  more  idle.  We  are  affected  at  the  news  of  your 
little  boy's  illness,  but  are  encouraged  from  your  letter  to  Mr.  Mosely,  that  we 
shall  hear  from  you  soon  of  his  entire  recovery.  All  your  friends  here  are  well. 
We  set  off  to-morrow  morning  on  a  visit  to  Litchfield. 

Are  you  yet  determined  about  the  sale  of  your  house  ;  when  you  are,  let  me 
know  it.     Present  our  best  love  to  Betsy.     I  am  always  your  friend, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  July  4th,  1, 
Sir, 

I  have  been  informed  by  the  public  prints  that  the  President  has  been  pie 
to  appoint  you  the  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury.  This  mark  of  approbation  and 
confidence  is  highly  honorable  to  yourself,  and  will  have,  I  doubt  not,  a  constant 
influence  upon  you  to  persist  in  that  undeviating  course  of  integrity,  which,  I  am 
happy  to  believe,  has  procured  you  that  trust  which  is  really  more  confidential 
than  any  other.  Let  us  ever  act,  conscious  that  we  are  always  under  the  inspec 
tion  of  the  Almighty,  and  that  He  justly  requires  of  all  his  creatures  that  they 
use  the  powers  which  He  has  given  them,  for  the  purposes  for  which  they  were 
bestowed. 

I  suppose  that  this  morning  you  are  putting  on  your  best  coat,  decently  to 
celebrate  the  anniversary  of  American  Independence — an  event  which  seems  to 
become  more  and  more  important,  and  which  fully  justifies  the  struggle  which 
we  made  to  obtain  it.  This  country  has  already  much  more  than  recovered  all 
the  damage,  or  real  inconvenience,  which  resulted  from  the  war.  What  a  mis 
fortune  must  it  have  been  to  us,  to  have  been  connected  with  a  power  which  is 
continually  either  making,  or  sending  an  enemy  in  every  part  of  the  globe. 

O.  WOLCOTT. 

The  bank  created  during  the  late  session  was  organized 
during  the  summer  of  1791.  A  question  of  importance 
arose  respecting  its  operation,  upon  which  much  difference 
of  opinion  existed.  This  was,  whether  its  action  should 
be  confined  to  Philadelphia  and  radiate  from  thence,  or 
should  be  (under  the  permissory  clause  of  its  charter) 
extended  to  other  cities,  by  branches  or  departments. 
Upon  this  subject  Wolcott  was  consulted.  His  opinion 
recommended  the  latter  course,  and  a  majority  of  the 
stockholders  assenting  it  was  adopted,  on  a  plan  suggested 
by  him.  The  capital  reserved  in  Philadelphia  was 


68  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

$4,700,000,  and  eight  branches  were  established  in  prin 
cipal  cities  of  the  Union.  The  whole  capital  was  sub 
scribed,  and  four  thousand  more  shares  applied  for  than 
were  allowed  by  law,  in  two  hours  after  the  opening  of 
the  books. 

Wolcott  was  offered  the  Presidency  of  the  bank,  with 
an  ample  salary,  which  he  declined ;  "  preferring  the  public 
service,  and  believing  that  such  a  station  w^ould  be  deemed 
unsuitable  for  a  young  man  without  property." 

It  is  to  be  noticed,  that  the  constitutionality  of  establish 
ing  branches  elsewhere  than  at  the  seat  of  government,  as 
distinct  from  the  general  question,  was  not  mooted  at  the 
time.  The  discovery  of  this  point  was  reserved  for  a  more 
enlightened  age. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  31,  1791. 


No  Auditor  has  been  appointed.  Public  opinion,  which  must  be  attended  to, 
will  oblige  the  President  to  fill  that  office  with  a  Southern  character.  Notwith 
standing  the  talk  about  salaries,  a  competent  man  can  hardly  be  found  from  that 
country  who  will  think  of  serving  for  such  a  compensation.  Good  abilities  com 
mand  high  prices  at  market.  It  is  my  wish  that  the  office  may  yet  continue 
vacant,  rather  than  be  supplied  with  a  common  character.  I  had  rather  suffer 
temporary  fatigue  than  the  eternal  vexation  which  will  be  my  fortune  unless  the 
Auditor  is  a  man  of  talents. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  14,  1791. 
*  *  *  * 

My  business  is,  and  will  for  some  time  be,  burdensome  ;  no  Auditor  has  been 
yet  appointed.  As  the  President  is  now  in  Virginia,  he  will  have  an  opportunity 
to  select  a  proper  character. 

The  affairs  of  the  United  States  are  apparently  prosperous.  Pennsylvania  is 
the  most  factious  of  any,  and  here  nothing  is  to  be  feared.  The  wild  men  of  the 
back  country  will  not  have  perseverance  to  oppose  the  steady  uniform  pressure  of 
law,  and  must  finally  submit. 

The  present  session  of  Congress  will  be  an  important  one,  both  as  it  will  indi 
cate  the  public  sentiment  with  respect  to  past  measures,  and  will  be  the  proper 
occasion  to  perfect  and  complete  the  unfinished  systems  of  the  former  Congress. 


1791.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  69 

From  this  time  a  statesman  will  be  able  to  judge  what  is  the  natural  bias  apd 
inclination  of  the  powers  of  government.  The  struggle  between  states  and  the 
United  States  will  now  be  perceived. 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  theory  in  the  administration  of  this  government,  and 
on  the  whole,  their  theories  are  of  a  very  tolerable  kind.  If  whims  which  are 
incapable  of  demonstration,  do  not  set  some  respectable  characters  at  variance, 
and  thereby  produce  disgrace  to  themselves  and  injury  to  the  public,  it  will  be 
more  owing  to  their  good  fortune  than  their  prudence. 

The  principles  of  dissension  exist,  but  the  principles  are  the  merest  trifles. 
Mr.  A.  and  Mr.  J.  seem  much  disposed  to  quarrel  on  the  questions  whether  liberty 
can  be  maintained  in  a  country  which  allows  citizens  to  be  distinguished  by  the 
additions,  Mr.,  Esquire  and  Deacon;  and  whether  Tom  Paine  or  Edmund  Burke 
are  the  greatest  fools.  Whether  one  or  the  other  of  these  positions  be  true,  is  of 
no  consequence,  except  to  the  persons  who  dispute  and  the  public,  who  are  some 
times  inflamed  without  reason. 


The  second  Congress  opened  its  first  session  on  the 
29th  of  October.  Jonathan  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  was 
chosen  Speaker  of  the  House. 

The  domestic  affairs  of  the  country,  though  prosperous 
to  an  unexpected  degree,  so  far  as  the  condition  of  the 
people  were  concerned,  were  still  in  a  state  far  from  settled. 
As  the  measures  of  the  government  ripened  into  a  system, 
the  opposition  became  more  concentrated  and  more  active. 
The  assumption  of  the  state  debts  had  created  a  strong 
feeling  at  the  South,  and  the  legislatures  of  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina  were  open  in  its  condemnation;  Pennsyl 
vania  had  protested  against  the  internal  revenue ;  the  Bank 
was  every  where  unpopular  among  the  anti-federalists ; 
in  the  West,  the  hostility  of  the  Indians  kept  the  whole 
border  in  a  ferment. 

Abroad,  no  change  had  yet  taken  place  in  the  re 
lations  of  the  country.  The  French  revolution,  which 
was  destined  at  no  distant  period  so  intimately  to  affect 
their  peace,  was  progressing  with  rapid  strides.  In  Sep 
tember,  the  new  constitution  was  adopted  and  sworn  to, 
and  in  the  following  month  the  Legislative  Assembly 
opened.  With  England,  our  relations  had  not  improved  ; 
she,  however,  sent  a  minister  plenipotentiary  in  the  person 


70  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

of  Mr.  George  Hammond,  who  was  recognized  in  October. 
M.  de  Ternant  had,  in  August,  succeeded  the  Count  de 
Moustiers  as  Minister  from  France.  The  United  States 
had  opened  negociations  with  the  new  Emperor  of  Morocco, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  recognition  of  the  treaty  with 
his  father. 

Early  in  December,  the  report  on  the  encouragement  of 
domestic  manufactures — a  document  among  the  most 
justly  celebrated  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  productions — was  laid 
before  Congress.  The  estimates  for  the  service  of  the 
year  1792  were  presented  in  January.  The  Secretary 
calculated  the  receipts  at  $3,700,000,  and  the  total  ex 
penditures,  including  the  interest  on  the  debt,  at  about 
$3,688,000  ;  another  report  made  at  the  same  time,  stated 
the  condition  of  the  new  loans  of  the  debt.  A  large  pro 
portion,  both  of  the  domestic  and  of  the  assumed  debt, 
had  been  already  subscribed  and  the  sinking  fund  now 
amounted  to  over  $1,000,000.  Mr.  Hamilton  recommend 
ed  an  extension  of  the  time  limited  in  the  act,  for  the  sub 
scription  of  the  loans,  and  urged  that  the  fund  should  be 
placed  on  a  permanent  basis.  The  suggestions  were  in  a 
great  measure  adopted. 

Many  important  laws  were  enacted  during  this  session, 
of  which  that  apportioning  the  representatives  among  the 
different  states  according  to  the  first  census,  maybe  men 
tioned  as  the  most  prominent.  This  enumeration  ascer 
tained  the  total  number  of  inhabitants  at  a  little  short  of 
four  millions.  The  ratio  finally  adopted  was  that  of  one 
representative  for  every  33,000,  giving  105  as  the  future 
number  of  members. 

Further  progress  was  made  in  arranging  the  domestic 
affairs  of  the  country  by  the  passage  of  acts,  regulating  the 
fisheries,  establishing  the  mint  and  the  post-office,  provid 
ing  a  uniform  militia  and  prescribing  the  occasions  of 
calling  it  into  service,  and  increasing  the  regular  army. 


1791.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  71 

The  defeat  of  Gen.  St.  Clair,  who  had  succeeded  Gen. 
Harmar  in  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  war,  rendered  the 
last  measure  necessary ;  and  upon  a  report  of  the  Secretary 
at  war,  a  bill  was  brought  in  for  the  purpose.  Upon  the 
question  of  employing  regulars  or  militia,  the  two  parties 
were  divided ;  the  anti-federalists  favoring  the  latter  mode 
of  defence  as  in  their  opinion  more  consistent  with  the  in 
stitutions  of  the  country ;  the  federalists  supporting  the 
former  as  the  less  expensive,  and  only  effectual  mode  of 
putting  an  end  to  the  war.  The  result  of  two  cam 
paigns  it  might  be  supposed  had  demonstrated  in  a  suffi 
cient  manner  the  value  of  the  democratic  mode  of  warfare. 
The  bill  however  passed,  and  it  became  necessary  to  seek 
the  means  of  defraying  the  additional  expense,  the  former 
estimates  not  having  contemplated  this  emergency.  A 
fresh  debate  arose  on  the  question  of  referring  the  ways  and 
means  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  which  the  in 
creasing  hostility  to  his  system  was  manifested ;  but  the 
opposition  failed  here  also,  and  the  reference  was  made. 

Mr.  Hamilton  recommended  additional  duties  on  certain 
imported  articles  in  preference  to  a  loan,  or  to  the  sale  of 
the  bank  stock  owned  by  the  government,  and  a  bill  passed 
in  pursuance. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  8th  of  Ma}r.  During  the  ses 
sion  the  nominations  of  'Thomas  Pinckney  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  England,  and  of  Gouverneur  Morris  to 
the  French  Court  had  been  made,  and  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  William  Short  was  also  appointed  Minister  Res 
ident  at  the  Hague  ;  and  in  this  spring  commissioned, 
together  with  Mr.  Carmichael,  to  effect  a  treaty  with  Spain. 
In  the  summer,  negociations  were  opened  by  John  Paul 
Jones,  with  the  Dey  of  Algiers.  Col.  David  Humphreys 
had  been  appointed  in  the  spring  of  1791,  Minister  Resident 
to  Portugal,  and  the  policy  of  opening  an  intercourse  with 
the  European  States  had  thus  been  extended. 


72  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

January  30th,  1792. 

*  *  *  * 

The  public  affairs  of  our  country  continue  to  be  prosperous,  and  though  some 
considerable  discontent  prevails,  there  is  nothing  to  excite  much  concern.  The 
sudden  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  hands  of  individuals  has  introduced  a  ma 
nia  which  has  led  in  some  instances  to  an  ostentatious  display,  calculated  to 
excite  envy  and  to  recall  the  unfortunate  circumstances  under  which  the  evi 
dences  of  the  public  debt  were  alienated,  to  recollection.  This  as  was  to  be  ex 
pected,  has  induced  mad  speculations  on  the  part  of  the  fortunate,  and  ebul 
litions  of  discontent  from  those  who  have  been  disappointed.  The  malignity  of 
one  party  and  the  pride  of  the  other  will  probably  be  cured  by  a  few  bankruptcies 
which  may  daily  be  expected,  I  had  almost  said,  desired. 

In  Congress  there  is  not  much  important  business  to  be  done.  The  Indian 
war,  at  present,  is  the  subject  of  deliberation.  The  result,  doubtless,  will  be  to 
prosecute  it,  and  when  all  circumstances  are  considered,  it  will  be  found  necessa 
ry  that  this  should  be  the  case.  It  is  from  an  attention  to  present  circumstances, 
and  not  by  attempting  to  undo  what  has  been  done,  and  deploring  past  errors 
that  tranquillity  is  to  be  expected.  The  present  war  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  the 
present  government,  but  is  the  result  of  former  treaties  for  purchasing  lands,  and 
from  a  sparse  settlement  consequent  thereon  ;  against  which  measures  I  have 
heard  you  formerly  express  an  opinion.  The  mode  of  conducting  the  war,  is  a 
subject  which  requires  much  consideration,  and  that  mode  is  best  which  will  pro 
duce  peace  with  the  least  expense  of  blood  and  treasure.  The  inveteracy  of  the 
Indians  is  proved,  the  extent  of  our  frontiers  is  well  known,  and  hence  results  the 
opinion  that  it  will  be  cheaper  to  chastise  the  Indians  at  home  than  to  maintain 
numberless  posts  on  the  Ohio.  The  people  will,  I  hope,  believe  that  no  intention 
al  prolongation  of  the  war  is  to  be  suspected  ;  the  rest  must  be  matter  of  opinion, 
and  no  demonstration  of  what  in  fact  is  best,  is  attainable. 

The  law  for  imposing  duties  on  domestic  distilled  spirits  has  met  with  much 
opposition  in  the  back  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  but  the  opposition  is  said  to  be 
diminishing. 

The  more  the  structure  and  powers  of  the  present  government  are  considered 
the  more  certain  it  is  that  it  is  not  calculated  to  bear  much  of  a  load  ;  it  rests  on 
the  public  approbation.  It  has  however  a  fair  chance  of  continuing  while  it  is 
esteemed  by  the  best  part  of  the  community.  Who  can  say  that  this  will  not  be 
found  sufficient  for  our  exigencies  for  a  long  period,  and  until  artificial  support,  if 
that  is  necessary  from  the  wickedness  of  human  nature,  can  be  attained. 

Mr.  Harrison  has  accepted  his  office  and  is  now  in  this  city.  I  find  him  to  be 
an  excellent  character  and  an  acquisition  to  the  department.  From  this  time  I 
hope  my  business  will  be  less  burdensome. 


1792.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  73 

^ 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN, 

February  14th,  1792. 

Since  my  last,  nothing  material  has  occurred.  The  legislature  have  under  con 
sideration  a  bill  for  providing  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers ;  the  bill  has  passed 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  is  now  before  the  Senate.  A  diversity  of  opin 
ion  prevails  as  to  the  mode  of  making  provisions  ;  some  suppose  that  it  should  be 
trusted  entirely  to  the  people  of  the  frontiers  to  make  predatory  incursions  to 
harass  and  destroy  the  Indians  ;  others  suppose  that  a  sufficient  force  should  be 
raised  to  take  post  in  the  country,  in  some  commanding  situation,  and  by  means 
of  the  post  to  overawe  the  Indians,  to  reduce  them  to  a  treaty,  and  then  by  sup 
porting  a  few  small  posts,  prevent  those  unjust  acts  offeree  on  the  part  of  whites 
and  Indians  which  have  brought  us  into  this  trouble.  The  first  mode  has  some 
thing  in  it  which  has  a  popular  aspect  ;  but  to  judge  of  the  question  properly,  it  is 
necessary  to  know  that  the  western  people  are  a  violent  and  unjust  race  in  many 
respects,  unrestrained  by  law  or  considerations  of  public  policy  ;  that  to  trust  the 
defence  to  them  they  must  be  armed  and  paid  at  an  immense  expense  ;  that  their 
incursions  into  the  Indian  country  will  be  for  very  short  periods,  that  their  suc 
cess,  if  at  all  successful,  will  be  very  partial  ;  and  that  they  will  have  no  motive 
to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  but  rather  to  prolong  it.  The  better  opinion  on  this 
subject  perhaps,  is  to  take  such  measures  as  shall  bring  about  a  permanent  peace, 
by  the  most  active  operations  in  the  first  instance,  and  to  secure  it  by  such  ar 
rangements  as  shall  insure  justice  to  the  Indians  from  our  people.  If  these  ob 
jects  can  be  reconciled  with  the  plan  of  producing  more  order  in  the  future  set 
tlement  of  that  country,  it  may  save  us  much  trouble  and  prove  beneficial  to 
society. 

There  is  a  progress  in  our  affairs  towards  improvement.  It  would,  however, 
be  much  more  rapid  were  the  administrators  of  the  government  more  united. 
Mr.  J.  appears  to  have  shown  rather  too  much  of  a  disposition  to  cultivate  vulgar 
prejudices ;  accordingly  he  will  become  popular  in  ale  houses,  and  will  do  much 
mischief  to  his  country  by  exciting  apprehensions  that  the  government  will  ope 
rate  unfavourably. 

The  English  have  had  a  drubbing  in  India,  which  it  is  supposed  will  render 
their  Asiatic  dominions,  precarious  possessions.  If  a  derangement  should  hap 
pen  to  their  affairs,  a  considerable  revolution  in  government  will  be  the  probable, 
consequence. 

In  one  of  your  letters  you  mention  an  offer  which  I  have  had  of  other  busi 
ness  ;  possibly  the  thing  to  which  you  allude  might  have  been  obtained,  but  I 
opposed  the  idea  from  consideration  that  the  place  would  be  expensive  and  pos 
sibly  insecure.  I  am  sensible  of  the  influence  of  wealth  in  the  affairs  of  this 
world,  and  did  not  on  the  whole  choose  to  devote  myself  to  the  property  of  rich 
men,  which  I  imagine  would  have  been  the  consequence  of  allying  myself  with 
that  class  of  men  without  property  to  support  and  defend  myself.  At  present  I 
have  reason  to  think  my  services  are  satisfactory  to  the  public,  and  I  hope  they 
will  take  care  of  me.  If  they  do  not  I  shall  try  to  take  care  of  myself. 
VOL.  I.  7 


74  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Feb.  19th,  1792. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  30th  ult.  with  its  enclosure  has  been  received.  * 
Whatever  were  the  primary  causes  of  the  Indian  war,  no  peace  is  to  be  expected 
with  them,  till  they  have  received  a  pretty  deep  impression  by  a  military  opera 
tion.  A  defensive  war  would  doubtless  be  as  ineffectual  as  it  would  be  expensive. 
Whenever  a  treaty  shall  be  made  with  them,  the  augmentation  of  territory  will 
not,  I  hope,  be  an  object  of  attention.  I  cannot  but  very  much  apprehend  that 
the  vehemence  of  this  war  is  supported  by  the  British  officers,  or  at  least  by  the 
British  fur  dealers.  Indeed,  it  is  long  since  that  I  have  not  had  the  least  confi 
dence  in  the  honour  or  justice  of  the  British  government,  or  nation.  Their 
pride,  ferocious  manners  and  keen  avarice,  induce  them  to  carry  what  they 
call  commerce,  by  military  force,  into  all  parts  of  the  world.  Insolence  and  a  rage 
for  plunder  are  the  characteristics  of  the  nation.  No  sense  of  morals  has  the 
least  influence  upon  their  conduct.  Foreigners  withdrawing  their  money  from 
their  funds,  and  placing  them  in  the  funds  of  the  United  Stales,  not  only  excites 
their  envy,  but  induces  them  to  heap  upon  us  all  possible  expense,  with  a  view  to 
derange  our  finances,  and  by  every  other  means  endeavour  to  shake  the  public 
confidence  in  government. 

The  public  finances  are  the  anchor  of  the  United  States;  if  they  should  again 
be  confused,  the  political  vessel  would  suffer  the  most  violent  concussions.  The 
complexity  of  their  original  arrangements,  and  the  rapid  rise  of  the  public  securi 
ties  have ,  it  is  true,  caused  many  of  the  ignorant  and  incautious  holders  to  view 
the  unrivalled  opulence  of  certain  people,  of  low  cunning  and  an  ostentatious  dis 
play  of  grandeur,  with  pretty  pungent  dislike  ;  but  uneasiness  of  this  kind  is  al 
most  entirely  confined  to  large  commercial  towns.  In  the  country  these  instances 
are  but  few,  and  their  sudden  wealth  contrasted  with  their  yesterday's  business, 
continues  them  still  the  objects  of  contempt.  I  trust  that  cur  government  is 
neither  so  popular  nor  unwise,  as  to  render  it  impressible  in  a  dangerous  degree, 
either  by  foreign  influence,  or  by  the  sinister  means  of  domestic  flattery  and  base 
insinuation. 

I  am  too  ignorant  not  to  believe,  but  that  the  late  sudden  extension  of  banking 
business,  after  foreigners  shall  not  only  discontinue  placing  money  in  our  funds, 
but  shall  call  for  their  interest,  will  be  productive  of  some  really  disastrous  con 
sequences.  But  I  care  very  little  how  this  shall  Le,  if  our  national  finances  are 
kept  in  perfect  order. 

Upon  public  matters  I  will  let  my  pen  run  on  as  it  has  done,  in  a  desultory 
manner,  only  to  make  this  observation  relative  to  the  Indian  war,  that  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  events,  every  tiling  will  depend  upon  the  character  of  the 
principal  officers  who  shall  conduct  it.  If  the  command  shall  be  given  to  such 
men  as  conducted  the  two  last  armaments,  nothing  but  the  most  disastrous  con 
sequences  are  to  be  expected.  I  am  happy  to  know  that  the  President  did  not 
originally  place  those  men  on  the  frontier. 

O.  WOLCOTT. 


1792.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  75 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  March  3d,  1792. 
Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  14th  ult.  has  been  received.  There  is  a  buzz  in  the  air, 
that  a  stipulation  is  proposed  by  the  English,  so  as  to  give  us  a  settlement  in  the 
West  Indies.  I  trust  that  we  shall  not  voluntarily  bind  ourselves  to  our  good  be 
haviour  to  that  nation,  till  we  have  a  naval  power  equal  to  theirs. 

I  know  not  that  the  English  have  the  least  shadow  of  pretence  for  holding  the 
ports  on  the  western  waters.  Till  they  are  confined  within  their  limits,  peace  with 
the  western  Indians  will  be  precarious.  Upon  our  western  disasters,  I  find  that 
some  of  the  Tory  motive  which  I  thought  had  been  extinguished,  discovers  itself, 
together  with  foreign  influence,  the  ill  nature  of  pride  ungratified,  disappoint 
ed  ambition,  and  an  envy  which  seeks  gratification  in  calumniating  public  men 
and  public  measures.  To  give  effect  to  those  good  dispositions,  all  the  ignorance, 
prejudice  and  avarice  of  mankind  are  called  upon  for  aid,  but  it  will  be  of  no  pur 
pose.  We  have  yet  too  strong  a  bias  to  support  and  establish  a  government, 
which  almost  every  fanner,  merchant  and  mechanic  says,  has  brought  us  in 
money  sufficient,  gives  us  security,  imposes  no  sensible  burden,  and  has  alle 
viated  us  from  the  state  debts  which  heretofore  oppressed  us.  People  I  believe  in 
the  northern  states,  generally  feel  very  easy,  except  some  ambitious,  unprincipled 
men,  who  for  want  of  merit  or  other  means,  wish  to  excite  public  discontent  in 
order  to  gratify  their  pride  ;  and  as  to  those  men,  I  believe  they  will  be  generally 
disappointed  in  their  pursuits.  The-  white  savages  upon  the  western  frontier, 
must  if  necessary  be  governed  in  the  same  manner  as  the  black  ones  are,  or  ought 
to  be. 

OLIV.  WOLCOTT. 


TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT, 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  6th,  1792. 
*  *  *  * 

We  have  no  news  but  what  you  get  regularly.  Congress  have  proceeded  but 
slowly  ;  the  most  important  business  of  the  session  remains  unfinished.  It  is  how 
ever  expected  that  the  session  will  end  in  all  April.  There  is  some  faction  and 
diversity  of  opinion  with  us  as  every  where  else,  but  I  hope  the  affairs  of  our 
country  will  prosper. 

We  shall  make  you  a  visit  in  the  ensuing  summer  ;  when  I  hope  for  a  short  time 
to  feel  as  formerly,  free  from  the  vexations  and  toils  of  a  busy  life.  Col.  Tall- 
madge  is  here,  and  will  tell  you  when  he  returns  how  I  live.  1  am  more  plain  and 
certainly  work  harder  than  most  Quakers.  I  shall  not  without  some  misfortune 
befals  me,  be  in  debt,  but  I  shall  never  be  rich.  I  hope  to  do  some  good,  and  to 
steer  through  the  maze  without  injuring  others,  and  with  sufficient  philosophy  to 
be  inattentive  to  small  disappointments. 


7G  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

You  know  not  how  much  I  love  you  and  some  of  my  Connecticut  friends.  I 
pray  that  I  may  never  love  them  less,  as  a  reflection  on  the  past  pleasures  of  their 
society  is  my  chief  amusement.  *  *  *  * 


TO  JEDEDIAH  MORSE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  6,  1792. 

I  received  in  season  your  letter  of  Dec.  20th,  and  request  you  to  excuse  my 
neglect  in  replying  to  it  before  this  time.  The  continued  throng  of  business  in 
which  I  have  been  engaged,  has  left  me  no  leisure  till  lately,  to  comply  with  your 
wishes,  and  the  work  is  already  so  perfect,  thai  I  am  certain  it  can  receive  but 
little  improvement  from  any  observations  which  lean  make. 

So  far  as  your  observations  have  been  made  upon  the  settled  parts  of  the  United 
States,  they  are  founded  on,  and  supported  by  the  general  testimony  of  the  pub 
lic.  With  the  exception  of  some  remarks  upon  the  southern  states,  particularly 
upon  the  North  Carolinians,  who  complain  that  you  have  not  praised  them  ac 
cording  to  their  merits,  your  descriptions  have  been  satisfactory  to  the  inter 
ested  parties.  I  have  no  data  for  determining  whether  our  southern  brethren 
complain  with  reason,  and  sincerely  wish  that  they  had  produced  some  public  in 
dications,  that  society  was  not  in  a  rude  state  in  the  southern  and  western  settle 
ments. 

In  describing  the  unsettled  northern  regions,  I  perceive  Carver  is  cited  as  an 
authority.     I  know  not  whom  you  can  take  for  a  guide,  more  consistently  with 
the  present  state  of  public  opinion,  and  yet  I  suspect  but  little  credit  is  due  to  the 
book  published  in  his  name.     By  information  which  I  have  obtained  respecting 
Carver,  I  am  satisfied  that  his  book  was  compiled  under  very  inauspicious  circum 
stances.     He  doubtless  resided  a  number  of  years  in  the  western  country,  but 
was  an  ignorant  man,  utterly  incapable  of  writing  such  a  book.     When  in  Eng 
land  he  was  in  needy  circumstances,  and  he  applied  to  the  government,  stating 
that  he  had  made  important  discoveries,  for  which  he  was  entitled  to  receive 
compensation.     His  notes  were  inspected  by  a  board,  who  pronounced  them  to 
be  unimportant.     A  sum  of  money  was  however  given  him,  more  in  charity  to 
relieve  his  wants  than  as  a  reward  for  important  services.     When  his  money  was 
expended  he  renewed  his  application,  but  was  refused.     He  then  abused  the  ad 
ministration  for  having  obtained  of  him  his  work,  without  having  paid  a  proper 
compensation.     To  silence  his  clamor,  the  notes  which  had  been  deposited  with 
the  officers  of  the  government  were  restored,  which  were  soon  after  pawned  by 
Carver  with  a  bookseller.     There  is  reason  to  suspect,  that  the  book  styled  Car 
ver's  Travels,  is  a  mere  compilation  from  other  books  and  common  reports,  sup 
ported  by  some  new  remarks  which  Carver  may  possibly  have  made.     It  will 
therefore  in  my  judgment  be  most  safe  for  the  future  reputation  of  your  book,  that 
but  little  credit  be  given  to  Carver's  Travels,  except  where  his  accounts  are  sup 
ported  by  some  collateral  authority. 

As  the  best  aid  which  I  can  furnish  towards  your  work,  I  transmit  two  Ten 
nessee  documents.     These  tables  are  curious  and  are  worth  preserving.     I  have 


1792.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  77 

some  expectations  of  being  able  to  complete  in  season  some  additional  tables.     If 
I  do  they  shall  be  transmitted. 

With  the  most  sincere  wishes  for  your  complete  success,  and  that  your  labors 
may  be  as  profitable  for  yourself,  as  they  are  honourable  to  your  country,  I  am,  &c. 


The  tendency  to  a  distinct  organization  of  parties,  the 
existence  of  which  has  been  already  noticed,  was  still 
more  decisively  shown  during  the  past  session.  As  the 
fiscal  system  of  Mr.  Hamilton  gradually  unfolded  itself, 
the  opposition,  alarmed  at  its  necessary  consequence  in 
strengthening  the  federal  powers  of  the  Union,  became 
more  strenuous  in  their  exertions  to  defeat  it.  In  the  finan 
cial,  more  than  in  any  other  department  of  legislation, 
was  this  influence  visible,  for  by  its  means  preeminently 
could  the  interests  of  men  be  attracted  to,  and  bound  up 
in  that  of  the  general  government;  and  as  the  citizen  came 
to  regard  himself  as  one  of  a  nation,  in  the  same  propor 
tion  the  local  gave  way  to  the  central  attachment.  The 
causes  which  made  the  sovereignty  of  the  states  so  vital  in 
importance,  the  power  of  the  Union  so  dreaded  in  its  anti 
cipated  effects,  will  be  hereafter  a  subject  of  mention. 
It  is  now  sufficient  to  follow  their  workings. 

Of  all  the  measures  heretofore  adopted,  the  assumption 
of  the  State  debts  gave  the  deepest  stab  to  the  hopes  of  the 
anti-federalists.  It  was  no  argument  to  their  minds  that 
these  debts  actually  existed,  were  contracted  for  common 
defence,  that  they  ought  in  equity  to  be  paid  by  the  whole, 
and  that  means  of  payment  could  more  easily  be  found  by 
the  union  than  by  conflicting,  and  often  inadequate  provi 
sions  of  single  states.  They  saw  but  this — that  the  power 
ful  body  of  creditors  would  thenceforward  look  to  the  Union, 
and  not  to  its  members  for  payment. 

The  blow  had  been  followed  up.  Duties  were  laid  on 
imported  goods.  The  merchant  from  that  time  owed  his 
monies  to  the  United  States,  and  paid  them  to  her  officers. 

7* 


78  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

Internal  taxes  were  imposed  ;  the  returns  were  made  to  a 
collector  of  the  general  government.  A  Bank  was  estab 
lished  ;  the  paper  which  passed  current  from  Vermont  to 
Georgia  was  of  federal  origin.  A  mint  was  erected ; 
the  arms  of  the  states  were  not  stamped  upon  its  coin. 
Protection  was  recommended  to  American  manufactures  ; 
it  was  the  Union  that  alone  could  do  all  this.  Commerce 
was  encouraged ;  it  was  the  marine  of  the  United  States. 
Every  successive  act  by  which  some  powerful  interest 
was  touched,  brought  the  influence  of  that  interest  in  favor 
of  its  source.  The  power  of  the  State  was  diminished, 
because  its  citizens  looked  elsewhere  than  to  its  legislature 
for  the  most  important  objects  of  attention. 

Against  Mr.  Hamilton  as  the  author  of  a  system  which 
produced  these  results,  the  personal  enmity  of  the  opposi 
tion  had  been  heretofore  chiefly  directed  ;  and  by  constant, 
opposition  to  all  references  to  him,  they  had  endeavored 
to  defeat  his  influence. 

Hitherto  a  majority  had  supported  the  administration ; 
the  attention  of  the  anti-federalists  was  now  directed  to  a 
more  concerted  plan  of  opposition.  A  leader  had  already 
presented  himself  in  the  person  of  the  Secretaiy  of  State. 
Known  to  have  been  originally,  although  guardedly,  hostile 
to  the  constitution,  and  particularly  to  that  portion  of  it 
which  gave  it  the  means  of  an  existence  independent  of 
the  will  of  the  States ;  an  enemy  to  the  financial  system 
of  the  federalists,  and  an  antagonist  to  its  principal 
author  ;  possessing,  from  his  place  in  the  cabinet  and  the 
character  of  his  abilities,  the  greatest  advantage  in  thwart 
ing  the  measures  of  Hamilton ;  representing  Virginia, 
which  was  the  stronghold  of  his  party,  and  well  disposed 
from  private  ambition  to  place  himself  in  the  road  to  the 
Presidency  ;  he  had  willingly  seized,  or  rather  suffered 
himself  to  be  placed,  in  the  post  of  chief  of  the  opposition. 

The  illness  of  the  President  in  1790  had  directed  the 
attention  of  his  party  to  the  possibility  of  a  speedy  succes- 


1792.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  79 

sion,  and  against  Mr.  Adams  as  a  probable  rival  it  now 
turned  its  arms.  As  yet,  General  Washington  could  not 
be  attacked  with  safety. 

To  break  down  the  hopes  of  the  Vice  President ;  to  hold 
up  Mr.  Jefferson  to  public  view  as  the  destined  successor 
of  Washington ;  to  keep  alive  or  awaken  a  distrust  of 
federal  measures  ;  a  press  suggested  itself  as  a  necessary 
instrument.  Its  conductor  was  found  in  Philip  Freneau, 
the  superintendent  of  a  paper  printed  in  New  York,  who 
was  induced  by  a  clerkship  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  department, 
to  remove  to  Philadelphia  for  the  purpose. 

The  National  Gazette  was  commenced  in  October, 
1791,  and  during  its  short  lived  existence  was  notorious 
for  its  scandalous  falsehood  and  misrepresentation,  its 
fulsome  adoration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  its  gross  abuse  of 
leading  federal  men.  Against  Mr.  Adams  particularly, 
who,  from  his  inoffensive  position  as  Vice  President,  it 
might  have  been  supposed,  would  have  escaped  unnoticed, 
it  was,  as  a  future  possible  President,  incessant  in  its 
vituperation. 

The  threats  of  resistance  which  had  been  made  to  the 
law  imposing  taxes  on  domestic  spirits,  were,  during  this 
summer,  fulfilled  in  the  western  part  of  Pennsylvania, 
where  a  dangerous  spirit  of  sedition  was  manifested. 
The  conduct  of  the  leaders  in  this  movement,  and  the 
political  use  made  of  it,  sufficiently  pointed  out  its  object. 
These  will  be  hereafter  recurred  to  in  narrating  the  events 
of  1794. 

TO  MICHAEL  J.  STONE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  9th,  1792. 


Since  we  parted  I  have  been  plodding  on  in  the  old  track,  and  have  not  in  any 
way  altered  except  that  I  am  one  year  older.  I  read,  write  and  think  as  much 
as  is  consistent  with  a  due  attention  to  the  duties  of  a  burdensome  office,  and  am 
contented  with  my  situation,  though  it  is  far  less  inviting  than  a  country  life  to 
one  of  my  disposition.  *  *  *  I  know  but  little  of  what  is 


80  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAT-.  3. 

going  forward  in  the  political  world,  and  wish  that  I  knew  less,  or  that  the  invi 
tations  to  acquire  information  were  more  alluring.  An  unfortunate  jealousy  is 
too  apparent  in  some  of  the  most  influential  characters  in  our  country.  The 
consequence  is,  that  questions  are  not  so  calmly  discussed,  characters  are  not  so 
fairly  estimated,  and  the  people  are  not  so  perfectly  availed  of  the  talents  which 
have  been  selected  for  their  use,  as  every  honest  and  patriotic  man  must  desire. 
Time  alone  can  discover  whether  these  evils  proceed  from  permanent  or  tempo 
rary  causes.  It  is  ardently  to  be  desired  that  experience  may  evince  that  the 
interests  of  the  great  divisions  of  the  United  States  are  reconcilable  with  each 
other. 

Nothing  that  has  fallen  under  my  observation  will  warrant  those  gloomy  fore 
bodings  or  those  austere  remarks  which  are  constantly  indulged.  Particular 
measures  may  have  been  injudiciously  adopted,  individual  men  may  have  been 
improperly  influenced  by  zeal  or  avarice,  but  the  prevailing  sense  of  the  people, 
and  of  the  public  men,  has,  as  I  firmly  believe,  been  favorably  inclined  to  public 
order  and  the  security  of  equal  rights.  The  number  who  can  possibly  be  actuated 
by  other  wishes,  is  too  inconsiderable,  and  their  efforts  too  feeble  to  justify  any 
serious  alarm. 

In  addition  to  the  security  which  must  result  from  established  habits,  from  the 
allodial  tenure  of  real  property  and  from  the  checks  upon  ambition,  which  are 
created  by  the  civil  divisions  of  our  country  ;  wise  men  will  infer  a  sure  guaranty 
for  public  liberty  from  the  temper  and  genius  of  the  times.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  governments  of  the  old  world  will  soon  undergo  a  general  change. 
The  structure  of  civil  societies  will  probably  be  different,  but  under  all,  social 
liberty  will  be  unequivocally  secured.  In  America,  there  is  no  public  evil  to 
redress.  Knowledge  and  philosophy  have  excluded  priestcraft ;  a  love  of  leisure 
and  a  general,  if  not  universal,  passion  for  acquiring  property,  have  extinguished 
every  sentiment  on  which  the  military  character  can  be  erected  ;  under  what  cir 
cumstances  can  a  distinction  of  civil  orders  be  made  1  Surely  under  none  that 
imagination  can  contemplate  as  existing,  or  likely  to  exist,  in  this  country. 
Where,  then,  is  the  danger  to  public  liberty  ?  Was  any  people  ever  enslaved,  or 
even  abridged  of  their  rights,  except  by  priests,  by  soldiers  or  by  nobles  ? 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  8th,  1792. 
*  *  *  * 

We  have  no  news.  The  election  in  this  state  is  not  over,  and  will  be  a  con 
tested  one — both  parties  are  confident  of  their  success.  It  is,  however,  said  that 
the  President's  proclamation,  and  an  apprehension  that  zeal  for  liberty  may  be 
carried  too  far,  as  has  been  deplorably  the  case  in  France,  will  have  an  effect  in 
favor  of  temperate  men  at  the  ensuing  election. 

I  understand  that  Mr.  Burr  will  be  the  candidate  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams 
as  Vice  President,  and  that  he  will  be  powerfully  supported.  It  may  be  well  to 
think  of  this  when  the  choice  of  electors  is  made,  at  least  so  far  that  it  be  not 


1792.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  81 

taken  for  granted  that  Mr.  Adams  will  have  an  unanimous  vote.     All  the  votes 
of  New  England  will  probably  be  necessary  to  secure  his  election,  and  should  be 
given  in  his  favor  if  the  people  are  satisfied  with  his  conduct  and  wish  his  re 
appointment. 

An  arrival  yesterday  from  Ostend,  brought  intelligence  that  M.  Fayette,  with 
several  officers,  were  taken  by  the  Austrians  as  they  were  reconnoitering  the 
enemy.  It  seems  that  some  suspicions  prevailed  that  Fayette  was  taken  prisoner 
with  his  own  consent.  It  is  bad  for  the  French  either  way.  The  poor  Poles 
are  vanquished,  and  the  hopes  of  all  good  men,  in  respect  to  their  revolution, 
blasted. 


TO  THE  SAME. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  16, 1792. 

*  *  *  * 

We  are  all  well,  and  have  no  news  that  can  certainly  be  relied  on  ;  but  a  letter 
has  been  received  in  town,  from  Charleston,  which  mentions  an  arrival  from 
France  as  late  as  the  second  of  September,  stating  that  the  Queen  and  5000  people 
of  Paris  had  been  murdered,  that  the  King  was  missing,  and  the  Duke  of  Bruns 
wick  within  30  miles  of  Paris,  with  his  army.  Perhaps  this  is  not  true,  and  yet , 
considering  the  wretched  state  of  the  nation,  it  is  not  very  improbable.  The 
cause  of  the  revolution  appears  to  be  in  greater  danger  than  I  ever  supposed  it 
would  be,  and  this  has  been,  in  a  great  degree,  occasioned  by  the  violence  of  the 
Jacobin  faction. 

In  this  country,  electioneering  is  the  great  business  of  the  politicians.  The 
votes  have  been  taken  in  this  state,  and  from  what  has  been  heard,  there  is  a 
prospect  of  a  good  representation.  The  Vice  President,  it  is  said,  will  be  opposed. 
I  will  thank  you  to  inform  me  who  the  electors  will  be  from  Connecticut. 


The  President's  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session 
in  November,  1792,  after  noticing  several  other  subjects  of 
domestic  importance,  stated  his  opinion  that  the  condition 
of  the  national  finances  was  now  sufficiently  matured  to 
enable  Congress  to  enter  upon  a  systematic  and  effectual 
arrangement  for  the  regular  redemption  of  the  public  debt, 
and  urged  its  adoption.  A  resolution  recognizing  the 
expediency  of  the  measure,  and  calling  upon  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  to  report  a  plan  for  the  purpose,  after  a 
debate,  in  which  the  expediency  was  denied  and  the  re 
ference  opposed,  finally  passed.  Every  possible  delay 
was,  however,  interposed — the  anti-federalists  hoping  that 


82  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

at  the  next  Congress  a  majority  would  be  found  in  their 
favor.  The  report  was  made,  but  before  any  action  could 
be  taken  upon  it,  charges  of  misapplication  and  misappro 
priation  of  the  public  funds  were  preferred  against  Mr. 
Hamilton.  These  charges  were  refuted  by  him  in  three 
successive  and  very  able  reports,  and  all  imputations  upon 
his  character  wrere  satisfactorily  removed  ;  but  the  accord 
ance  of  certain  applications  with  the  laws  authorizing 
them,  being  disputed,  resolutions  were  brought  forward, 
censuring  his  conduct.  Further  enquiries  followed  for 
information  as  to  the  management  of  the  office,  and  the 
whole  of  the  session  was  thus  spent  in  sifting  the  conduct 
of  the  Secretary.  To  the  deep  mortification  of  his  enemies, 
they  resulted  only  in  establishing  the  wisdom  and  honesty 
of  his  administration — a  circumstance  which  no  wise 
diminished  the  personal  animosity  shown  towards  him  in 
the  debates  and  the  partizan  press.  These  enquiries  as 
regarded  the  treasury,  exceedingly  increased  the  duties 
of  the  officers,  and  to  Wolcott  especially  they  became 
most  arduous,  as  the  data  on  which  the  answers  were 
made  were  all  prepared  by  him. 

The  investigation  served  one  purpose  of  the  opposition ; 
it  prevented  any  question  being  taken  on  the  report.  It 
seems  somewhat  anomalous  that  a  party  which  had 
charged  the  administration  with  the  wish  to  perpetuate 
the  debt,  should  thus  have  thwarted  its  measures  to 
discharge  it,  and  an  explanation  of  the  fact  can  only  be 
found  in  a  fixed  determination  to  break  down  the  Secre 
tary.  The  conduct  of  the  federalists  on  this  occasion  was 
honorable  to  them,  and  manifested  their  confidence  in  Mr. 
Hamilton.  The  resolutions  of  enquiry  were  suffered  to 
pass  without  debate. 


1792.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  S3 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Nov.  21,  1792. 

*  *  *  * 

A  strenuous  attempt  has  been  made  by  the  Virginians  to  prevent  a  reference  I 
of  a  question  of  finance  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  they,  however,  failed  f 
of  success.  On  this  point  there  appears  to  be  the  most  obstinate  opposition.  The 
amount  of  the  argument  against  references  is,  that  the  right  of  originating  money 
bills  exists  with  the  House  of  Representatives,  that  this  right  is  incommunicable, 
and  that  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  such  weight  with  the 
House  as  to  destroy  the  independence  of  a  majority  of  the  members,  who,  they 
say,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  must  and  will  be  determined  by  his  advice.  It 
is  to  little  purpose  that  reasoning  is  attempted  against  prejudices  of  this  kind  ; 
men  who  recur  to  such  arguments  betray  great  ignorance  of  business  and  of 
human  nature.  They  believe — what  is  impossible,  that  fifty  or  sixty  men  can 
unite  their  mutual  exertions  on  one  subject,  so  as  to  produce  a  plan  or  write  sys 
tematically  ;  and  they  likewise  must  believe,  that  because  a  proposition  is  fairly 
demonstrated  so  as  to  force  a  conviction  upon  the  mind,  it  ought,  on  that  account, 
to  be  distrusted  ;  thus  torturing  the  only  causes  of  belief  into  reasons  for  incre 
dulity,  and  extolling  a  man's  talents  for  the  sake  of  exciting  a  distrust  of  his 
judgment. 

It  is  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  modern  philosophers  to  be  more  absurd,  the 
more  their  faculties  are  employed,  and  to  arrive  at  ignorance  by  more  intense 
application  of  thought,  than  would  be  necessary  to  render  them  useful,  wise  and 
learned. 

The  President's  determination,  expressed  in  his  speech,  to  support  the  laws, 
has  given  much  satisfaction  ;  the  opposition  is  now  confined  to  a  small  part  of 
this  state,  and  will  soon  cease. 

The.  electors  for  Pennsylvania  are  now  known,  and  it  is  said  that  all  the  votes 
except  one,  or  at  most  two,  will  be  for  the  present  possessors  of  the  offices  of  Pre 
sident  and  Vice  President.  I  hope  that  it  will  not  be  the  disgrace  of  Connecticut 
that  the  choice  will  be  in  the  least  affected  by  the  insidious  contrivances  which 
have  been  practised.  It  is  now  understood  that  a  systematical  effort  has  been 
made  in  every  state,  which  has  been  conducted  with  great  address  and  secrecy. 
The  plan  really  is  to  elect  George  Clinton,  and  where  a  direct  interest  cannot  be 
made  in  his  favor,  it  is  intended  to  diminish  the  votes  for  Mr.  Adams.  I  think  it 
is  likely,  unless  some  attention  is  given  to  the  subject,  that  votes  will  be  solicited 
for  such  men  as  Mr.  Hancock,  &,c.,  &c.  Not  that  they  expect  that  any  other 
effect  will  be  produced  than  a  plurality  in  favor  of  the  real  candidate. 

I  do  not  know  but  that  there  is  as  little  trouble  arising  from  intrigue  in  this 
country  as  can  ever  be  expected,  while  man  continues  what  he  has  ever  been. 
The  general  affairs  of  the  country  are,  I  am  persuaded,  prosperous,  and  if  there 
are  any  considerable  abuses,  they  have  not  come  to  my  knowledge.  Some  of  our 
Southern  friends  appear  to  be  uneasy,  but  I  am  not  satisfied  that  they  are  wiser  or 
honester  men  than  those  who  are  supporting  the  plans  in  operation. 


84  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3 . 

We  have  no  news  from  France,  except  what  has  come  to  your  knowledge  by  the 
papers.  What  will  be  the  result  of  the  scene  of  confusion  and  carnage  which  has 
commenced,  cannot  be  conjectured.  Nothing,  perhaps,  is  certain,  except  that 
France  must  have  a  government,  and  that  their  present  attempts  to  establish  one 
of  the  republican  kind  must  give  way  for  the  present. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

MIDDLETOWN,  Dec.  5,  1792. 
Sir, 

I  am  here,  and  have  attended,  with  all  the  other  electors  of  the  state,  the  elec 
tion  of  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  and  am  happy  to  be 
able  to  inform  you  that  upon  counting  their  votes,  they  were  united  in  their  choice 
of  President  Washington  and  Vice  President  Adams.  In  this  election,  they  were 
very  cordial,  and  impressed  with  the  deepest  conviction  of  the  propriety  of  con 
tinuing  those  officers  in  their  present  stations.  The  efforts  which  have  been 
made  to  affect  the  election  of  the  Vice  President,  I  sincerely  wish  and  trust,  may 
be  found  ineffectual.  I  am  certain  that  no  choice  could  be  more  improper  than 
that  of  George  Clinton.  I  have  a  vile  opinion  of  the  man,  and  believe  nothing 
but  the  grossest  ignorance,  or  the  most  nefarious  designs,  could  have  proposed 
such  a  candidate.  The  enemies  of  Mr.  Adams  are  mistaken  if  they  conceive 
that  George  Clinton  can  ever  engage  a  vote  in  this  state.  His  friends  in  New 
York  wish  to  give  him  an  honorable  retreat  from  the  resentment  of  the  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  state  ;  those  who  think  unworthily  of  him,  wish  to  remove 
him  from  the  state  government.  It  is  melancholy  to  think  that  a  government 
which  has  been  found  so  beneficial  in  its  operations,  should  be  so  soon  attacked  by 
a  set  of  ambitious,  partial  and  selfish  men.  *  In  haste. 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  15th,.  1792, 


You  have  heard  the  votes  of  New  England  for  President  and  Vice  President. 
In  New  York,  all  for  Clinton  ;  Pennsylvania,  one  for  Clinton,  the  rest  for  Adams  ; 
Delaware,  all  for  Adams  ;  Maryland,  all  for  Adams,  except  two  who  did  not  at 
tend  and  lost  their  votes.  The  state  was  agreed  in  favour  of  Adams.  Virginia,  all 
for  Clinton  ;  North  Carolina  and  Kentucky,  not  known  yet,  but  will  be  for  Clin 
ton  ;  South  Carolina,  divided  about  equally,  as  is  expected  ;  Georgia  will  be  for 
Clinton.  Mr.  Adams  has  a  good  majority,  and  the  division  against  him  is 
occasioned  by  faction  and  misrepresentations,  which  will  give  way  on  a  better 
understanding  of  the  state  of  things. 

Nothing  new  has  happened  here.  I  think  Congress  is  something  more  placid 
than  at  the  last  session.  We  are  waiting  impatiently  for  news  from  France. 
Our  Jacobins  are  indecisive  while  the  fate  of  their  brethren  is  in  suspense.  By  a 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  86 

strange  kind  of  reasoning,  some  suppose  the  liberties  of  America  depend  on  the 
right  of  cutting  throats  in  France.  When  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  is  beat,  which 
he  probably  will  be,  we  shall  hear  the  cry  against  tyranny  and  aristocracy  re 
newed  in  this  country.  It  it  strange  that  we  cannot  be  contented  with  our  lot, 
which  is  certainly  a  good  one,  but  must  raise  disquiets  out  of  the  quarrels  of  other 
nations.  Instead  of  imitating  the  French,  we  should  wish  them  the  same  situa 
tion  with  ourselves. 

I  am  well  and  in  good  spirits,  though  I  work  hard  and  hope  I  perform  my  duty. 
I  am  not  ambitious.  The  office  I  hold  is  as  good  as  an  office  can  be.  It  is 
suited  to  my  talents,  and  I  wish  for  nothing  more.  This  you  do  not  believe,  but 
it  is  because  you  are  plagued  with  a  passion  which  has  become  extinct  in  my 
bosom.  *  *  *  * 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Jan.  27,  1793. 

*  #  *  * 

Congress  has  completed  but  little  business,  and  considerable  divisions  have 
existed.  It  is  most  evidently  the  intention  of  the  opposition  to  the  present  sys 
tem,  that  but  little  shall  be  done.  The  next  Congress,  they  calculate,  will  be 
more  favorable  to  their  views. 

The  papers  printed  here  indicate  a  settled  determination  in  a  certain  party  to  de 
stroy  the  popularity  of  the  leading  men  of  our  country ;  even  the  President's  charac 
ter  no  longer  remains  inviolable.  Several  virulent  papers  have  been  printed  by 
Freneau.  The  pretences  for  the  attack  are  the  reserved  manners  of  the  President 
(which  are  said  to  proceed  from  an  affectation  of  royalty)  and  his  not  having 
interested  himself  in  support  of  the  late  demand  of  the  army.  The  real  difficulty, 
I  imagine,  is  the  great  debts  due  in  the  southern  states  to  the  British  ;  when  they 
are  paid  or  rendered  desperate,  many  difficulties  will  vanish. 

A  variety  of  requisitions  have  been  made  upon  the  treasury  for  information,  cal 
culated  to  excite  suspicions  of  mal-administration.  Every  thing  will,  however, 
turn  out  properly. 

PHILA.,  Feb.  8th,  1793. 

I  presume  Giles'  motions  and  speech  have  been  seen  by  you,  in  which  he  has 
intimated  that  the  Treasury  Department  have  cabbaged  several  millions  of  the 
public  money,  for  which  they  cannot  account.  Though  I  have  no  conception 
that  this  was  seriously  believed  by  any,  it  became  indispensable  that  a  complete 
disclosure  of  our  pecuniary  affairs  should  be  made  to  Congress  and  the  public  ; 
full  scope  to  an  enquiry  has  been,  therefore,  invited.  The  labor  which  this  has 
occasioned  has  been  great,  but  it  will,  I  presume,  answer  a  good  purpose.  The 
effect  cannot  be  indifferent ;  either  the  public  confidence  will  be  promoted  or 
destroyed.  My  opinion  is  sufficiently  known  when  I  declare  that  the  scrutiny 
has  given  me  pleasure.  I  enclose  you  the  first  report  of  the  Secretary  on  the 
VOL.  I.  8 


86  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

subject.  The  statements  which  are  referred  to  are  not  yet  printed  ;  you  will,  how 
ever,  perceive  a  refutation  of  the  most  important  of  the  surmises  which  was 
hazarded. 

The  affairs  of  this  country  appear  to  be  verging  to  some  important  crisis.     The 
opposition  to  the  measures  which  have  been  adopted,  conduct  as  if  they  were 
influenced  by  something  more  than  rivalry  and  personal  ambition.     Prejudices 
are  excited  and  passions  enlisted  into  their  party  which  are  alike  hostile  to  every 
system  of  government,  and  such  as  cannot  fail  to  impede  business  and  render  the 
public  service  insupportable.     The  best  solution  which  I  can  give  of  this  disquiet 
is  the  pressure  of  the  foreign  debts  due  from  the  Virginia  planters  ;  these,  they 
imagined,  had  been  thrown  off.     The  effect  of  the  treaty  and  of  the  constitution 
is  to  make  them  responsible  ;  at  least,  this  is  believed,  though  no  decision  of  this 
question  has  been  made  by  the  national  judiciary.     The  prospect  of  poverty  and 
dependence  to  the  Scotch  merchants  is  what   they  cannot  view  with  patience. 
They  seem  determined  to  weaken  the  public  force,  so  as  to  render  the  recovery  of 
these  debts  impossible.     On  the  merits  of  this  question  I  form  no  opinion,  but  a 
strict,  impartial  and  vigorous  exercise  of  the   constitutional  authority,  I  deem 
indispensable  to  the  repose  of  the  country.     No  rational  attempt  to  support  the 
existing  systems  ought  to  be  omitted.     The  experiment  of  a  union  with  the 
southern  states  ought  to  be  now  made  conclusively  ;  if  it  shall  prove  unsuccessful 
we  ought  to  part  like  good  friends,  but  the  separation  ought  to  be  eternal.     The 
inevitable  danger,  loss  of  property,  interruption  of  industry,  and  painful  anxiety, 
which  are  inseparable  from  revolutions,  forbid  the  repetition  of  another  experiment. 
The  papers  printed  here  contain  much  insufferable  cant  about  aristocracy — this 
political  vice  is  supposed  to  prevail  in  New  England,  but  especially  in  Connecticut ! 
Much  pains  will  doubtless  be  exerted  to  convince  the  people  that  they  are  unhappy. 
I  wish  to  be  informed  whether  any  impression  is  or  can  be  made  upon  them — the 
weak  side  of  that  people,  if  they  have  any,  is  to  be  suspicious  that,  they  are  cheated. 
Will  it  be  possible  for  the  Southern  people  to  make  'the  opinion  prevail  ?     Of 
several  things  they  may  be  confident,  viz:  that  the  noisy  declaimers  are,  most  of 
them,  unworthy  of  confidence  ;  that  their  public  affairs  never  were  more  honestly 
conducted  ;  and,  lastly,  that  no  people  on  earth  ever  realized,  equally  with  them 
selves,  that  liberty  and  equality  for  which  the  world  is  now  contending.     If  they 
maintain  their  present  manners  and  character,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  first  moment 
of  candid  and  impartial  reflection  will  attribute  to  them  the  first  rank  in  society — 
that  their  institutions  will  serve  as  models  for  free  nations  and  themes  for  philo 
sophical  and  political  discussion.     The  man  who  attempts  to  disturb  their  tran 
quillity  at  this  time,  is  the  worst  enemy  of  his  country  and  society. 

It  has  been  given  out  that  Jefferson  will  resign  his  office  next  March,  since 
which  a  Mirabe.au  has  addressed  him  with  much  adulation,  and  stated  how  much 
the  repiMican  interests  in  this  country  will  suffer  from  his  retirement.  Time 
will  show  whether  this  is  a  trick  to  gain  a  few  compliments. 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  87 

FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  February  9,  1793. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  can  easily  imagine  you  have  not  leisure  to  write  to  your  friends  at  present,  as 
you  find  full  employment  for  your  time  in  accounting  for  the  millions  of  cash  that 
some  of  you  in  the  Treasury  Department  have  slily  put  away  in  your  money 
vaults.  I  had  before  imagined  that  the  only  reward  you  would  ever  receive  for 
your  hard  services,  would  be  the  honor  of  serving  the  Union  with  ability  and 
fidelity.  But  Mr.  Giles,  it  seems,  means  to  pay  you  off  in  solid  coin  ;  it  is  better 
to  receive  it  from  an  enemy  than  not  at  all.  I  generally  find  those  pay  me  best 
who  love  me  least.  However,  let  it  come  from  what  quarter  it  will,  I  am  glad 
you  have  so  much  cash,  and  as  there  is  no  difference  between  being  a  rogue  and 
honest,  you  may  as  well  keep  it,  and  go  snacks  in  the  prize. 

The  government  still  retains  its  popularity  in  Connecticut  among  all  our  bipeds. 
We  rejoice  in  the  victories  of  the  French,  but  believe  we  shall  wait  till  they  get 
through  the  scrape  before  we  get  drunk  in  honour  of  their  exploits.  Our  citizesses 
quite  execrate  their  new  name,  and  are  determined  neither  to  marry  nor  be  given 
in  marriage,  and  those  who  now  are  so,  as  well  as  those  who  are  not,  not  to  have 
any  female  children  till  the  term  is  exploded.  They  will  have  no  objection  to 
being  called  biped  in  common  with  men,  if  it  can  be  clearly  shown  that  term 
denotes  nothing  above  the  foot  or  ankle,  but  as  it  comes  so  near,  they  are  suspi 
cious  of  mischief. 

Your  friend  Hopkins,  for  three  weeks  past,  looks  as  affrighted  as  if  he  had  been 
plunged  into  the  wolf's  den  after  Put.'s  ghost.  Mr.  Trumbull  enjoys  his  health 
better  than  when  you  was  here.  All  your  friends  are  well ;  we  live  quite  happily. 
I  have  as  much  business  as  I  love  to  do,  though  I  don't  get  so  much  money  as  I 
want  to  spend.  )  *  *  Give  my  best  love  to  sister  Betsy.  lam,  • 

with  the  most  cordial  wishes  for  your  happiness,  your  friend, 

CHAUNCEY   GOODRICH. 

FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  Feb.  17,  1793. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant,  enclosing  the  Secretary's  Report,  with 
a  great  deal  of  satisfaction,  for  by  some  means  or  another,  I  am  become  as  much 
interested  in  the  prosperity  of  that  really  worthy  man,  as  in  the  fate  of  an  old 
friend.  Giles'  motion  and  speech  made  no  impression  in  this  quarter,  not  even 
on  the  most  ignorant  ;  we  had  no  other  anxiety  about  the  business,  only  that  Mr. 
Hamilton  might  seasonably  administer  to  him  the  merited  chastisement.  He 
has  now  for  his  recompense  to  feel  at  least  the  confusion  of  detected  rascality, 
whatever  he  may  of  remorse.  One  excellence  of  the  chastisement  is  that  it  quickly 
follows  the  offence. 

It  is  certainly  a  sign  of  the  downfall  of  the  party,  that  they  become  so  impu 
dent  and  inconsiderate  in  their  attacks,  and  aim  their  shafts  at  so  many.  Among 


FIRST  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  3. 

other  instances  of  their  folly,  it  is  not  the  least  to  think  they  can  gull  people  in 
New  England  by  their  noisy  clamour.  It  may  do  with  their  untaught  back 
country  people  at  their  huskings,  but  our  common  folks  know  their  true  charac 
ter,  which  is  bullyism — a  Yankee  wont  be  bullied  by  any  body. 

We  shall  attend  carefully  to  your  papers,  and  I  have  no  doubt  remain  firm. 
Our  greatest  danger  is  from  the  contagion  of  levelism  ;  what  folly  is  it  that  has 
set  the  world  agog  to  be  all  equal  to  French  barbers.  It  must  have  its  run,  and 
the  anti-feds  will  catch  at  it  to  aid  their  mischievous  purposes.  I  believe  it  is  not 
best  to  let  it  pass  without  remark,  and  before  long  the  authors  of  entire  equality 
will  shew  the  world  the  danger  of  their  wild  rant.  We  treat  their  Boston  notions 
with  derision,  and  the  name  of  citizen  and  citess,  are  only  epithets  of  fun  and  joke. 
Is  there  any  danger  of  a  change  of  measures  from  the  increased  representation  ? 
If  not,  the  government  is  safe,  for  federal  measures  will  gain  strength  from  oppo 
sition  ;  a  noisy  set  of  discontented  demagogues  make  a  rant,  and  it  seems  as  if 
they  were  about  breaking  up  the  foundations,  but  the  great  body  of  men  of 
property  move  slowly,  but  move  with  sure  success.  *  * 

I  am  your  sincere  friend, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH, 


CHAPTER  IV. 


SUMMER    AND    FALL    OF    1793. 

The  second  Congress  of  the  United  States  expired  with 
the  third  of  March.  On  the  fourth,  Washington  was  the 
second  time  inaugurated  President. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  9th,  1793. 

#  #  *  * 

The  last  winter  has  required  every  exertion  which  I  could  make.  To  enable 
the  public  to  judge  of  the  attack  upon  the  Treasury,  a  great  variety  of  docu 
ments  have  been  produced  which  could  not  be  made  out  without  much  attention, 
and  the  bestowment  of  considerable  extra  time.  This  has  rendered  it  difficult  for 
me  to  write  as  often  as  I  wished.  My  business  has  somewhat  fallen  in  arrear, 
and  I  shall  be  busy  for  some  time  to  bring  it  up. 

Now  the  trouble  is  nearly  over  I  am  glad  it  has  been  suffered  ;  the  advantages 
to  the  public,  and  the  chance  of  the  plots  of  a  party  being  better  understood  than 
they  would  have  been  otherwise,  affords  a  compleat  compensation  for  what  is 
past. 

TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  9th,  1793. 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  5th  instant,  and  though  the  information  therein 
contained  is  somewhat  more  encouraging  than  when  my  father  wrote  last,  I 
cannot  but  feel  the  most  extreme  solicitation  as  to  the  issue  of  my  mother's  illness. 
The  probability  doubtless  is,  that  we  must  soon  feel  the  pang  of  separation  from 
a  parent,  whose  kindness  and  affection  to  us,  and  whose  virtues  and  respectable 
example  will  demand  a  perpetual  homage  to  her  memory.  When  we  shall  be 
called  to  mourn  the  afflicting  bereavement,  it  will  become  us  to  reflect  that  she 
arrived  to  the  usual  period  of  human  life  and  that  in  every  situation  she  was 

8* 


90  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

justly  esteemed  and  honoured.  Sincere  ought  to  be  our  gratitude  that  such  has 
been  the  tenor  of  her  life  as  to  render  death  no  evil  to  her,  and  as  to  be  a  source 
of  consolation  for  a  loss  ordained  to  be  inevitable. 

I  have  been  exceedingly  engaged  this  winter,  which  has  prevented  me  from 
writing  to  my  friends  as  often  as  I  otherwise  should  have  done.  You  have 
doubtless  heard  of  the  attack  of  the  Virginians  upon  the  Treasury.  The  result 
has  been  such  as  the  merits  of  the  case  required.  Every  thing  has  been  fully 
explained,  much  to  the  honor  of  Col.  Hamilton  and  to  the  great  chagrin  of  his 
adversaries.  I  enclose  the  journals  of  the  house  on  this  subject. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  20th,  1793. 
#  #  #  # 

I  enclose  a  paper  which  contains  an  account  of  the  fate  of  poor  Louis.  Mel 
ancholy  has  been  the  reverse  of  fortune  for  him  who  was  once  the  "  Protector  of 
the  rights  of  Mankind,"  but  lately  a  murderer  and  traitor.  The  extremes  of 
power  and  wretchedness,  of  splendour  and  abasement,  of  extravagant  applause  and 
unmerited  censure  which  have  checquered  the  life  of  this  unfortunate  man,  prove 
the  fickleness  of  public  opinion  and  the  instability  of  greatness.  It  remains  to 
see  the  result  of  the  great  experiment  which  the  French  are  attempting. 

FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  March  24,  1793. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letters  of  the  4th  and  20th  instant.  The 
event  of  the  death  of  Louis  which  the  last  communicated,  is  a  wanton  act  of 
barbarity,  disgraceful  even  to  a  Parisian  mob,  and  threatens  the  success  of  Re 
publicanism  in  France.  One  serviceable  purpose  however,  it  may  be  expected  to 
answer  in  this  country,  to  check  the  passions  of  those  who  wish  to  embroil  us  in 
a  desperate  cause,  and  unhinge  our  government.  The  gratitude  due  to  Louis' 
and  his  Queen  for  their  protection  of  America  has  been  lost  in  the  glare  of  the 
revolution,  but  will  be  revived  with  redoubled  energy. 

In  reading  the  debates  on  Mr.  Giles'  resolutions  against  the  Secretary,  I  find 
a  consequence  given  to  them  by  his  friends  they  don't  merit ;  they  were  the  ebulli 
tions  of  mere  party  spite,  and  every  body  was  convinced  of  it,  as  soon  as  they 
appeared;  they  deserved  no  other  attention  but  that  examination  the  constitution 
required,  and  silent,  indignant  contempt.  I  have  not  in  a  single  instance  known 
a  person  express  any  other  feelings  about  them.  Debate  and  eloquence  might 
be  necessary  to  counteract  their  venom  in  the  Southern  States,  but  there  could 
be  no  other  occasion  for  it. 

We  shall  continue  in  New  England,  attached  to  the  government  as  long  as  we 
derive  so  many  blessings  from  it.  Aad  it  may  be  expected  the  southern  people 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  91 

will  oppose  it,  till  it  accommodates  itself  to  a  state  of  negro-hood,  debt,  luxury 
and  gambling  ;  they  must  be  radically  mended  before  they  will  love  a  good  gov 
ernment.  *  *  *  *  I  am  your  friend, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


FROM^OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

March  25th,  1793. 


Sir, 

*  *  *  * 

*  The  attack  made  upon  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  is,  I  believe,  with  us  held  L. 
in  universal  detestation.  People  observe  and  feel  that  since  the  institution  of  ! 
the  new  government,  such  has  been  its  benign  operation,  that  the  country  from 
a  state  of  the  greatest  despondency  and  almost  total  relaxation  of  all  industry, 
has  obtained  opulence  and  ease,  and  that  every  nerve  of  enterprise  and  industry 
is  excited,  and  an  entire  confidence  is  placed  in  the  public  administration.  The 
fiscal  department  possesses  its  full  share  of  this  favourable  public  opinion.  To 
introduce  such  an  attack  at  the  close  of  a  session,  and  when  it  was  very  impro 
bable  that  the  Secretary  could  within  so  short  a  period  furnish  the  necessary  doc 
uments,  and  after  this,  with  the  utmost  exertion  had  been  effected,  then  for 
Giles  and  his  junto  to  move  a  postponement  of  a  decision,  was,  as  Mercer  ex 
pressed  himself  with  a  different  relation,  such  a  piece  of  baseness  as  would  have 
disgraced  the  council  of  Pandemonium.  It  appears  to  me  evident  that  there  are 
a  set  of  men  in  Congress,  who  from  pride,  ignorance,  ambition  or  interest,  or  all 
of  them,  mean  to  make  a  steady  exertion  materially  to  derange  the  present  sys 
tem  of  government.  The  pedagogue  who  is  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  departments 
is  prominent  in  this  business.  Our  confidence  and  expectations  must  be  princi-  ^ 
pally  placed  upon  the  stability  of  the  Executive. 

Why  Congress  refuses  to  admit  any  provision  for  the  payment  of  the  balance 
which  shall  be  found  due  to  the  particular  states,  I  cannot  imagine.  The  liqui 
dation  of  these  accounts  is  left  absolutely  with  the  commissioners  and  a  govern 
mental  promise  to  pay  the  balances. 

Why  have  stocks  lately  fallen  so  considerably  1  Is  it  owing  to  a  want  of  con 
fidence  in  government,  the  foreign  demand  for  specie,  or  an  accumulation  of 
banks  1  This  question,  you  well  know,  is  a  matter  of  curiosity  only. 

I  felt  a  heart-felt  sorrow  at  the  murder  of  Louis,  as  I  believe  it  may  properly 
be  called  ;  an  event  it  is  true  which  might  be  expected,  for  whenever  a  people 
go  so  far  as  to  imprison  their  prince,  they  will  never  again  trust  him,  but  will 
destroy  him.     France,  whether  they  shall  be  successful  against  the  numerous 
foes  which  they  shall  have  to  contend  with,  or  not,  have  every  thing  to  suffer 
before  their  affairs  get  settled.     I  hope  that  the  President  will  continually  super-    ' 
intend  the  conduct  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  so  as  not  to  suffer  by  his  indiscretion     ' 
these  states  to  be  involved  in  the  vortex  of  European  politics.     I  did  not  know 
that  your  friend  Barlow  had  been  such  a  visionary  till  I  had  seen  his  amendments 
to  the  French  Constitution.     Yours,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


92  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,    1793. 


I  have  been  and  shall  be  very  busy.  The  Treasury  department  have  a  sturdy 
and  difficult  part  to  manage  in  this  day  of  bustle  and  inquiry. 

Enclosed  you  will  receive  a  newspaper  which  contains  a  sketch  of  the  new 
constitution  of  France.  Please  to  present  it  to  my  father  with  my  best  respects. 

You  will  in  this  outline  see  that  the  poor  Frenchmen  have  much  to  suffer  be 
fore  they  settle  their  affairs.  An  executive  with  seven  heads,  a  judiciary  chosen 
by  the  people  at  large,  and  a  right,  reserved  to  each  citizen  to  propose  new  or  the 
repeal  of  existing  laws,  will  produce  more  friction  than  can  easily  be  overcome. 
Yet  in  this  country  are  men  sworn  to  praise  this  plan  in  derogation  of  our  own 
constitution.  May  God  preserve  it  from  the  effects  of  such  fanaticism. 


The  past  year  had  been  an  eventful  one  to  Europe.  A 
new  act  in  the  political  drama  now  acting  in  France,  had 
opened  ;  monarchy  had  been  abolished  and  the  nation 
proclaimed  a  republic  ;  Louis  XVI.  had  fallen  by  the 
guillotine ;  the  convention  had  successively  declared  war 
against  England,  Holland  and  Spain ;  the  horrors  of  the 
revolution  had  commenced  in  earnest,  and  its  baleful  in 
fluence  was  not  to  be  confined  to  the  old  world. 

The  interest  excited  in  America  by  the  commencement 
of  the  French  revolution,  had  increased  with  its  progres 
sive  stages,  and  rose  to  enthusiasm  on  the  final  overthrow 
of  the  monarchy.  The  affection  of  the  nation  to  its  an 
cient  ally  became  devotion  when  France  assumed  the 
name  and  form  of  a  republic. 

It  was  thought  that  a  brand  snatched  from  our  own  al 
tars  had  lighted  the  fire  of  liberty  upon  the  wrecks  of  an 
cient  tyranny ;  the  old  world  was  following  the  example 
of  the  new ;  a  political  millennium  had  commenced, 
whose  empire  would  be  universal,  and  the  armies  of 
France,  spreading  over  Europe,  were  hailed  as  the  pio 
neers  of  its  advent.  That  this  opinion  should  obtain 
widely,  was  natural.  Few  men  knew  as  yet  the  direc- 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  93 

tion  which  had  already  been  given  to  the  struggle,  and 
how  little  it  resembled  in  principle  the  war  of  indepen 
dence.  Fewer,  still,  seem  to  have  possessed  the  wisdom 
to  perceive  in  the  character  of  the  French  themselves, 
their  essential  unfitness  for  self-government,  or  that  a  peo 
ple  bred  up  without  knowledge  of  their  rights  or  experi 
ence  in  the  exercise  of  them,  could  not  at  once  attain  that 
knowledge  or  that  experience.  But  when  the  feelings  or 
the  passions  of  a  nation  are  enlisted,  there  is  as  little  exer 
cise  of  reflection  as  in  the  like  case  of  an  individual,  and  not 
much  more  tolerance.  And  accordingly  it  happened  that 
the  body  of  the  American  people,  not  only  entertained  no 
doubt  of  the  genuineness  or  the  ultimate  success  of  French 
republicanism,  but,  moreover,  viewed  all  doubts  in  others 
as  treason  to  the  cause  itself,  arising  from  a  love  of  mon 
archy^ 

It  was  in  the  ranks  of  the  federal  party  that  those  were 
chiefly  found  who  were  obnoxious  to  this  charge.  The 
foresight  of  its  leaders  early  predicted  the  elements  of 
speedy  dissolution  in  the  ill-balanced  scheme  of  the  con 
vention  ;  nor  were  their  forebodings  dissipated  by  the  vio 
lent  death  of  the  king  and  the  fearful  scenes  which  fol 
lowed  it.  They,  too,  had  procured  the  introduction  into 
our  constitution  of  the  features  in  which  that  now  adopted 
by  the  French  differed  from  it  most  essentially,  and  it  was 
through  their  influence  that  what  of  strength  and  efficiency 
the  government  possessed,  had  been  given  to  it. 

The  present,  therefore,  afforded  an  opportunity  too 
tempting  to  be  neglected,  for  the  anti-federalists  to  destroy 
alike  the  citadel  and  its  defenders.  Adroitly  harping 
upon  the  catch-word  of  monarchism,  they  succeeded  in 
converting  the  national  bias  into  the  instrument  of  party. 
Newspapers  and  pamphlets  teemed  with  invectives,  in 
which  the  federalists  were  charged  with  the  design  of  in- 

ftV.  Marsh,  chap.  v.  317. 


94  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

traducing  a  government  similar  to  that  of  England  into 
America,  and  the  senate,  the  judicial  and  executive  de 
partments,  were  pointed  out  as  at  once  the  proofs  and  the 
instruments  of  the  intended  change.  The  French  consti 
tution  was  celebrated  as  the  perfection  of  democracy,  and 
the  people  incited  to  fraternize  with  a  nation  as  blood 
thirsty  and  profligate  in  freedom,  as  they  had  been  corrupt 
and  slavish  in  loyalty. 

Thus  was  the  way  opened  by  faction  at  home,  for  the 
introduction  of  intrigue  from  abroad,  and  it  was  not  long- 
before  the  advantage  was  seized. 

The  French  republic,  desirous  of  an  ally  in  the  wars  in 
which  she  had  engaged  with  all  Europe,  speedily  turned 
her  attention  to  the  United  States,  as  the  one  which,  from 
situation,  from  extent  of  commerce  and  natural  produc 
tions,  as  well  as  from  friendship,  would  prove  the  most 
serviceable  and  the  most  manageable. 

The  late  government,  from  fear  that  the  United  States 
would  become  too  powerful  and  too  independent  of  the 
protection  of  France,  had  thwarted  all  her  attempts  at 
treaty-making  with  the  European  powers,  prevented  her 
acquiring  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  other  com 
mercial  advantages,  and  sedulously  fostered  the  coolness 
with  England.  By  treaty,  too,  it  had  reserved  very  im 
portant  privileges,  by  which  its  influence  could  be  main 
tained  and  extended,  of  which  the  consular  convention 
entered  into  in  1788,  between  Montmorin  and  Jefferson, 
formed  a  striking  example.  Those  who  now  directed  the 
republic,  were  no  less  clear-sighted  in  employing,  than  the 
ministers  of  Louis  had  been  in  preserving  their  oppor 
tunities. 

In  April  of  this  year,  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war 
by  France,  against  Great  Britain  and  Holland,  arrived  in 
the  United  States,  and  with  it,  M.  Genet,  a  new  minister. 
The  time  and  place  of  his  arrival  were  as  judiciously  se 
lected,  as  the  envoy  himself  had  been.  The  news  of  the 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  95 

war  coming  at  the  same  time,  increased  to  an  extraordi 
nary  degree  the  excitement  already  existing  in  favor  of. 
France,  and  disposed  a  large  portion  of  the  nation  to  an 
actual  co-operation  with  their  ally  against  its  enemy. 
Landing  at  Charleston,  a  seaport  distant  from  the  capi-» 
tal,  the  envoy  had  a  full  opportunity  of  ascertaining  the. 
temper  of  the  people  before  presenting  himself  to  their « 
government.  Sanguine  in  his  temperament,  of  uncon 
trolled  passions,  excited  to  a  degree  of  insanity  by  thj3 
new-born  ideas  which  raged  in  France,  possessed  of  th£ 
wildest  dreams  of  national  glory  and  aggrandizement,  jn 
a  word,  the  very  incarnation  of  Jacobinism,  he  was  tfce 
fittest  brand  which  the  assembly  could  have  selected  to 
hurl  into  the  magazine  of  political  strife.  His  reception 
was  well  fitted  to  encourage  him.  Public  authorities  and 
private  citizens  vied  with  each  other  in  glorifying  the  repre 
sentative  of  European  democracy.  On  all  sides  he  be 
held  the  disposition  he  desired,  and  he  did  not  delay  in 
profiting  by  it.  Vessels  were  at  once  fitted  out  and  armed, 
men  were  enlisted,  and  commissions  issued  under  his  au 
thority  to  cruise  against  the  enemies  of  France.  The  con 
suls,  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  French  national 
convention,  erected  themselves  into  courts  of  admiralty, 
and  proceeded  to  exercise  their  "privileges  and  immuni 
ties"  by  trying  and  condemning,  in  American  ports,  prizes 
captured  from  a  nation  with  whom  America  was  at  peace. 
M.  Genet's  progress  to,  and  his  reception  at  Philadel 
phia,  were  marked  with  the  same  evidences  of  popular 
infatuation  and  of  diplomatic  arrogance.  That  all  grati 
tude  toward  the  fallen  dynasty  might  be  extinguished,  in 
presenting  his  letters  to  the  President,  this  "  representative 
of  our  ally"  presented  also  the  proofs  of  the  views  enter 
tained  by  Vergennes  and  Montmorin  toward  the  United 
States  ;  official  documents,  manifesting  "  in  plain  terms 
the  solicitude  of  France  and  Spain  to  exclude  the  United 
States  from  the  Mississippi ;  their  jealousies  of  the  grow- 


96  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

ing  power  and  ambition  of  this  country  ;  and  the  wish  of 
France,  expressed  while  the  question  was  pending,  that  the 
constitution  might  not  be  adopted,  as  it  suited  France  that 
the  United  States  should  remain  in  their  present  state,  be- 
'cause  if  they  should  acquire  the  consistency  of  which  they 
were  susceptible,  they  would  soon  acquire  a  force  or  a 
power  which  they  would  be  very  ready  to  abuse. "a 

If  republican  France  thus  saw  fit  to  expose  the  Machia- 
velism  of  the  monarchy,  it  was  only  that  under  cover  of 
this  frankness  she  might  exercise  a  still  more  treacherous 
influence  herself.  The  object  of  the  new  government  was 
to  draw  the  United  States  into  the  war  against  Great  Bri 
tain.  The  instructions  of  her  envoy  pointed  out  to  him,  in 
case  the  government  should  be  found  unmanageable,  the 
same  policy  here  which  proved  so  successful  in  Europe — 
the  severance  of  the  people  from  their  constituted  authori 
ties. 

The  conduct  of  Genet,  and  the  disposition  manifested  to 
support  him  in  it,  rendered  necessary  the  immediate  inter 
position  of  the  government  to  prevent  the  continuance  of  a 
course  which  must  have  resulted,  not  only  in  an  irreparable 
breach  of  neutrality,  but  what  would  prove  more  disas 
trous,  in  a  surrender  of  the  independence  of  the  country. 
The  new  position  in  which  the  United  States  were  placed 
by  this  first  occurrence  of  a  general  war  in  Europe,  and 
by  the  sudden  and  violent  change  in  the  form  of  govern 
ment  of  the  French  nation,  rendered  necessary  the  digestion 
of  a  permanent  system  of  policy  in  regard  to  external 
relations.  This  was  settled  and  established  after  mature 
consideration.  The  proclamation  of  neutrality  thereupon 
was  issued  on  the  22  d  of  April,  and  instructions  were 
somewhat  later  sent  to  the  collectors  of  ports  to  prevent 
vessels  from  arming  in  favor  of  either  of  the  belligerents. 
The  history  of  Genet's  mission  has  been  fully  detailed 

*  Genet's  Instructions,  published  Dec.,  1793.     V.  Marsh.,  336,  note. 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  97 

by  Marshall,  but  a  reference  to  these  events  has  been 
deemed  necessary,  as  their  consequences  long  continued 
to  operate,  and  as  others  will  hereafter  be  narrated  which 
took  their  origin  from  this  direction  of  party  spirit.  To 
oppose  its  baneful  influence  was,  throughout  the  remainder  i 
of  this  and  the  whole  of  the  succeeding  administration, 
the  constant  and  most  difficult  task  of  the  federalists.  To 
warn  the  nation  against  its  consequences,  their  ablest  pens 
were  exerted  and  their  most  brilliant  eloquence  awakened. 
It  was  the  theme  of  the  essays  of  Hamilton,  the  orations  of 
Ames,  and  the  last  great  charge  of  Washington. 

The  arrival  of  Genet  was  the  signal  for  the  organization 
in  America  of  the  Jacobin  societies,  whose  machinations, 
during  the  succeeding  year,  were  so  injurious  to  its  tran 
quillity.  Their  views  of  universal  reformation,  and  then- 
assumed  dictation  to  government,  were  warmly  supported 
by  the  swarms  of  foreigners  who  were  now  pouring  into 
the  United  States  ;  and  as  extremes  meet,  the  subjects  of 
monarchies  furnished  the  best  materials  for  republicans. 
Those  who  had  never  known  liberty  were  the  most  fitted 
not  only  to  enjoy,  but  to  teach  it.  Now  was  the  very 
carnival  of  democracy.  It  was  to  such  a  state  of  affairs 
that  the  words  of  Montesquieu  applied  with  a  singular 
force.  "The  corruption  of  each  government,"  he  says, 
"  begins  with  that  of  the  principles.  The  principle 
of  democracy  is  corrupted  not  only  when  the  spirit  of 
equality  is  extinct,  but  likewise  when  they  fall  into  a 
spirit  of  extreme  equality,  and  when  each  citizen  would 
fain  be  upon  a  level  with  those  he  has  chosen  to  com 
mand,  him.  Then  the  people,  incapable  of  bearing  the 
very  power  they  have  delegated,  want  to  manage  every 
thing  themselves,  to  debate  for  the  senate,  to  execute 
for  the  magistrate,  and  to  decide  for  the  judges.  Where 
this  is  the  case,  virtue  can  no  longer  subsist  in  the  republic." 

As  the  Executive  was  found  to  be  impracticable,  Genet, 
in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  turned  to  the  people. 

VOL.  i.  9 


98  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

His  letters  to  the  department  of  state,  written  for  the 
purpose  of  publication,  and  immediately  sent  to  the  Jaco 
bin  papers,  breathed  defiance  and  insult  to  the  govern 
ment,  sympathy  and  affection  for  the  oppressed  and  injur- 
*  ed  nation.  Pursuing  his  design  of  involving  the  country 
in  the  war,  he  persisted,  notwithstanding  remonstrance  and 
prohibition,  in  arming  vessels  and  making  captures  in  the 
waters  of  the  United  States ;  his  consuls  following  his  ex 
ample,  openly  disobeyed  and  resisted  the  laws.  Expedi 
tions  were  fitted  out  for  military  operation  against  Florida 
and  Louisiana,  and,  as  if  the  usurpation  of  the  rights  of 
sovereignty  were  not  sufficient,  a  direct  appeal  from  the 
President  to  the  people  was  threatened.  In  all  this  he 
was  not  merely  supported,  but  stimulated  by  the  opposi 
tion.  The  clubs  warmly  espoused  his  cause,  the  anti- 
federal  papers  vindicated  every  new  outrage,  calumnies 
and  abuse  were  heaped  upon  the  administration  from  every 
quarter,  and  the  menaced  appeal  was  boldly  invited.  Yet 
these  were  the  men  who  charged  upon  the  Federalists  a 
subserviency  to  foreign  influence. 

As  it  became  manifest  that  a  speedy  termination  must 
be  put  to  this  conduct,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  by 
the  cabinet,  that  Genet's  recal  should  be  required  of  his 
government,  and  a  letter  to  that  effect  was  written  to  Mr. 
Morris  on  the  16th  of  August,  which  recapitulated  at  length 
the  offences  of  the  minister.  On  the  18th  of  September, 
M.  Genet  addressed  the  Secretary  of  State,  less  in  his 
own  defence  than  in  abuse  of  the  President,  and  for  the 
first  time  in  their  correspondence,  of  Mr.  Jefferson  himself. 
It  had  been  not  a  little  remarkable  that  during  this  period 
of  high  excitement,  the  Secretary  of  State,  who  it  was  sup 
posed  had  concurred  with  the  rest  of  the  cabinet  in  the 
proclamation  of  neutrality,  and  most  of  the  other  measures 
actually  adopted  in  reference  to  this  new  aspect  of  affairs, 
who  had  been  the  organ  of  all  official  correspondence  with 
him,  should  not  only  have  retained  undiminished  his 


1793.J  OF  WASHINGTON.  99 

popularity  with  the  opponents  of  those  measures,  but  have 
hitherto  escaped  censure  from  the  minister  himself.  Under 
the  circumstances  therefore,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  sus 
picions  of  his  duplicity  were  entertained  ;  and  such  suspi 
cions  were  not  likely  to  be  removed  by  Genet's  charge, 
that  he  had  used  to  him  "  an  official  language,  and  a  lan 
guage  confidential ;"  that  he  "  made  him  believe  he  was 
his  friend,"  and  "  initiated  him  into  mysteries  which  had 
influenced  his  hatred  against  all  those  who  aspired  to  ab 
solute  power" — in  short,  that  he  had  been  alike  treacher 
ous  to  his  country  and  to  his  ally ;  that  he  had  instigated 
Genet  in  his  outrages,  and  abandoned  him  when  he  had 
reaped  their  advantage. 


TO  NOAH  WEBSTER. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  20,  1793. 

I  have  received  your  letter  with  the  pamphlet,  with  the  perusal  of  which  I  have 
been  highly  gratified.  I  must  set  you  a  task  for  writing  another,  on  a  subject 
more  useful,  important  and  honourable  to  our  particular  country,  than  any  which 
can  be  the  subject  of  human  contemplation.  I  mean  a  philosophical,  historical 
and  political  view  of  the  manners,  customs  and  institutions  of  New  England.  I 
wish  the  nature  and  effect  of  the  civil  and  religious  corporations  to  be  consider 
ed,  as  they  respect  the  order,  information  and  social  condition  of  the  people  ;  also 
as  they  afford  a  guaranty  for  republican  systems,  as  they  tend  to  restrain  danger 
ous  ambition,  &c.  I  have  not  time  now  to  explain  myself  fully,  but  I  believe 
you  understand  me,  as  I  think  we  have  conversed  on  the  subject.  If  you  will 
undertake  the  work,  I  will  thank  you  to  make  a  brief,  or  argument  of  the 
subject,  and  send  it  to  me,  that  I  may  suggest  any  additional  ideas.  A  book 
of  this  kind,  well  written,  is  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  explain  to  the  people 
their  situation,  and  to  prevent  them  from  adopting  any  novelties  in  this  age  of 
theory  and  nonsense.  It  is  my  sober  opinion,  that  the  hopes  of  mankind  as  they 
respect  the  eventual  success  of  the  republican  system,  depend  chiefly  on  the  con 
duct  of  the  people  of  New  England.  Since  I  have  left  that  country,  I  have  be 
come  an  enthusiast,  if  not  a  fanatic,  with  respect  to  the  customs  of  the  northern 
States.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  some  late  papers,  not  that  I  wish  to  convince  you 
that  the  treasury  have  been  honest,  but  as  they  contain  some  details  which  may 
be  of  use  to  you  in  your  speculations. 


100  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

TO  FREDERICK  WOLCQTT. 

PHILA.,  May  20th,  1793. 

#  *  *•  # 

We  are  here  considerably  plagued  with  French  politics.  A  party  most  intol 
erably  demand,  that  the  French  shall  be  panegyrized  and  extolled  for  every  thing 
which  they  have  done,  and  that  other  nations  shall  be  censured  and  reviled.  Citi 
zen  Genet,  the  new  minister,  issued  commissions  to  privateers  at  Charleston, 
which  have  captured  several  prizes.  A  British  ship  has  been  captured  at  anchor 
in  the  bay  of  Delaware.  These  infractions  of  our  neutrality  will,  I  presume,  be 
censured  by  the  government ;  they  must  be  restrained  in  future,  or  this  country 
will  inevitably  be  dragged  into  the  war,  to  the  utter  ruin  of  our  affairs.  It  is 
painful  to  think  that  we  have  any  such  fools  and  rogues,  as  are  disposed  to  bring 
on  discussions,  and  excite  parties,  tending  to  irritate  foreign  nations  and  expose 
the  public  peace.  There  is  no  man  in  this  country,  I  hope,  who  does  riot  wish  that 
the  French  should  enjoy  a  free  government.  Many  justly  doubt  whether  their 
present  measures  tend  to  secure  to  them  this  great  blessing  ;  but  in  my  opinion 
we  ought  not  to  discuss  this  subject  too  publicly.  It  is  a  matter  with  which  we 
have  nothing  to  do.  We  should  preserve  our  own  peace,  and  set  an  example  of 
moderation  to  the  world.  It  is  certain  that  there  is  nothing  for  us  to  imitate  on 
either  side  of  the  question.  The  despotic  system  of  conquest  and  partition,  and 
the  French  system  of  fraternizing,  are  equally  oppressive  and  villainous.  A  friend 
of  order,  freedom  and  happiness,  must  equally  hate  the  King  of  Prussia,  the  Em 
press  of  Russia,  the  German  tyrants,  and  those  infernal  robbers,  Marat,  Egalite 
and  Robespierre,  who  murder  and  destroy  under  the  deluding  pretences  of  being 
the  friends  of  liberty  and  equality.  The  benevolent  mind  must  contemplate  the 
scenes  of  devastation  occasioned  by  both  parties,  with  the  extremest  anguish,  and 
can  find  no  solace  but  in  the  expectation  that  a  just  God  will  destroy  both  factions. 
It  must  be  the  case  that  the  confusions  in  Europe  will  continue  for  a  long  time, 
I  therefore  view  the  situation  of  this  country  as  critical.  May  every  patriot  finally 
determine,  that  in  all  events  it  shall  not  be  involved. 

PHILA.,  June  11,  1793. 

I  have  perfectly  recovered  from  my  indisposition,  and  wish  that  I  could  indulge 
myself  on  your  hill  in  eating  strawberries,  and  breathing  the  pure  air  of  freedom. 
This  cannot  be  permitted  for  the  present  ;  I  must  remain  busily  employed  this 
summer.  Until  the  present  storm  is  blown  over,  it  is  necessary  that  all  the  sea 
men  should  stay  with  the  ship. 

You  good  people  of  New  England  ought  to  be  proud  of  your  situation.  While 
the  world  is  contending  for  and  against  liberty  and  equality,  you  can  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  peace,  security  and  independence,  and  if  you  but  preserve  the  old 
manners  and  institutions  of  your  country,  you  will  have  the  consolation  of  extend 
ing  the  happiness  which  they  bestow,  to  every  part  of  America.  You  may  be 
assured  that  the  success  of  the  republican  system  in  a  great  measure,  depends  on 
the  conduct  of  the  people  of  New  England.  * 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  101 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  11,  1793. 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  31st  ultimo,  and  was  happy  to  be  informed 
of  the  general  prosperity  and  satisfaction  which  prevails  in  the  State  of  Connecti 
cut.  It  would  be  much  increased  if  the  people  could  cpmpare  their  situation 
with  that  of  any  other.  New  England  is  the  only  truly  republican  country  on 
earth,  and  the  final  success  of  the  republican  system  depends  upon  their  firmness, 
moderation  and  virtue.  If  the  present  storm  in  Europe  is  of  short  continuance, 
we  shall  avoid  any  trouble.  If  it  continues  long,  especially  attended  with  success 
to  the  exterminating  spirit  of  the  French,!  tremble  for  the  existence  of  all  civi 
lized  societies.  If  this  country  suffers  from  no  other  cause,  it  will  be  embarrassed 
with  obstinate  and  dangerous  factions.  At  present,  Europe  is  agitated  with  the 
most  violeVt  convulsions.  Poland  and  France  in  different  ways  exhibit  frightful 
examples  of  human  misery.  Several  other  governments  appear  to  have  no  other 
option  than  to  sink  under  the  iron  sceptre  of  despotism,  or  be  depopulated  by  the 
poniards  of  enthusiastic  demagogues.  A  wretched  alternative  for  millions  of 
peaceable  and  virtuous  citizens. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  June  17th.  1793. 

Sir, 

*  *  *  * 

I  have  examined  the  statement  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  which  you 
sent  me,  and  although  I  am  not  able  to  judge  of  this  business  in  the  detail,  yet 
the  energetic  reasons  which  he  has  assigned  for  his  own  conduct,  cannot,  I  be-? 
lieve,  fail  of  making  the  most  convincing  impressions,  and  fix  his  adversaries  in  a 
state  of  despondence.  I  never  had  the  least  doubt,  both  as  to  the  abilities  and 
rectitude  of  Mr.  Hamilton.  Indeed  a  man  must  be  uncommonly  stupid,  not  to 
know  that  the  national  fiscal  department  must  be  conducted  not  only  with  regard 
to  every  species  of  property  within  the  United  States,  but  to  the  whole  system  of 
commerce,  and  whatever  has  the  name  of  property,  which  can  have  any  connec 
tion  with  this  country.  The  man  who  can  take  so  comprehensive  a  view,  un^ 
aided  by  any  former  national  experience,  as  to  be  able  to  establish  a  system  of  pub 
lic  credit  after  it  was  by  abuse  of  all  public  faith  and  confidence  nearly  annihilated , 
so  as  within  the  short  term  of  four  years  fully  to  restore  and  establish  it  upon  a 
stable  basis,  and  by  his  provident  care  to  guard  against  all  contingencies  which 
might  do  it  an  injury,  and  by  the  same  operation  raise  a  people  from  the  most 
torpid  indolence  and  despondency,  to  a  state  of  the  most  vigorous  enterprise,  in 
dustry  and  cheerfulness,  and  increase  the  value  of  property  within  the  same 
period  one  third  more  than  it  before  was,  (which  I  believe  has  been  the  case 
within  this  state,  notwithstanding  our  vast  emigrations)  he  who  can  effect  all 
this  without  imposing  a  sensible  burden  upon  any  one,  or  deranging  one  usefi;! 
occupation  or  business,  must  possess  talents  and  industry  and  a  species  of  intui 
tion,  which  will  ever  insure  him  respect  and  the  highest  esteem  from  all  but  such 

9* 


102  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [Ciur.  4. 

only  as  are  infected  by  that  basest  and  vilest  of  human  affections,  envy.  In  this 
state  I  never  heard  any  one  speak  of  Mr.  Hamilton  but  in  terms  of  respect,  and 
the  same  of  the  officers  of  his  department.  I  shall  furnish  a  number  of  gentle 
men  in  this  part  of  the  state  with  the  reading  of  the  fiscal  statement  which  you 
sent  me,  for  although  we  are  very  quiet  and  confiding  in  the  rectitude  of  the  na 
tional  administration  ;  yet  there  are  some  who  wish  to  have  it  otherwise  (or  I  am 
mistaken)  if  they  dare  make  the  attempt — at  present  they  dare  not. 

I  have  observed  that  gentlemen  who  have  been  for  some  time  in  Philadelphia . 
seem  to  have  very  disagreeable  apprehensions  lest  there  should  be  some  subver 
sion  of  the  national  government.  This  I  can  more  easily  account  for,  as  I  never 
was  six  months  in  Philadelphia  during  the  war,  but  what  I  had  different  appre 
hensions,  and  those  very  disagreeable  ones,  relative  to  the  state  of  the  Union,  from 
what  I  had  upon  my  return  there  after  a  few  months  absence  ;  and  I  always  found 
that  to  be  the  case  in  regard  to  every  other  member  of  Congress.  Indeed  if  they 
had  not  been  frequently  supplied  with  fresh  hands,  the  condition  of  tl*%  members 
would  have  been  intolerable.  You  will  always  judge  right  il  you  believe  that  the 
vast  body  of  the  people  who  live  north  and  back  of  that  place,  are  of  emphatically 
different  character  from  those  who  compose  that  factious,  ignorant  and  turbulent 
town.  I  believe  that  there  is  not  one  in  fifty  in  New  England  but  what  will  sup 
port  the  present  government,  (in  which  computation  I  include  Vermont,  and  also 
reckon  Parson  Niles  and  some  hysterical  politicians  in  Boston)  and  I  believe  that 
there  is  not  more  than  one  in  twenty  north  of  the  Delaware  ;  Maryland,  if  I  mis 
take  not,  will  do  the  same.  If  at  any  future  period  our  southern  friends  shall  incline 
to  dissolve  the  Union,  they  must  count  upon  the  Potomac  and  the  Ohio,  as  the 
line  of  division.  This  part  of  the  Union  will  not  adopt  the  French  ideas  of  juris 
prudence.  I  believe  before  the  year  1800,  Congress  will  be  very  willing  to  go 
to  Conogochegue,  or  any  other  place,  so  as  they  can  leave  Philadelphia  ;  not  but 
that  one  half  of  the  bustle  and  turbulence  of  that  town  is  a  mere  matter  of  affec 
tation  and  pride,  and  more  owing  to  habitual  security  than  any  serious  wish  to 
obtain  what  they  seem  to  aim  at. 

The  French  are  in  a  state  of  extreme  delirium  and  extreme  wretchedness.  They 
will  suffer  all  the  miseries  which  war  can  inflict,  and  in  its  consequences,  proba 
bly,  famine  and  the  pestilence.  The  avowed  designs  of  the  late  European  Con 
gress  to  give  France  a  king,  will  occasion  serious  reflection  in  the  minds  of  mil 
lions  of  the  Old  World.  The  combinations  of  kings  to  maintain  despotism 
through  Europe,  is  a  question  which  will,  within  no  distant  period,  be  further 
discussed  in  the  old  world. 

When  I  sat  down  to  write,  I  did  not  think  of  scribbling  so  long  a  letter,  but 
you  will  take  it  as  it  is  My  kindest  regards  to  your  wife  and  yourself. 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  11,  1793. 

Nothing  material  has  lately  occurred,  except  the  destruction  of  the  populous 
and  opulent  settlement  of  Cape  Francois,  which  is  mentioned  in  the.  enclosed  pa- 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  103 

pers.  It  is  said  that  this  town  was  as  large  as  New  York,  and  more  populous. 
All  the  whites  who  did  not  escape  on  board  the  vessels  are  supposed  to  have  been 
exterminated,  and  the  same  destruction  will  probably  extend  to  Port  au  Prince 
and  the  other  towns  in  the  French  part  of  Saint  Domingo.  American  property 
to  a  great  amount  has  been  lost,  besides  the  loss  of  a  valuable  market.  The 
wretched  remains  of  the  whites  are  daily  falling  in  here, and  into  the  Chesapeake, 
most  of  whom  are  in  a  deplorable  state  of  poverty,  and  for  whose  subsistence  im 
mediate  provision  will  be  necessary. 

It  is  not  known  that  anything  important  had  happened  in  Europe,  till  about 
the  beginning  of  May,  at  which  time  some  considerable  actions  had  happened, 
the  result  of  which  has  been  but  incorrectly  detailed.  The  acquittal  of  Marat 
is  viewed  by  many  here  as  the  prelude  to  some  new  disorders  in  Paris.  The  af 
fairs  of  our  own  country  are  prosperous,  but  I  tremble  for  the  consequences  of  the 
party-spirit  which  begins  to  appear.  There  seems  to  be  some  danger  that  French 
and  English  factions  will  disturb  our  tranquillity.  A  large  privateer  has  actually 
fitted  out  from  Philadelphia,  under  the  French  minister's  directions,  and  sailed 
down  the  river.  No  satisfactory  promise  can  be  obtained  that  she  will  not  pro 
ceed  to  sea.  This,  of  course,  has  occasioned  much  dispute,  and  parties  appear  to 
be  forming.  It  is  a  time  for  the  exercise  of  firmness  and  moderation  on  the  part 
of  all  good  citizens. 


TO  NOAH  WEBSTER. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  10,  1793. 

I  perused  your  favor  of  the  5th  instant,  with  sincere  pleasure.  The  contents 
and  enclosure  shall  be  used  to  promote  the  purpose  you  mention.  It  must  be 
very  consoling  to  the  President  to  know  that  the  measures  which  he  has  adopted 
at  this  interesting  crisis  are  approved  by  the  discerning  republicans  of  the  coun 
try.  The  sentiments  of  the  people  of  Connecticut,  you  may  be  assured,  are  as 
much  regarded  as  any  that  can  be  offered.  The  city  address  was  exactly  to  the 
purpose,  and  will  have  a  good  effect  here.  It  was  fortunate  that  it  contained  an 
intimation  that  you  would  resist  a  foreign  influence.  I  expect  soon  to  have  the 
pleasure  of  transmitting  an  answer. 

You  are,  I  presume,  informed  of  the  audacious  conduct  of  a  foreign  minister, 
if  not,  certain  papers  which  have  been  published  in  New  York  by  Citizen  Will- 
cocks,  will  convey  a  tolerable  idea  of  it,  though  the  offence  has  been  incomparably 
more  aggravated  than  he  has  represented.  On  this  occasion  I  hope  to  see  the 
proud  and  indignant  spirit  of  our  country  awakened.  Let  it  be  known  that  we 
can  distinguish  between  an  individual  and  a  cause  ;  that  we  are  competent  to 
manage  our  own  concerns,  and  that  a  foreign  influence  will  not  be  permitted. 
As  this  is  the  first  attempt  of  the  kind  which  has  been  made,  it  is  important  that 
it  should  have  such  an  issue  as  will  render  another  improbable.  Imagination 
cannot  conceive  a  more  wretched  scene  than  this  country  would  exhibit,  if  fac 
tion  should  arrange  us  under  various  interfering  foreign  interests  ;  every  species 
of  villainy  and  corruption  would  be  triumphant  ;  even  the  hell  of  despotism 


104  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP. 4. 

would  be  a  refuge  from  such  a  situation.  It  is  fortunate  that  great  abilities  are 
rarely  united  to  great  depravity.  In  the,  present  instance,  America  is  to  be  con 
gratulated  that  she  can  obtain  from  the  presumption  and  vanity  of  Citizen  Genet, 
what  she  had  a  right  to  claim  from  his  justice.  By  foolishly  attempting  to  dic 
tate,  his  personal  consequence  will  be  annihilated,  and  the  country  left  calmly  to 
fulfil  its  engagements,  and  at  the  same  time  avoid  the  horrors  of  war  and  inter 
nal  disturbance.  On  this,  as  on  all  trying  occasions,  the  friends  of  true  liberty 
look  to  New  England  for  protection.  On  your  firmness  and  stability  of  charac 
ter,  the  fortunes  of  this  country  in  a  great  measure  depend. 

Though  I  have  no  objections  that  what  I  have  now  stated  should  be  known  to 
our  particular  friends,  yet  you  will  be  pleased  to  consider  this  letter  as  chiefly 
confidential.  It  will,  however,  be  proper  that  the  people  should  understand  it  to 
be  a  real  fact  that  M.  Genet  has  insulted  the  government  and  behaved  very  im 
prudently.  The  consequences  of  a  foreign  influence  in  popular  governments, 
may  be  elucidated  from  the  history  of  ancient  Greece  and  modern  Italy,  as  well 
as  from  their  more  recent  effects  on  the  governments  of  Sweden  and  Poland. 

FROM  DR.  LEMUEL  HOPKINS. 

HARTFORD,  Aug.  21,  1793. 
My  Dear  Friend, 

When  you  wrote  me,  the  severe  trial  of  some  of  the  heads  of  departments  was 
a  recent  event.  You  gave  your  opinion  in  favour  of  the  several  officers  who 
conduct  them  having  discharged  their  trust  with  zeal  and  foresight,  even  without 
excepting  the  war  department  which  was  then  the  most  unpopular.  1  am  glad 
to  find  that  the  public  is  now  of  the  same  opinion,  and  particularly  that  Col. 
Hamilton  has  been  rather  benefited  than  hurt  by  the  loud  clamor  of  the  southern 
junto.  Indeed,  I  could  never  bring  myself  to  fear  that  they  could  eventually 
hurt  the  treasury  department,  and  as  to  their  being  able  to  render  the  President 
unpopular,  I  am  surprised  that  they  should  be  so  stupid,  however  chagrined  and 
wrong-headed  they  might  be,  as  to  think  it  worth  attempting.  I  am  sure  it  re 
quires  no  uncommon  knowledge  of  men  and  measures  to  foresee,  that  in  spite  of 
all  the  fog  of  newspaper  scribbling,  the  accessory  aid  of  French  politics,  and  the 
several  difficulties  of  making  our  new  government  walk  alone,  the  attachment 
of  the  people  to  him  would  decidedly  appear  whenever  an  event  like  that  of  his 
proclamation  and  the  abuse  which  that  drew  upon  him  should  occasion  them  to 
utter  their  sentiments.  The  leaders  of  that  junto  seem  not  only  to  think  them 
selves  "  Legion,"  individually,  but  that  each  of  their  party  is  so  too.  I  have  no 
doubt  but  French  gold  has  been  scattered  in  some  of  our  cities.  It  may  have 
stimulated  many  a  pen,  and  have  made  several  presses  groan  in  the  anti-federal 
cause.  Genet,  too,  may  have  thought  that  he  was  to  be  the  great  apostle  of 
genuine  liberty  and  equality  to  these  states.  That  he  could  easily  denounce  the 
President  by  an  "  appeal"  from  his  judgment  on  any  considerable  matter,  and 
that  the  mob  would  fall  on  and  effect  his  wishes ;  but  they  have  to  learn  that 
money  must  be  scattered  among  the  whole  body  of  the  people  ;  that  a  man  bred 
in  France  must  long  study  our  character  before  he  fully  knows  how  widely  we 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  10-5 

differ  from  Frenchmen.  All  this,  and  much  more  must  they  learn,  before  they 
can  make  us  adopt  Jacobin  politics,  as  a  people.  The  southern  democrats  ap 
pear  in  newspapers,  in  speeches  in  Congress,  &c.,  to  come  much  nearer  effecting 
their  measures  than  is  really  the  case.  It  never  was,  nor  can  be,  that  the  meas 
ures  of  such  men  should  be  popular  in  New  England.  There  is  no  such  thing 
as  knowing  such  a  people  as  the  New  Englanders,  so  as  to  calculate  crooked  poli 
tics  to  their  taste,  without  living  among  them  from  early  youth.  Harangues,  ever 
so  well  peppered  with  "  well  born,"  "  monocrats,"  "  aristocrats,"  "  hell  of  mon 
archy,"  &c.  &c.,  are  so  far  from  really  affecting  anything  in  these  parts,  that 
whenever  the  still  thinking  part  of  the  community  can  be  brought  to  manifest 
their  minds  on  any  measures  of  consequence,  they  will  at  once  drown  a  din  of 
complaining  politics  which  of  itself  would  seem  formidable.  The  more  a  man  is 
among  all  sorts  of  people,  the  more  fully  will  he  learn  the  unmeasured  difference 
there  is  between  the  sentiment  of  newspapers,  replete  with  local  politics,  and  the 
opinions  of  an  enlightened  people  in  the  peaceable  and  successful  pursuit  of 
wealth  and  happiness.  I  find  more  and  more,  that  a  busy  set  of  wrongheads 
can  at  pleasure,  stir  up  for  a  time,  any  sentiments  they  please  in  cities,  and  that 
there  is  a  great  aptitude  in  most  men  to  consider  cities  as  worlds,  or  at  least  as 
the  manufactories  of  sentiments  for  whole  countries,  and  much  of  this  may  be 
true  in  the  old  world  ;  but  in  New  England  the  contrary  is,  and  ever  will  be 
true  as  long  as  our  schools,  presses  and  town  corporations  last.  The  prompt, 
highflying  addresses  of  Genet,  the  bankrupts  of  the  ancient  dominion  who  would 
still  keep  up  the  splendid  exterior  of  their  European  ancestors,  the  insinuating 
acts  of  French  ministers  which,  often  outweighed  in  the  end  the  martial  roar  of 
the  British  lion — all  these,  equally  with  the  tag  rag  and  bobtail  of  cities,  must 
give  way  to  such  a  new  order  of  things  as  exists  in  "the  Northern  States.  It  will 
take  the  nations,  successively,  a  long  time  to  find  out  what  the  matter  is,  and 
whenever  they  come  to  find  out,  'tis  too  late.  This  was  the  case  ever  with 
mother  Britain,  will  be  more  highly  so  with  France,  and  so  on  of  the  rest. 

Dear  friend,  farewell. 

L.  HOPKINS. 

FROM  THEODORE  SEDGWICK. 

STOCKBRIDGE,  2Gth  Aug.,  ^93. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

I  believe  I  shall  not  impose  on  you  an  unpleasing  task  by  subjecting  you  to  the 
trouble  of  reading  the  inclosed.  The  sentiments  it  expresses  were  very  popular 
here. 

Mr. ,  you  know,  is  elected.  His  conduct  may  be  the  result  of  the 

manner  in  which  he  is  received  at  Philadelphia.  He  now,  I  am  told,  professes 
himself  federal.  Neglect  will  not,  I  hope,  make  him  otherwise^  I  wish  it  may 
be  in  my  power  to  attend  the  next  session,  though  at  present  it*isdo\Utful.  Mrs. 
Sedgwick,  I  have  reason  to  hope,  is  recovering.  Should  my  hope  not  be  disap 
pointed.  I  shall  attend  my  duty  in  Congress  ;  but  should  her  present  deplorable 
state  be  continued,  it  will  not  be  in  my  power. 


106  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

Pray,  is  the  report  of  the  commissioners  on  the  public  accounts  a  secret  ?  If 
not,  you  will  gratify  me  greatly  by  informing  me  of  the  result.  The  people  here 
are  contented  and  happy.  The  few  efforts  which  are  made  to  disturb  the  public 
tranquillity  have  hitherto  been  ineffectual.  Present  my  respects,  and,  if  you  will 
permit  it,  my  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  Wolcott,  and  be  assured  that  I  am,  dear 
sir,  with  much  esteem,  your  most  ob't  serv't  and  sincere  friend, 

THEODORE  SEDGWICK. 


FROM  TIMOTHY  DWIGHT. 

1793. 
Dear  Sir, 

Allow  me,  without  detailing  apologies  for  my  apparent  negligence  in  so  long 
delaying  this  letter,  to  thank  you,  with  much  affection,  for  the  uniform  sincerity 
and  hospitality  which  I  found  at  your  house.  Assure  Mrs.  Wolcott  of  the  grateful 
sense  I  shall  ever  entertain  of  the  very  polite  and  friendly  manner  in  which  she 
rendered  my  residence  there  peculiarly  agreeable,  and  of  my  best  wishes  for  your 
united  happiness.  Should  your  affairs  allow,  you  would  add  much  to  our  little 
circle  of  enjoyments  by  giving  us  a  visit  in  your  next  Connecticut  tour.  Mrs. 
Dwight,  I  need  not  tell  you,  very  sincerely  joins  with  me  in  every  wish  of  this 
nature.  I  was,  on  many  accounts,  greatly  pleased  with  my  journey  to  Philadel 
phia.  The  industry,  thrift,  and  improvements  of  that  city  would  be  gratifying  to 
a  person  much  less  interested  in  things  of  this  nature.  But  nothing  gave  me  a 
more  sincere  satisfaction  than  the  present  establishment  of  your  prison.  The 
state  of  Connecticut  has  gone  no  small  length  towards  meliorating  the  condition 
of  criminals,  but  is  wholly  eclipsed  by  the  wisdom  and  humanity  conspicuous  in 
the  treatment  of  these  unhappy  creatures  I  find  in  Philadelphia.  To  see  a  col 
lection  of  people  convicted  of  high  trespasses  against  society  and  moral  obligation 
after  such  conviction,  orderly,  peaceable,  industrious,  pleased  with  attending 
religious  worship,  and  with  reading  the  bible  and  other  religious  books  ;  to  see 
them  all  fed  and  clad  by  their  own  industry,  instructed  and  reformed  in  sentiments 
and  conduct,  uttering  neither  profane  nor  indecent  expressions,  and  without  the 
use  of  severity,  either  in  word  or  action,  induced  from  the  influence  of  a  regular 
train  of  benevolent  and  equitable  treatment,  to  prepare  for  readmission  to  the 
esteem  and  blessing  of  civilized  society,  and  finally  to  see  them  obtaining  such 
a  privilege,  is  more  than  I  ever  expected,  sanguine  as  I  have  generally  been  in 
the  belief  of  practical  improvement  in  social  well  being.  In  this  great  and  difficult 
branch  of  such  improvement,  your  fellow  citizens  have  set  an  example  to  the 
whole  human  race,  and  from  the  success  which  has  followed  their  efforts  have 
encouragement  to  extend  still  further  the  same  generous  views  of  amending  the 
character  and  condition  of  man. 

I  beg  you  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to  Mr.  Lowndes,  and  to  tell 
him  I  shall  always  remember  with  peculiar  pleasure  the  interview  I  had  with 
him,  and  that,  in  my  opinion  at  least,  he  and  his  brethren,  the  Friends,  in  Phila 
delphia,  merit  the  utmost  respect  and  good  will  of  all  the  friends  of  mankind,  for 
their  many  generous  and  well  directed  exertions  in  the  cause  of  humanity.  All 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  107 

persons  of  understanding,  and  indeed  all  others,  throughout  New  England,  wholly 
approve  of  the  President's  timely  and  judicious  proclamation,  and  of  the  various 
measures  by  which  he  has  endeavoured  to  preserve  a  strict  neutrality  to 
wards  the  belligerent  powers  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  When  his 
communications  to  the  Governor  of  this  state  were  read  before  the  legislature,  at 
their  last  session,  they  were  received  with  a  high  and  universal  approbation. 

Nor  was  the  decision  manifested  by  the  President  less  approved  than  the  nature 
of  his  communications.  Here  a  government  without  energy  is  laughed  at,  even 
by  those  whom  the  public  would  most  suspect  of  a  tendency  to  licentiousness. 
The  effects  of  the  general  government  on  industry,  morals,  and  happiness,  are  too 
great  not  to  be  clearly  seen  by  the  most  careless  observer,  and  too  pleasing  not  to 
be  strenuously  retained  by  the  most  humble  possessor.  Hence  every  attempt  to 
weaken  its  measures  is  considered  with  jealousy  and  dislike.  The  late  very  im 
pertinent  attacks  on  the  first  magistrate,  are  viewed  with  a  general  and  marked 
indignation.  Freneau,  your  printer,  linguist,  &c.,  is  regarded  here  as  a  mere 
incendiary,  or  rather  as  a  despicable  tool  of  bigger  incendiaries,  and  his  paper  as 
a  public  nuisance.  Happily  for  the  community,  all  the  writers  on  this  side  of  the 
question,  whose  productions  I  have  seen,  take  effectual  pains  to  disappoint  them 
selves.  For  the  violence  of  their  prejudices,  the  weakness  of  their  arguments, 
and  the  indecency  of  their  sentiments,  alike  counteract  the  mischievousness  of 

their  designs.     Mr.  is  elected  for  the  county  of  Hampshire.  You  are  high 

in  his  esteem,  and,  I  am  told  by  good  authority,  can  do  much  towards  setting 
him  right.  A  word,  &c. 

Our  season  is  fine  and  fruitful,  and  is  a  beautiful  symbol  of  general  prosperity. 
Were  we  fairly  freed  from  Indian  troubles,  we  should  have  nothing  to  regret.  A 
war  with  Great  Britain,  we,  at  least,  in  New  England,  will  not  enter  into. 
Sooner  would  ninety-nine  out  of  a  hundred  of  our  inhabitants  separate  from  the 
Union,  than  plunge  themselves  into  such  an  abyss  of  misery.  Greenfield  Hill  is 
at  present  in  a  dormant  state,  and  must  continue  so  until  October — other  unex 
pected  business  having  demanded  my  attention.  With  sentiments  of  sincere 
respect  and  affection,  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c.,  your  friend  and  servant, 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT. 

Some  of  the  following  letters  refer  to  the  first  malignant 
fever  in  Philadelphia.  Its  effects  were  extremely  fatal ; 
the  officers  of  government  were  dispersed,  and  Washington 
even  deliberated  upon  the  propriety  of  convening  Congress 
elsewhere.  The  abatement  of  the  fever,  however,  ren 
dered  unnecessary  a  measure  not  believed  to  be  in  strict 
accordance  with  the  constitution.  Provision  "for  such  a 
contingency  was  made  by  an  act  of  the  succeeding  session. 


10S  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Aug.  30,  1793. 


I  have  lately  been  vexed  at  reading  the  papers  in  this  city,  which  have  excited 
a  general  alarm  in  respect  to  a  putrid  fever  now  prevailing  here.  The  effects 
already  experienced  in  our  markets  are  disagreeable.  The  alarm  of  the  citizens 
and  their  friends  in  the  country,  has,  to  my  judgment,  been  injudiciously  excited. 
As  I  know  the  report  will  reach  you  much  exaggerated,  I  think  it  necessary  to 
state  the  facts  as  they  have  come  to  my  knowledge.  It  is  true  that  a  malignant 
putrid  fever  has  appeared  in  some  parts  of  Water  street,  which  is,  partly  from 
necessity  and  partly  from  carelessness,  exceedingly  filthy.  It  was  brought  from 
the  West  Indies,  or  has  been  produced  by  putrid  coffee  which  was  exposed  on 
one  of  the  wharves  ;  it  is  not  settled,  however,  which  was  its  true  origin,  .  The 
disorder  has  not  yet  been  treated  with  much  success,  and  individuals  who  become 
infected  in  Water  street  have  spread  it  into  other  parts.  It  seems,  however,  to 
be  chiefly  restricted  to  those  who  live  in  confined  places,  or  who  have  by  accident 
or  imprudence  received  the  contagion.  Those  who  are  temperate,  who  live 
cleanly  and  generously,  have  hitherto  escaped,  and  though  the  citizens  are  much 
alarmed  and  though  the  consequences  cannot  be  ioreseen,  I  feel  no  apprehension 
of  danger,  and  wish  my  friends  neither  to  believe  nor  be  concerned  at  the  reports 
which  are  and  will  be  circulated. 


TO  THEODORE  SEDGWICK. 

PHILA.,  Sept.  5th,  1793. 

I  have  been  favored  with  your  letter  of  August  28th,  and  have  received  much 
pleasure  from  perusing  my  friend  Lee's  oration.  The  late  manifestations  of  the 
public  sentiment  in  regard  to  certain  interesting  questions,  are  highly  honorable 
to  our  country,  and  will  serve  to  rescue  republicanism  from  that  opprobrium 
which  the  demoniacs  of  France  have  cast  upon  it.  They  also  prove  that  there 
is  a  fund  of  good  sense  in  this  country,  upon  which  those  who  administer  the 
public  affairs  may  safely  rely  ;  that  the  giddy  politicks  of  our  great  towns  are  not 
to  be  regarded  ;  in  fine,  that  we  have  no  Paris — the  centre  of  vice,  folly  and  fac 
tion — to  dictate  public  opinions,  and  overawe  those  who  execute  the  laws.  The 
people  of  this  country  are  too  wise  to  suffer  either  kings  or  clubs  to  rule  over 
them.  There  has,  however,  been  a  time  during  the  present  summer  which  justified 
a  degree  of  apprehension  ;  as  men  of  all  ages  liave  been  subject  to  epidemical 
phrenzies,  it  could  not  certainly  be  foretold  that  the  exertions  which  were  made  to 
delude  would  prove  unsuccessful.  The  danger  is  now  past,  and  much  credit  is 
due  to  the  correct  and  manly  conduct  of  the  people. 

The  intimation  in  respect  to  your  new  member  will  be  attended  to.  We  were 
formerly  intimately  acquainted,  and  I  had  reason,  from  what  then  appeared,  to 
value  his  frienship.  It  will  be  a  matter  of  course  that  it  be  renewed,  if  he  should 


1793.]  OF  "WASHINGTON.  109 

manifest  a  disposition  on  his  part,  which  I  can  have  no  reason  to  doubt.  The 
report  of  the  commissioners  is  not  made  public.  I  have  spoken  to  the  Secretary  on 
the  subject,  and  I  believe  that  he  will  soon  communicate  it  to  the  State  executives. 
Permit  me  to  sympathize  in  your  affliction  on  account  of  Mrs.  Sedgwick's  in 
disposition,  and  to  express  earnest  hopes  for  her  speedy  recovery.  A  malignant 
fever  has  raged  in  this  place  for  several  weeks,  which  has  greatly  alarmed  the 
citizens,  and  induced  numbers  to  fly  into  the  country.  My  situation,  of  necessity, 
confines  me  here.  I  have  yet  been  well,  and  hope  to  continue  so. 

Late  arrivals  from  Europe  have  informed  us  of  the  wretched  situation  of  things 
in  France,  which  seem  to  be  progressing  from  bad  to  worse.  There  is  danger 
that  famine  and  its  attendant  pestilence,  will  complete  the  ruin  of  that  devoted 
country.  A  constitution  has  been  published  ;  but  it  only  proves  that  the  conven 
tion  are  either  fools  or  under  violent  restraints,  for  no  body  of  men,  however 
peaceable,  could  possibly  execute  it  for  a  single  month.  France  must  be  con 
sidered  as  ruined  for  the  present  age  ;  perhaps  other  nations  may  be  involved  in  a 
similar  destruction. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Sept.  6,  1793. 

I  wrote  you  a  line,  a  few  days  since,  respecting  a  fever  which  prevails  in  this 
city.  It  still  continues,  though  its  malignity  is  said  to  have  in  some  degree 
abated.  Great  numbers  have  left  the  city,  and  all  the  villages  in  the  vicinity  are 
full.  My  business  is  in  such  a  situation,  that  if  the  danger  shall  increase  I  shall 
be  able  in  about  ten  days  to  spend  a  fortnight  in  the  country,  or  go  on  to  New 
York.  At  present,  it  is  impossible  ;  nor  do  I  think  it  at  all  necessary,  as  my 
house  is  both  airy  and  in  a  quarter  where  the  disease  has  not  yet  appeared.  I 
mention  these  things  to  prevent  any  unnecessary  anxiety  about  us.  We  are  yet 
well,  and  hope  to  continue  so. 

We  have  no  news  except  what  you  have  by  this  time  probably  heard.  Conde 
is  taken  ;  the  Austrians,  &c.,  are  slowly  progressing  against  France,  though  it  is 
said  the  combined  armies  begin  to  want  forage.  In  France,  every  thing  is  as  bad 
as  possible  ;  civil  war  rages,  famine  and  her  attendant,  pestilence,  may  be  soon 
expected  to  complete  the  ruin  of  that  devoted  country.  The  cool,  cruel  policy  of 
the  British  has  destroyed  the  French  West  Indies  by  means  of  their  internal 
factions. 

Our  commissioners  have  not  been  able  to  effect  a  meeting  with  the  Indians, 
unless  by  stipulating  for  the  Ohio  as  the  boundary.  The  war,  therefore,  will  be 
renewed.  This  was,  doubtless,  in  a  great  measure  owing  to  British  influence. 
The  Spaniards  are  suspected  of  similar  management  with  the  Southern  Indians'. 
On  these  points,  however,  I  do  not  wish  my  name  mentioned,  though  the  facts 
ought  to  be  known.  The  effect  they  ought  to  produce  on  the  people,  should  be 
to  make  them  watchful  in  respect  to  foreign  interest,  and  firm  and  united  in  sup 
port  of  their  own.  The  world  is  envious  of  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States, 

VOL.    I.  10 


110  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

and  the  European  governments  have  been  too  long  in  habits  of  injustice  not  to 
injure  us.  I  wish  we  could  agree  to  be  united,  and  to  hate  and  despise  them  as 
they  all  deserve. 


PHILA.,  Sept.  12,   1793. 

I  have  judged  it  best  to  remove  Mrs.  Wolcott,  her  little  sister,  and  a  part  of  our 
domestics,  into  the  country,  where  I  shall  soon  follow  them.  *  *  * 

The  apprehensions'  of  the  citizens  cannot  be  increased  ;  business  is  in  a  great 
measure  abandoned  ;  the  true  character  of  man  is  disclosed,  and  he  shows  him 
self  a  weak,  timid,  desponding  and  selfish  being.  One  half  of  the  risques  which 
are  incurred  in  the  gratification  of  idle  curiosity,  or  in  the  practice  of  the  most 
degrading  fanaticism,  would  administer  relief  to  numbers  who  perish  without 
notice  or  the  least  assistance  from  their  friends.  The  Africans  are  said  not  to 
be  affected,  and,  much  to  their  honour,  they  have  zealously  contributed  every  aid 
in  their  power.  Sunday  and  Monday  of  this  week  have  proved  the  most  mortal ; 
since,  the  disorder  is  said  to  have  abated.  It  is  very  certain  that  it  is  communi 
cated  only  by  contact,  or  by  specific  contagion.  The  fever  has  not,  except  in  one 
or  two  instances,  appeared  in  the  quarter  where  I  live,  and  my  situation  is  as 
favourable  as  almost  any  in  the  city.  When  I  leave  the  city,  I  expect  not  to  be 
permitted  to  return — the  alarm  of  the  country  being  so  great  as  to  restrain  much 
intercourse.  If  you  should  not  hear  from  me,  you  will  not,  therefore,  be  alarmed. 
Col.  Hamilton  lives  about  two  miles  out  of  the  city,  and  by  entering  the  house  of 
a  sick  person  caught  the  fever.  He  was  violently  attacked ;  but  by  a  proper  treat 
ment,  which  few  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  experience,  he  is  believed  to  be  out 
of  danger.  I  am  the  better  satisfied  with  being  in  town,  as,  by  information  from  his 
servants,  I  can  render  him  some  services  without  risque  to  myself.  I  have  every 
motive  to  induce  caution,  and  feel  no  apprehension.  I  hope  none  will  be  expe 
rienced  by  my  friends,  as  it  can  render  me  no  service. 

SMITH'S  HOUSE,  NEAR  PHILA.,  Oct.  10th,  1793. 

I  have  heard  nothing  from  you  for  some  time  ;  but  this  I  impute  to  an  intimation 
in  one  of  my  letters  that  I  was  about  to  leave  Philadelphia,  or  to  the  miscarriage 
of  some  that  were  subsequently  written.  The  dreadful  sickness  in  the  city  con 
tinues  to  occupy  our  chief  attention.  Its  ravages  are  extending,  with  added 
circumstances  of  terror  and  distress ;  many  now  die  without  attendance.  The 
kind  attentions,  the  tears  of  condolence  and  sympathy,  which  alleviate  pain  and 
in  some  degree,  reconcile  the  dying  to  their  fate,  are  frequently  omitted  by  the 
nearest  friends  and  relatives.  When  generously  bestowed,  they  are  too  often  the 
price  of  life.  *  * 

Unless  the  disease  shall  speedily  abate,  it  will  be  utterly  impracticable  to  attend 
to  the  public  business  in  Pennsylvania.  In  any  event,  the  disorder  which 
commerce  will  experience  in  this  quarter,  must  be  considered  as  a  national 
misfortune. 


1739.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  Ill 


SMITH'S  HOUSE,  Oct.  17,  1793. 

Since  I  wrote  last,  we  have  had  some  rain  and  cool  weather.  The  effects  are 
already  very  beneficial;  the  mortality  has  greatly  abated,  and  but  few,  compara 
tively,  are  taken  sick.  May  God  grant  a  speedy  relief  from  the  dreadful  scourge 
with  which  we  have  been  afflicted.  *  *  * 

Perhaps  the  New  York  papers  may  fall  in  your  way,  in  which  is  contained  an 
address  of  A.  G.  Frauncis  to  the  people,  containing  an  attack  upon  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  and  insinuations  which  may  affect  me.  You  may  be  assured 
and  may  assert  on  my  credit,  if  the  subject  is  mentioned,  that  Frauncis  is  a  villain — 
that  his  claim  is  a  fraudulent  one — that  the  whole  affair  proceeds  from  party 
enmity  and  disappointed  avarice — and  that  when  the  matter  is  understood,  as  it 
will  be,  by  the  public,  it  will  appear  that  the  Treasury  have  conducted  with  pro 
priety,  and  that  they  have  the  merit,  if  performing  a  duty  can  be  called  merit,  of 
resisting  a  deliberate  fraud  upon  the  public. 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  14th  Oct.,  1793. 
Sir, 

Lest  my  last  letter  to  Col.  Hamilton  should  have  met  some  mischance,  I  send 
a  duplicate  and  request  your  care  of  it — the  necessity  for  the  heads  of  departments 
assembling  by  the  first  of  next  month,  becoming  more  and  more  apparent.  Phi 
ladelphia  or  vicinity  is  appointed  for  this  purpose,  where  I  shall  be  myself. 

Let  me  know  I  pray  you,  whether  the  malady  with  which  Philadelphia  is  af 
flicted,  has  extended  to  Germantowri  or  neighbourhood.  In  a  word,  I  would 
thank  you  for  precise  information  on  this  head,  for  I  have  not  been  able  to  get 
any.  A  letter  requiring  this  of  the  Attorney  General  is,  I  presume,  still  lying  in 
the  post  office,  as  I  have  received  no  acknowledgment  of  it,  although  written  and 
sent  from  this,  the  30th  of  last  month. 

On  the  supposition  that  the  fever  in  Philadelphia  will  not  have  entirely  ceased, 
and  the  city  sufficiently  purified  by  the  first  of  December,  for  Congress  to  assem 
ble  therein,  what  conveniences  would  Germantown  afford  for  this  purpose  1 
thereby  superseding  the  necessity  of  removing  the  public  offices  to  a  more  distant 
part.  If  this  also  should  be  conceived  an  unsafe,  or  an  improper  place,  what 
other  is  contemplated  for  the  residence  of  Congress  next  session  ?  Such  infor 
mation  of  the  prevailing  sense  of  those  who  are  best  acquainted  with  the  true 
situation  of  things  in  and  about  Philadelphia,  would  be  very  satisfactory  to  me, 
as  our  accounts  here  are  so  vague  and  contradictory,  that  we  know  not  what  to 
rely  on. 

The  report  is,  that  Mr.  Willing,  President  of  the  Bank,  Mr.  John  Ross,  Mr.  Jona 
than  Sergeant,  Mr.  Howell,  Col.  Franks,  and  many  others  of  our  acquaintances 
have  fallen  victims  to  the  prevailing  malignant  fever  ;  that  near  4000  have  died, 
and  that  the  disorder  rages  more  violently  than  ever.  Are  these  things  true  1  I 


112  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 


hope  you  and  Mrs.  Wolcott  keep  your  health.    With  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  sir, 
your  very  humble  servant, 

GO:    WASHINGTON. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

SMITH'S  HOUSE,  Oct.  20,  1793. 

On  the  evening  of  the  17th,  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  letter  of  the 
14th  instant,  and  have  lost  no  time  in  obtaining  the  best  information  in  my  power 
on  the  several  questions  therein  stated. 

The  malady  with  which  the  city  is  affected,  has  been  progressive  from  the 
time  of  your  departure,  until  Monday  the  14th  instant,  at  which  time  it  had  ex 
tended  nearly  through  the  city.  Several  small  remissions  have  been  observed 
during  that  period,  all  of  which  were  confined  to  cool  days  when  the  wind  was 
in  the  western  quarter  ;  whenever  the  wind  had  shifted  towards  the  south,  the 
number  of  the  sick  and  the  mortality  have  invariably  increased.  On  Monday 
there  was  a  slight  fall  of  rain,  which  was  succeeded  by  cool  days  and  several 
frosty  nights  ;  the  mortality  of  course  diminished,  and  but  few  comparatively  fell 
sick ;  the  last  days  have  been  more  warm,  and  the  unfavourable  effects  are  at 
present  increasing. 

From  repeated  observations,  it  may  be  certainly  inferred,  that  the  cause  of  the 
malady  still  exists  ;  that  its  activity  is  increased  by  heat,  and  diminished  by  cold, 
and  the  city  will  not  be  purified  and  rendered  safe  until  after  heavy  rains  or  severe 
frosts.  It  was  lately  Dr.  Rush's  opinion,  that  the  disorder  was  more  violent  and 
more  fatal,  than  at  the  time  of  its  first  appearance  in  the  city.  Nothing  certain 
is  known  of  the  number  of  victims  ;  for  some  time  information  on  this  point  was 
carefully  concealed,  but  from  data  which  cannot  be  very  erroneous,  I  judge  that 
more  than  4000  persons  have  died. 

Mr.  Willing  was  for  some  time  sick,  but  has  recovered  ;  Mr.  John  Ross  has 
resided  in  the  country,  and  is  I  presume  well.  Mr.  Sergeant  and  Col.  Franks 
are  dead  ;  several  gentlemen  of  the  name  of  Howell  have  fallen  victims,  and 
among  them  a  relation  of  Mr.  Rawle,  who  was  much  esteemed.  The  account 
ant  of  the  war  department  has  been  indisposed,  but  he  has  recovered,  and  is  now 
in  the  country. 

There  is  no  point  on  which  the  public  opinion  is  more  unsettled,  than  in  re 
spect  to  the  degree  of  danger  which  attends  any  given  position  in  the  vicinity  of 
Philadelphia.  It  is  certain  that  some  gentlemen  of  good  sense,  and  those  not 
deficient  in  firmness  on  ordinary  occasions,  have  removed  from  the  villages  and 
estates  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city,  to  more  interior  situations  ;  a  greater 
number  who  have  not  removed  remain  at  home  completely  insulated  from 
society. 

I  have  regularly  obtained  information  of  the  state  of  the  city  and  the  neigh 
bouring  places,  and  it  is  my  opinion,  that  the  disorder  is  generally,  if  not  solely 
communicated  by  contagion,  that  its  ravages  have  been  confined  to  no  age,  sex, 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  113 

or  temperament,  and  that  it  has  affected  those  classes  of  citizens  most  extensive 
ly,  who  have  been  most  exposed  to  intercourse  with  each  other.  Six  clerks  in 
the  treasury  department,  seven  persons  employed  by  the  collectors  of  the  cus 
toms,  several  clerks  in  the  different  banks,  and  three  persons  in  the  post  office, 
have  fallen  victims.  Several  others  have  been  affected  who  have  recovered,  being 
in  the  whole  a  very  great  proportion  of  all  those  who  have  been  exposed.  A 
number  of  persons  belonging  to,  or  residing  in  the  country,  have  contracted  the 
disorder  by  occasional  visits  to  the  city.  Mr.  Powell  doubtless  lost  his  life  in 
consequence  of  a  humane  visit  to  his  house  in  town,  to  provide  for  the  accommo 
dation  of  a  favourite  servant ;  the  malady  moreover  appears  to  be  contagious  by 
being  constantly  observed  to  extend  and  diverge  from  infected  places  ;  though  it 
is  now  spread  nearly  through  the  city,  yet  there  are  some  neighbourhoods  in 
which  it  has  not  yet  appeared. 

There  has  all  along  been  a  considerable  diversity  of  opinion  in  respect  to  the 
cause,  nature,  and  manner  of  communicating  the  malady.  Some  have  supposed 
that  it  was  generated  in  the  city — certain  facts  however  have  been  recently  stated 
to  me,  by  men  of  indisputable  honour,  which  leave  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  it 
was  introduced  by  an  American  vessel,  with  French  passengers  and  property  from 
Hispaniola  ;  it  has  also  been  asserted  on  respectable  authority,  that  there  has 
been  no  instance  of  the  disorder  being  communicated  to  any  person  who  has  resid 
ed  out  of  the  city.  I  must  however  however  admit,  that  of  the  numbers  who 
have  died  in  the  villages  and  places  adjacent  to  the  city,  I  have  known  of  no  in 
stance  where  the  person  affected  had  not  visited  the  city.  If  the  observation 
should  be  found  true  in  the  latitude  it  has  been  made,  it  will  militate  with  the 
opinion  I  have  advanced,  and  go  far  to  prove  that  a  residence  near  the  city, 
admitting  the  malady  to  continue,  would  be  safe. 

The  Philadelphians  will  not  abandon  their  present  expectation,  that  the  city 
will  be  purified  and  safe  before  the  meeting  of  Congress,  without  painful  reluct 
ance.  In  that  event,  it  would  be  their  wish,  and  that  of  the  people  adjacent,  that 
Congress  should  convene  as  near  as  possible  to  the  city.  Lancaster,  Wilmington 
and  Germantown  have  been  mentioned.  It  is  supposed  that  the  latter  place 
would  under  all  circumstances,  afford  the  best  accommodations.  I  have  made 
full  enquiry,  and  entertain  no  doubt  that  the  town  is  free  from  contagion  ;  it  is 
certain  that  at  present,  not  an  individual  is  affected  with  the  prevailing  malady. 
I  have  conversed  with  a  magistrate  of  the  town,  and  am  informed  by  him  and 
other  persons,  that  if  events  render  it  necessary,  every  exertion  will  be  made  to 
accommodate  Congress  and  the  public  offices.  The  school  house  with  the  ad 
joining  buildings,  may  in  my  opinion,  at  a  small  expense,  be  altered  and  fitted  up 
so  as  to  afford  tolerable  accommodations  for  the  two  houses  of  Congress,  and 
their  immediate  officers. 

I  have  called  at  the  house  of  the  Attorney  General,  near  Germantown,  and 
was  informed  that  he  was  at  Lancaster,  but  was  expected  soon  to  return.  It  was 
suggested  that  your  letter  had  been  received,  and  that  measures  had  been  taken 
for  engaging  a  house,  but  the  result  was  not  known. 

Col.  Hamilton  is  in  New  Jersey  on  his  way  to  this  place.  I  shall  therefore 
retain  the  letter  for  him.  General  Knox  is,  I  presume,  at  Boston  ;  to  which  place 

10* 


114  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  4. 

I  shall  address  the  letter  transmitted  to  me  by  Mr.  Dandridge,  which  has  just  been 
received. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Oct.  30,  1793. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  much  satisfaction  from  a  short  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Smith 
and  Mr.  Irwine  ;  the  latter  went  the  last  week  for  Boston,  the  former  has  for  seve 
ral  days  been  a  steady  attendant  on  the  Legislature,  and  I  hope,  though  he  has 
witnessed  many  uncouth  things,  yet  on  the  whole  he  will  not  receive  unfavourable 
impressions  of  Connecticut.  The  Assembly  will  close  their  sessions  to-morrow  ; 
the  only  things  we  have  done  of  consequence  for  you  to  know,  are  the  appoint 
ment  of  Mr.  Mitchell  to  be  Senator,  and  a  resolution  to  forward  an  amendment 
of  the  Constitution,  in  respect  to  the  suability  of  a  State  ;  on  the  last  question 
there  is  a  great  unanimity  of  sentiment.  It  will  be  a  happy  circumstance  if  irri 
tative  measures,  which  are  not  immediately  necessary,  can  be  avoided  ;  most  dan 
ger  is  to  be  apprehended  from  the  judiciary  ;  the  people  are  in  good  humour. 

I  should  have  been  gratified  by  your  father's  election  into  the  House  ;  some  of  his 
friends  imagined  it  not  best  for  him,  and  most  were  scrupulous  of  alteration  as  to 
the  first  two  officers  of  government,  so  that  on  the  election  he  did  not  find  any 
considerable  support.  I  forgot  to  mention,  Mr.  Ingersoll  declines  a  seat  in  Con 
gress,  and  a  new  nomination  is  directed  to  take  place  the  4th  of  Nov.,  and  the 
choice  of  two  representatives  in  Congress,  the  25th  ;  the  candiates  are  Mr.  James 
Davenport,  Joshua  Coit  and  Zephaniah  Swift ;  we  have  not  any  certain  means  of 
calculation  of  the  event.  Among  other  bills  we  have  passed,  one  is  a  resolve  for 
appropriating  the  avails  of  our  western  territory  to  the  societies  of  all  denomina 
tions  for  the  support  of  their  clergy  and  schools.  This  bill  occasions  some  heat, 
and  probably  will  more.  I  was  convinced  so  many  combinations,  in  respect  to 
the  money  we  may  at  some  future  period  have  for  this  land  [would  take  place] 
that  an  appropriation  to  any  general  object  could  not  hereafter  be  expected,  and 
none  pleased  me  better  than  the  two  above  mentioned. 

We  feel  an  interest  to  have  Congress  sit  in  New  York,  if  there  be  a  necessity 
of  quitting  Philadelphia,  we  wish  no  such  necessity  may  exist,  and  that  the  sick 
ness  may  continue  to  abate.  I  am  most  affectionately  your  friend, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

FALLS  OF  SCHUYLKILL,  Oct.  21st,  1793. 
*  #  *  # 

The  state  of  the  public  business  is  such  as  to  require  immediate  attention,  and 
is  so  circumstanced  that  it  cannot  be  neglected.  What  will  be  our  situation  for 
the  winter  is  uncertain.  The  President  has  summoned  the  heads  of  departments 
to  meet  at  Germantown,  on  the  1st  of  November,  when  something  will  be  deter- 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  115 

mined.  Perhaps  then  I  may  stand  in  need  of  your  kind  offer  for  Mrs.  Wolcott, 
in  case  we  cannot  meet  in  Philadelphia.  I  shall  inform  you  of  what  is  concluded 
on,  and  what  may  be  necessary  in  respect  to  ourselves  in  consequence. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  10,  1793. 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  28th,  and  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  the 
sickness  has  ceased,  and  that  I  have  removed  to  town.     The  few  convalescent 
patients  who  remain  cannot  I  think  endanger  the  general  health. 
*  #  #  * 

I  should  be  glad  to  know  what  sober  men  think  and  expect,  in  regard  to  the 
French  minister.  By  a  letter  to  the  contributors  for  the  St.  Domingo  sufferers, 
it  seems  that  he  is  engaging  people  in  this  country  in  the  public  service  of  France. 
This  insolence  is  insufferable,  and  I  fear  it  will  do  us  harm  unless  it  is  properly 
noticed.  All  depends  in  such  cases  upon  the  public  sentiment,  and  it  is  interest 
ing  to  be  well  informed  on  the  subject. 


CHAPTER    V. 


THIRD    CONGRESS FIRST    SESSION. 

THE  anti-federalists  had,  b}^  aid  of  the  influences  above 
detailed,  obtained  for  the  first  time  a  majority  of  the  house. 
Mr.  Muhlenberg,  who  had  been  Speaker  during  the  first 
Congress,  was  elected  by  ten  votes  over  the  federal  can 
didate,  Mr.  Sedgwick.  The  Senate  was  about  equally 
divided,  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-President  generally 
deciding  the  more  important  questions. 

The  policy  to  be  pursued  by  the  federal  government 
in  regard  to  the  new  condition  of  affairs  in  Europe,  had 
been  settled  during  the  summer  upon  broad  and  well- 
considered  principles ;  but  the  preservation  of  its  peace 
is  not  always  in  the  power  of  a  nation,  and  the  condition 
of  our  foreign  relations,  owing  to  the  conduct  of  other 
governments,  was  critical.  No  settlement  had  been  ef 
fected  of  the  vexed  questions  with  Great  Britain  arising 
from  the  treaty  of  peace ;  no  commercial  arrangements 
had  been  concluded ;  the  impressment  of  our  seamen 
continued ;  the  negociations  between  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  her  Minister  had  produced  nothing  but  irrita 
tion  ;  in  addition,  she  was  suspected  of  exciting  the  hos 
tility  of  the  northern  Indians,  and  of  fomenting  the  diffi 
culties  with  Spain.  The  French  republic,  besides  in 
triguing  through  her  Minister  to  draw  the  United  States 
into  the  war,  had,  in  direct  contravention  of  her  treaty, 
authorized  the  arrest  of  neutral  vessels  laden  with  ene 
mies'  goods,  or  with  provisions  destined  for  an  enemy's 


1793.]  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  117 

port,  and  Great  Britain  had  retorted  with  a  similar  order. 
Systematic  depredations  under  both,  had  commenced  on 
our  trade.  The  Spanish  government  resisted  our  claims 
to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and,  emboldened  by 
its  alliance  with  England,  assumed  an  attitude  of  dicta 
tion  and  defiance  towards  the  United  States.  Through 
its  agency,  the  tribes  of  the  southern  frontier  menaced 
with  devastation  that  extremity  of  the  country. 

To  add  to  these  sources  of  difficulty,  the  Algerines  had 
commenced  anew  an  active  warfare  upon  our  commerce 
in  the  Mediterranean,  and  had  consigned  the  crews  of  the 
captured  vessels  to  slavery.  In  this,  Great  Britain  was 
likewise  suspected  of  bearing  a  part.  On  the  conclusion 
of  a  peace  between  Algiers  and  her  ally,  Portugal,  she 
had  withdrawn  a  fleet  which  had  for  some  time  restrained 
the  depredations  of  the  corsairs,  and  the  capture  of  our 
vessels  which  followed  as  a  consequence,  was  looked 
upon  as  a  motive.  The  suspicion,  though  probably  un 
just,  had  much  weight  in  the  then  doubtful  position  of  the 
two  countries. 

The  internal  peace  of  the  Union  was  scarcely  less  pre 
carious  than  its  foreign  relations.  The  insidious  conduct 
of  France  had  been  calculated  to  throw  the  odium  of  her 
own  acts  upon  the  policy  of  the  federal  government.  Its 
partisans  in  the  west  attributed  to  the  administration  the 
vexations  which  former  French  intrigues  had  entailed 
upon  them.  Expeditions  under  the  authority  of  Genet, 
were  preparing  to  obtain  by  force,  those  advantages 
which,  while  Spain  was  an  ally  of  France,  they  had  uni 
ted  in  denying  to  America,  and  which  were  now  to  be 
conquered  by  American  arms,  not  for  herself  but  for  oth 
ers  ;  the  discontent  at  the  revenue  laws  was  ripening  into 
resistance  in  Pennsylvania ;  the  Jacobin  clubs  were  every 
where  busy  in  creating  sedition.  Under  this  state  of  things 
Congress  met,  and  its  complexion  was  little  calculated  to 
excite  confidence  or  hope.  Washington,  in  his  speech, 


118  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

which  was  delivered  on  the  3d  of  December,  referred  to 
the  events  of  the  summer,  and  urged  that  immediate  pro 
vision  be  made  for  the  protection  of  the  country.  A  mes 
sage  of  the  5th,  transmitted  the  documents  relative  both 
to  France  and  England. 

In  discussing  the  answer  to  the  speech,  no  open  attempt 
was  made  to  justify  the  conduct  of  the  French  Minister  or 
to  censure  the  measures  of  the  President.     "  An   attack 
on  the  administration,"  says  Chief- Justice  Marshall,  "  could 
be  placed  on  no  ground  more  disadvantageous  than  on  its 
controversy  with  M.  Genet ;"  and  the  subsequent  course 
of  the  opposition  showed  that  this  was  at  least  the  main 
cause  of  their  forbearance.     In   all  the   debates   of  the 
session,  an  extraordinary  sensitiveness   for   the   honor   of 
France  was  exhibited.     Every  imputation  upon  her  prin 
ciples    or   conduct   was  visited  with    an    unaccountable 
promptness  of  indignation ;  a  disposition  to  sacrifice  even 
the  best  interests  of  America  to  her  wishes,  showed  itself 
to  a  degree  that  would  have  seemed  the  height  of  roman 
tic  gratitude  to  those  who  knew  not  its  motive ;  the  anti- 
federalists  appeared  to  have   forgotten  that  they  had   a 
country  of  their  own,  so  wrapped  were  they  in  solicitude 
for  the  welfare  of  the  new  republic.     The    federalists 
were  overwhelmed  with   reproaches   and   charges   of  at 
tachment  to  England ;  the   causes   of  complaint   against 
Great  Britain  were  made  the  daily  topic  of  excited  de 
nunciation  ;  while  the  flagrant  violations  of  treaty,  and  the 
open  depredations  upon  our  commerce  by  France,  were 
passed  over  in  silence,  or  treated  as  the  natural  results  of 
the  conduct  of  her  enemies.     Yet  the  government  which 
thus  enlisted  the  sympathies  of  the  people,  and  was  thus 
defended  by  their  representatives,  was   that  of  Robes 
pierre  ;  it  was  the  REIGN  OF  TERROR  which  formed  to  the 
anti- federalists  the  beau  ideal  of  a  republic  !     And  men 
here,  patriots  and  republicans  by  excellence,  were  found 
daring  enough  to  hold  up  this  Juggernaut  to  public  wor- 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  119 

ship,  and  with  the  same  ease  with  which  they  had  trans 
ferred  their  idolatry  from  Louis  XVI.  to  his  executioners, 
that  public  now  bowed  down  to  their  murderers,  to  Robes 
pierre  and  the  revolutionary  tribunal. 

The  principal  topic  of  the  session  was  Mr.  Jefferson's 
report  upon  "  the  privileges,  and  restrictions  on  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States,  in  foreign  countries."  This 
document  had  been  called  for  so  early  as  February,  1791, 
at  a  time  when  the  state  of  Europe  and  the  relations  of 
the  United  States  were  essentially  different,  when  no  war 
existed  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  no  negocia- 
tions  were  pending  between  the  latter  country  and  our 
own,  and  no  aggressions  had  been  made  by  the  former 
upon  our  domestic  peace.  When,  after  the  lapse  of  near 
ly  three  years,  it  was  at  length  produced, -such  egregious 
errors  were  detected  that  a  supplementary  report  became 
necessary.  Accuracy,  had  not,  indeed,  been  its  object. 
The  report,  was  designed  to  support  a,  system  of  discrimi 
nating  duties,  in  which  the  importation  of  French,  was  to 
be  encouraged  at  the  expense  of  British  products  and 
manufactures.  It  had  been,  in  every  line,  studiously 
framed  to  misrepresent  the  commercial  regulations  of 
Great  Britain,  and  to  color  favorably  those  of  France  ;  to 
add  to  the  feeling  in  favor  of  the  one,  and  to  increase  the 
hostility  against  the  other.  It  was  kept  back  until  an  op 
portunity  offered  of  using  it  with  effect,  and  this  session, 
convened  amidst  unparalleled  excitement,  when  national 
sympathy  and  national  hatred  were  at  their  utmost  height, 
was  deemed  a  fitting  occasion.  It  is  worth  remarking  that 
Mr.  Jefferson,  in  this  last  act  of  his  secretaryship,  besides 
distorting  facts,  advocated  a  principle  which,  in  com 
mon  with  his  adherents  at  the  south,  he  had  hitherto  re 
pudiated,  that  of  protection  to  manufactures  by  means  of 
duties.  His  object  in  maintaining  this  policy  at  present, 
was  unquestionably  the  same  which  dictated  his  system 
of  discriminating  duties.  Thus,  although  a  protective 


120  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

tariff,  when  simply  for  the  interest  of  American  manufac 
turers,  had  been  opposed;  protection,  when  favoring  party 
views,  could  be  readily  supported.  There  has  been  a  fa 
vorite  maxim  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  followers,  that  "principles 
never  change."  The  more  correct  reading  would  seem 
to  have  been,  that  "  circumstances  alter  cases."  The 
principles  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  jeport  were  embodied  in  a 
series  of  resolutions  introduced  by  Mr.  Madison.  Upon 
these  ensued  a  debate,  which  continued  with  intervals 
through  a  great  part  of  the  session,  and  in  which,  the 
strength  and  recklessness  of  the  French  party  were  alike 
shown.  The  proposed  system,  however,  eventually  failed 
of  adoption. 

Soon  after  the  presentation  of  his  report,  Mr.  Jefferson 
resigned  his  office.     He  was  succeeded,  on  the  2d  of  Jan 
uary,  by  Mr.  Randolph ;  and  William  Bradford,  of  Penn 
sylvania,  was,  on  the  27th,  appointed   Attorney- General 
in  place  of  the  latter.     Touching  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Randolph,  a  circumstance  is  narrated  in  Jefferson's  "Ana" 
which   is   interesting   in   connection  with   the  subsequent 
history  of  that  officer.     Washington  had  consulted  Jeffer 
son  as  to  his  successor.     He  says  :   "  I  asked  him  whether 
some  person  could  not  take  my  office    ad  interim,  till   he 
should  make  an  appointment ;  as  Mr.  Randolph  for  in 
stance.     'Yes,'   says  he,   'but  then  you  would  raise  the 
expectation  of  keeping  it,  and  I  do  not  know  that  he  is 
fit  for  it,  nor  what  is  thought  of  Mr.  Randolph.'     I  avoided 
noticing  the  last  observation,  and   he  put  the  question  to 
me  directly.     I  then  told  him  I  went  into  society  so  little 
as  to  be  unable  to  answer  it.     I  KNEW  THAT  THE  EMBAR 
RASSMENTS  IN  HIS  PRIVATE  AFFAIRS  HAD  OBLIGED  HIM  TO 
USE   EXPEDIENTS  WHICH  HAD  INJURED  HIM  WITH  THE  MER 
CHANTS    AND    SHOPKEEPERS,   AND    AFFECTED    HIS    CHARAC 
TER  FOR  INDEPENDENCE  ;    THAT  THESE  EMBARRASSMENTS 
WERE  SERIOUS,  AND  NOT  LIKELY  TO  CEASE   SOON."a 

a  IV.  Jeff.  Wri.,  494,  "  Ana." 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  121 

Somewhat  in  contrast  with  this  delicacy  was  his  can 
dor  in  respect  to  the  merits  of  another  person  named.  It 
appears  that  Washington  had  Wolcott  in  view  among  the 
persons  upon  whom  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  might 
be  conferred.  Mr.  Jefferson  says  "He  asked  me  what 
sort  of  a  man  Mr.  Wolcott  was.  I  told  him  I  knew  noth 
ing  of  him  myself.  I  had  heard  him  characterized  as  a 
cunning  man."  a  Judging  from  his  subsequent  appoint 
ments  to  a  more  responsible  office,  this  hearsay  slander 
had  not  much  weight  with  Washington.  Nothing  could 
in  fact  be  more  unjust.  The  last  quality  of  Wolcott' s 
mind  was  "cunning." 

An  extract  from  a  paper,  written  by  the  latter  some 
years  after,  gives  the  reverse  of  the  picture  in  his  opinion 
of  Mr.  Jefferson. 


"  The  flexibility  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  principles,  and  his  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  factious  chiefs  and  instigators  of  the  French  Revolution,  designated  him 
as  the  leader  of  a  party  at  an  early  period  ;  and  it  is  but  just  to  admit  that  until 
his  elevation  to  the  Presidency,  few  men  ever  practised  the  arts  of  political  chi 
canery  with  greater  address  and  perseverance.  The  articles  of  confederation  had 
become  altogether  inefficient,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  in  common  with  most  of  his 
countrymen  admitted  the  necessity  of  invigorating  the  ties  of  national  union. 
He  however  disapproved  of  several  important  provisions  of  the  constitution  pro 
posed  in  1787,  but  at  the  same  time  accompanied  his  opposition  with  such 
circumstances  of  doubt  and  equivocation,  as  exempted  him  from  the  then  unpop 
ular  imputations  of  being  an  anti-federalist.  In  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State 
he  was  distinguished  for  an  attention  to  all  those  trifles  which  attend  the  minds 
of  half  learned,  dreaming  politicians  and  superficial  scholars  ;  and  by  those  acts 
became  the  idol  of  the  whole  class  of  vain  impostors  in  every  branch  of  science. 
Knowing  the  nature  and  objects  of  that  tremendous  explosion,  the  materials  for 
which  he  had  assisted  in  preparing  in  France,  he  easily  acquired  a  reputation  for 
great  wisdom  and  foresight  by  predicting  the  general  course  of  events.  Being 
perfectly  acquainted  with  the  seducing  theory  by  which  the  revolution  was  to  be 
recommended  to  the  people  of  all  countries,  he  was  enabled  to  take  a  stand  as 
one  of  the  earliest  converts  to  the  doctrine  of  liberty  and  equality,  and  to  exhibit* 
himself  as  the  most  skilful  apologist  for  the  crimes  and  errors  by  which  this  doc-' 
trine  was  to  tie  established.  He  stimulated  the  prejudices  of  the  French  Minister, 
Genet,  against  his  colleagues  in  the  American  Cabinet,  and  after  he  had  been 

>  "  Ana."  4.  Jeff.  Wri.  494. 
VOL.    I.  11 


1 22  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

seduced  into  intemperate  measures,  this  too  sanguine  instrument  of  his  intrigu 
ing  ambition  was  sacrificed  without  scruple.  By  a  nice  distinction  between 
men  and  principles  which  Genet  had  made  to  justify  his  own  opposition  to 
Washington,  Mr.  Jefferson  at  once  acquired  a  considerable  portion  of  confi 
dence  with  the  grave  and  reflecting  part  of  the  community,  without  losing  the 
support  of  the  French  Government ;  and  though  he  acquired  by  this  conduct  the 
character  of  "  an  accommodating  Trimmer,"  with  the  personal  friends  of  the 
French  Minister  ;*  yet  with  the  mass  of  the  community  Mr.  Jefferson  appeared 
with  the  double  recommendation  of  being  the  ardent  admirer  of  French  princi 
ples,  and  the  skilful  opponent  of  an  unpopular  individual. 

In  his  discussion  with  Mr.  Hammond,  the  Envoy  of  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  manifested  the  same  duplicity  of  character.  After  discovering  that  Mr. 
Hammond  had  no  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  commerce,  the  want  of  this  au 
thority  he  treated  as  an  evidence  of  unfriendly  sentiments  on  the  part  of  his 
nation  ;  and  as  would  seem  probable  with  a  view  of  increasing  the  supposed  irri 
tation,  Mr.  Jefferson  proposed  to  Mr.  Hammond  an  exchange  of  notes  in  which 
the  mutual  complaints  of  the  two  countries,  against  each  other  should  be  speci 
fically  detailed.  A  more  notable  expedient  for  fomenting  a  quarrel  could  riot 
have  been  devised,  and  the  event  justified  the  expectation  which  might  have  been 
formed.  Mr.  Jefferson  negotiated  a  quarrel  with  great  address  with  Mr.  Ham 
mond  ;  and  after  having  caused  dissensions  in  the  cabinet,  having  blown  every 
spark  of  discontent  into  a  flame,  having  embroiled  his  country  in  controversies 
with  two  powerful  nations,  and  made  himself  the  central  point  of  every  faction; 
he  then  (to  adopt  the  memorable  words  of  Fauchet)  "  prudently  retired  ;"  leaving 
the  difficulties  he  had  created,  to  be  composed  and  adjusted  by  his  successors." 


The  probability  of  a  war  with  England  was  increased 
during  the  winter,  not  only  by  the  violent  hostility  of  the 
opposition,  but  by  the  conduct  of  that  power  itself;  and  it 
became  evident  that  the  defensive  preparations  recom 
mended  by  the  President  wrere  absolutely  necessary. 
Measures  for  this  purpose  were  accordingly  introduced, 
and  let  it  be  remembered,  by  the  so  called  British  party. 
From  the  federalists  originated  the  embargo,  the  navy, 
the  additional  troops,  and  the  provincial  army.  In  all 
these  measures  they  were  encountered  by  the  majority  of 
the  opposition.  The  conduct  of  the  anti-federalists  was 
indeed  extraordinary.  While  on  one  hand  they  opposed 
to  the  utmost,  the  establishment  of  a  small  naval  force  for 
the  suppression  of  the  Algerine  cruisers,  and  recommend- 

a  Gov.  Clinton,  whose  daughter  Genet  married. 


1794.;  OF  WASHINGTON.  123 

eel  in  lieu  thereof  the  purchase  of  peace  with  those 
pirates — on  the  other  they  passed  every  measure  which 
could  plunge  the  country  into  a  war  with  the  most  power 
ful  maritime  nation  in  the  world ;  and  the  principal 
weapons  with  which  they  proposed  to  coerce  her,  were 
commercial  restrictions,  non-intercourse  and  the  seques 
tration  of  the  debts  due  to  her  subjects.  It  is  seldom  that 
a  course  of  conduct  is  without  its  motive,  and  the  debts 
owed  by  the  South,  and  particularly  by  Virginia,  furnish 
a  clue  to  many  obscure  points  in  our  political  history.  To 
them  more  than  to  any  other  cause,  was  owing  the  stead 
fast  opposition  manifested  to  any  settlement  of  the  difficul 
ties  with  Great  Britain.  Every  subterfuge  which  legisla 
tion  could  devise  had  been  resorted  to,  to  avoid  their  pay 
ment,  and  as  from  these  evasions  much  of  the  difficulty 
with  that  power  was  owing,  so  now  an  escape  from  them 
was  sought  in  the  continuance  of  the  quarrel.  Virginia, 
which  governed  the  opposition,  had  no  commerce.  It 
was  not  upon  her  that  the  losses  of  a  maritime  war  would 
fall,  nor  were  the  seamen  who  had  been  captured  by  the 
corsairs  her  citizens.  A  navy,  or  an  embargo  did  not,  there 
fore,  further  her  interests,  and  although  the  seizures  under 
the  British  provision  laws,  and  the  annoyances  of  British 
commercial  regulations,  afforded  to  her  as  to  the  feder 
alists,  a  ground  for  indignation,  she  uttered  no  similar  com 
plaints  against  greater  outrages  on  the  part  of  France.  It 
was  not  the  crimes,  but  the  criminal  that  she  condemned. 
Never  indeed  did  the  character  of  the  two  parties  contrast 
more  strongly  or  more  favorably  to  the  federalists,  than 
during  this  period.  While  their  opponents  thwarted  every 
measure  of  defence  against  a  catastrophe  which  they 
seemed  determined  to  bring  about,  the  friends  of  the  ad 
ministration  were  laboring  to  avert  the  war,  and  making 
preparations  to  meet  it  if  unavoidable. 


124  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 


FROM  JEDEDIAH  MORSE. 

CHARLESTON,  Dec.  16,  1793. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  Philadelphia,  that  city  has  been  the 
theatre  of  scenes  of  undescribable  distress.  I  have  been  extremely  solicitous  for 
your  and  Mrs.  Wolcott's  safety,  as  well  as  for  that  of  other  friends,  and  I  most 
sincerely  rejoice  with  you  in  your  preservation,  and  the  restoration  of  health, 
happiness  and  business  to  the  city.  I  hope  the  calamity  will  not  prove  so  inju 
rious  as  was  once  expected.  Good  Dr.  Sproat  is  among  the  dead.  Have  the 
congregation  supplied  his  place  ?  The  present  is  considered  here  as  the 
most  interesting  period.  The  issue  of  General  Wayne's  expedition,  of  Genet's 
threatened  prosecution  of  Messrs.  Jay  and  King,  of  the  President's  re 
quest  to  have  him  recalled,  of  the  combined  attempts  of  Britain,  Spain,  Algiers, 
&c.,  to  ruin  our  commerce,  of  the  powerful  and  increasing  operation  against 
France  ;  are  events  of  great  expectation.  The  body  of  the  people  repose  great 
confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  the  President,  of  Congress,  and  of  the  heads  of  depart 
ments.  The  President's  speech  meets  with  much  approbation.  It  is  worthy  of 
himself.  We  have  some  grumbletonians  among  us,  who,  when  the  French  are  vic 
torious,  speak  loud  and  saucy,  but  when  they  meet  with  a  check,  sing  small.  They 
form  a  sort  of  political  thermometer,  by  which  we  can  pretty  accurately  determine 
what,  in  their  opinion,  is  the  state  of  French  politics.  The  French  cause  has  no 
enemies  here — their  conduct,  many.  There  are  some  who  undistinguishingly  and 
undoubtedly  approve  both,  and  most  bitterly  denounce  as  aristocrats  all  who  do 
not  think  as  they  do.  This  party,  which  is  not  numerous,  nor  as  respectable  as 
it  is  numerous,  are  about  forming  a  democratic  club,  which,  I  think,  they  call  the 
"  Massachusetts  Constitutional  Society."  I  don't  know  their  design,  but  suppose 
they  consider  themselves  as  the  guardians  of  the  rights  of  men,  and  overseers  of 
of  the  President,  Congress  and  you  gentlemen,  the  heads  of  the  principal  depart 
ments  of  state,  to  see  that  you  don't  infringe  on  the  constitution.  They  don't 
like  nor  see  through  your  borrowing  so  much  money  in  Holland.  They  are  very 
suspicious  about  money  matters. 

A  society  held  for  the  information  and  advice  of  foreigners  who  come  to  settle 
among  us  (of  whom  there  have  been  many  this  last  summer  and  fall)  is  about  to 
be  established.  Some  of  our  leading  men  met  last  evening  for  the  purpose,  and 
have  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  constitution.  It  will  be  a  benevolent 
and  useful  society.  I  am  now  engaged  with  Mr.  Webster,  of  New  York,  in  the 
compilation  of  a  Gazetteer  of  America.  Dr.  Williamson  was  publishing  an  ac 
count  of  the  territory  south  of  the  Ohio  when  I  was  in  Philadelphia,  with  a  map  5 
Carey  was  printing  it.  I  wish  to  know  whether  it  is  published,  to  have  a  copy  of 
it  if  it  is,  to  forward  to  England,  to  a  correspondent  there,  by  a  vessel  going  from 
Boston  the  beginning  of  January.  Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  enquire  of  Carey 
whether  it  be  published,  and  forward  me  one  or  two  copies.  I  should  like  one  to 
keep.  I  will  see  you  compensated.  If  I  mistake  not,  I  am  now  doing  what  you 
gave  me  leave  to  do,  or  I  don't  know  that  I  should  have  intruded  on  your  valua 
ble  time,  which  is  occupied  in  such  important  concerns.  Pray,  is  Carey  going  on 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  125 

with  his  Geography  ?  I  was  told  lately  that  he  had  given  it  up.  Have  you  had 
an  account  of  Kentucky  in  a  series  of  letters.  If  you  have,  what  is  your  opinion 
of  the  work  ?  May  it  be  relied  on  ?  By  the  way,  I  have  not  heard  whether  Mr. 
Hamilton  has  received  the  Geographies  I  sent  him  last  summer.  I  hope  they  did 
not  miscarry.  We  are  all  well.  With  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Wolcott,  I  believe 
that  I  am,  in  truth,  Dr.  Sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 

J.  MORSE. 


TO  JEDEDIAH  MORSE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  30,  1793. 

The  most  important  question  which  promises  to  engage  the  attention  of  Con 
gress  is,  whether  they  will  enter  into  a  system  of  commercial  discrimination 
between  the  trade  carried  on  to  different  foreign  countries.  Mr.  Jefferson's  report 
which  you  will  see  in  the  papers,  contains  the  outline  of  what  will  be  said  on  one 
side  of  the  question.  Many  facts  necessary  to  a  judgment  on  this  subject,  will 
probably  hereafter  come  before  the  public.  This  is  a  leading  and  important 
measure.  If  adopted,  which, by  the  way,  it  will  not  be, it  would  lead  this  country 
into  all  the  mazes  of  European  politics.  The  favours  granted  to  one  power  would 
disgust  another,  the  consequences  to  our  commerce  could  not  be  calculated,  and 
would  depend  much  on  our  comparative  force  and  influence  abroad.  If  this  is  a 
good  project,  it  must  be  postponed  until  the  affairs  of  Europe  have  acquired  some 
settled  policy.  For  the  present,  we  must  try  to  be  just  and  impartial  to  all  the 
world,  at  least  until  we  receive  such  injuries  as  render  it  proper  to  declare  war. 
Though  a  Connecticut  man  in  religious  opinions,  I  declare  war  against  all  half 
way  covenants  in  politics.  It  is  a  fortunate  circumstance  that  this  country  pos 
sesses  resources  by  which  the  Algerines  can  be  easily  managed.  I  take  it  for 
granted  that  something  decisive  will  be  done  on  this  subject.  The  present  state 
of  things  in  Europe  cannot  continue  long.  Any  result  will  contribute  to  our 
security.  My  hopes  are  stronger  than  my  belief  respecting  a  favourable  issue. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Jan.  2d,  1794, 

I  am  to  acknowledge  your  favour  of  the  9th  December,  which  was  seasonably 
received.  Since  the  meeting  of  Congress,  I  have  been  unusually  engaged — to 
repair  the  derangement  which  the  public  business  suffered  during  the  late 
sickness. 

It  is  not  easy  to  form  any  estimate  of  what  the  new  members  will  think  of  the 
public  business.  We  are  to  presume  that  many  of  them  will  endeavour  to  be 
candid  and  impartial.  Others  come  impressed  with  violent  and  inveterate  preju 
dices,  and  most  of  them  must  be  uninformed  of  many  interesting  particulars. 
There  is  too  much  of  a  disposition  to  meddle  with  foreign  affairs,  and  to  love  and 
hate  nations  without  reason.  The  Algerine  business  has  excited  much  resent 
ment  against  the  British.  I  fear  it  will  not  have  precisely  the  effect  which  I 

11* 


126  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

could  wish ;  if  the  consequence  had  been  to  make  us  love  our  country  the  better, 
and  to  make  all  parties  desirous  of  strengthening  our  resources  ;  if  it  tended  to 
convince  us  that  foreign  nations  will  disregard  justice  frequently,  and  generosity 
constantly,  when  in  competition  with  their  interests,  we  might  derive  advantage 
from  the  misfortune  ;  but  great  will  be  the  mischief  if  it  shall  induce  a  more  inti 
mate  connection  with  foreign  nations  and  dependence  on  them  for  support.  The 
great  effort  appears  to  be  to  enter  into  a  system  of  discrimination  in  our  foreign 
commercial  connections,  favourable  to  France  and  unfavourable  to  England. 
The  outlines  of  the  plan  appear  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  report.  This  is  a  leading 
measure,  and  if  adopted,  will  engage  us  completely  in  the  mazes  of  treaties  and 
commercial  politics,  by  which  we  must  suffer  while  we  remain  the  weaker  power. 
May  God  grant  that  this  country  may  never  become  a  satellite  of  Europe,  or  have 
any  special  inducements  to  enter  into  other  treaties  than  such  as  manifest  ex 
pressions  of  amity  to  all,  and  leave  us  the  entire  power  of  consulting  our  own 
interests. 

I  send  you  certain  documents  on  the  questions  with  Genet,  and  will  transmit 
the  rest  as  soon  as  they  are  printed  ;  they  will  explain  the  insolent  conduct  which 
has  been  pursued,  and  the  difficult  and  dangerous  situation  of  our  affairs. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Jan.  13,  1794. 

Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  2d  instant,  with  its  enclosures,  has  been  received.  Till  I 
had  read  this  correspondence,  I  had  not  imagined  that  the  French  Minister  had 
given  the  government  trouble  to  the  extent  which  I  find  he  has  done.  The  inso 
lence  and  injustice  with  which  we  are  treated  by  the  warring  nations,  I  think, 
ought  to  induce  government,  not  only  to  provide  for  its  internal  defence,  but  seri 
ously  to  begin  to  establish  an  efficient  naval  force — to  effect  which,  the  objects  of 
taxation  must  be  extended,  and  I  imagine  that  a  land  tax  will  become  necessary. 
The  Americans  are  the  objects  of  the  envy  and  jealousy  of  the  mercantile  powers 
of  Europe,  on  whose  justice  or  moderation  no  reliance  can  be  had.  No  benefit 
can  be  hoped  for  by  partial  commercial  treaties,  as  respects  our  commercial  secu 
rity,  but  the  contrary  ;  and  no  treaty,  I  believe,  ought  to  be  adopted  but  upon  the 
general  principles  of  amity,  and  the  most  obvious  and  permanent  reciprocity.  If. 
in  the  event  of  things,  other  treaties  shall  become  indispensably  necessary,  their 
duration  ought  to  be  limited  ;  the  shorter  the  better.  I  think  that  the  English 
and  Spaniards  will  endeavour  to  get  possession  of  St.  Domingo  and  Martinique, 
and  hold  them  to  indemnify  themselves  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.  If  these  are 
their  views,  it  will  account  for  some  of  their  conduct,  and  should  the  event  take 
place,  it  will  be  important  and  consequential  relative  to  America.  America  must 
have  a  navy  sufficient  to  make  it  respectable  in  the  American  seas  ;  we  can 
never  be  secure  without  it.  European  powers  have  too  much  commercial  property 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  not  to  respect  a  power  which,  in  this  way,  can  make 
a  deep  impression  upon  them.  There  are  none  of  them  to  be  trusted  ;  but  the 
Spaniards  less  so  than  either  the  English  or  French.  *  * 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


1794.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  127 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 
» 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  18,   1794. 

The  reason  why  I  do  not  write  oftener  is,  as  you  suppose,  owing  to  the  per 
petual  crowd  of  business  during  the  session  of  Congress.  The  calls  for  informa 
tion,  as  they  are  styled,  keep  the  public  officers  in  constant  employment.  If  we 
found  that  our  labors  contributed  to  "  inform,"  there  would  be  a  satisfaction  in 
complying  with  the  reiterated  demands  which  are  made  ;  but  when  they  appear 
intended  to  perplex,  or  excite  suspicion,  and  thus  lay  the  foundation  for  new  in 
quiries,  you  will  readily  believe  that  compliance  must  be  irksome.  It  will  be  a 
long  time,  I  hope,  before  the  friends  of  the  government  will  relinquish  the  task 
of  defence.  Patience  and  perseverance,  with  a  good  cause,  must  finally  prevail 
over  the  unrelenting  persecution  of  the  Virginia  party. 

The  great  project  of  the  session  appears  to  be  an  attempt  to  establish  commer 
cial  discriminations,  unfavourable  to  Britain  and  favourable  to  France.  The  Vir 
ginians,  in  general,  hate  the  English  because  they  owe  them  money  ;  they  love 
the  French  from  consanguinity  of  character.  Hence  we  must  trade,  not  simply 
with  a  view  to  profit,  but  to  display  certain  romantic  affections  and  gratify  re 
sentments.  The  knowing  ones  have  other  reasons,  and  of  a  nature  rather  to  be 
thought  than  spoken  of.  The  people  may  be  certain  that  all  the  cant  about 
"  aristocracy,"  "  interested  measures,"  and  "  tendency  to  monarchial  plans," 
means  something  very  different  from  what  is  pretended  ;  they  are  now  honestly 
served,  and  I  hope  they  will  continue  to  enjoy  that  good  fortune.  Genet  is 
proved  to  have  issued  commissions  in  South  Carolina  for  raising  5,000  men  to 
operate  against  the  Spaniards.  The  only  excuse  made,  is,  that  no  military  acts 
were  to  be  performed  in  the  United  States.  The  troops  were  to  march  out  of 
our  territory,  and  this,  it  is  contended,  would  constitute  an  act  of  expatriation. 
*  *  *  * 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  Feb,  10,  1794. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

*  *  *  * 

Politics  are  with  you  ;  and  from  what  you  write  and  what  we  read,  they  keep 
their  old  character  of  waywardness.  If  we  let  them  have  their  way,  they  wont 
do  quite  so  bad  as  we  fear,  and  never  so  well  as  they  might.  For  it  is  true  that 
the  wisest  man  can't  do  all  the  good  he  meditates,  perhaps  little  more  than  dis 
concert  rogues  and  sometimes  lead  Sans  Culottes  right,  and  rogues  can  seldom 
do  all  the  mischief  they  intend,  though  more  than  half  the  time  they  will  gull 
the  Sans  Culottes  and  have  them  on  their  side.  We  have  an  early  account  of 
the  matter,  in  Satan's  manoeuvres  in  Paradise,  which  infidels  may  quarrel  with 
as  long  as  they  please,  the  gray-headed  politician  will  see  too  natural  not  to  be 
true.  Mr.  Madison's  propositions  are  insidious;  the  end  designed  by  them  will 
not  be  effected.  I  think  we  may  predict,  the  agricultural  interest  will  neither  be 


128  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

dragged  or  cajoled  into  a  war.  Cities  are  subject  to  sudden  passions,  and  the 
dupes  of  design ;  but  the  body  of  our  country  is  under  the  influence  of  cautious 
and  reflecting  men,  interspersed  in  all  quarters.  However  favorable  a  regard 
most  express  for  the  national  cause  of  France,  separate  from  the  excesses  of  its 
rulers,  no  one  avows  an  inclination  for  war. 

Has  not  the  government  something  to  fear  from  its  northern  officers  becoming 
jaded  out,  or  will  they  stay  in  place  to  disoblige  their  enemies,  as  well  as  from 
patriotism  ?  Who  is  to  be  Attorney-General  ?  How  are  parties  in  Congress  as 
to  the  treasury  system,  &,c.  1 

I  remain  your  affectionate  friend, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


FROM  ELIZUR  GOODRICH. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Feb.  25,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  bearer  hereof,  Mr.  Eli  Whitney,  a  young  gentleman  who  has  occasional 
ly  resided  in  my  family  for  some  years  past,  is  on  a  journey  to  Philadelphia,  to 
lodge  a  model  and  receive  a  patent  for  a  machine,  which  he  has  invented  for 
cleansing  cotton  from  its  seeds.  The  invention  I  conceive  does  much  honour  to 
its  author,  and  promises  profit  to  him  and  utility  to  his  country,  especially  to  the 
southern  States.  As  I  know  you  to  be  the  friend  of  improvement,  and  imagining 
that  should  business  permit  you  to  view  the  model,  you  will  be  pleased  with 
the  invention,  and  the  neatness  and  ingenuity  wherewith  it  is  reduced  to  prac 
tice,  I  have  requested  him  to  exhibit  it  to  you,  previous  to  lodging  it  with  the 
Secretary  of  State.  Mr.  Whitney  graduated  at  Yale  College,  Sept.  1792,  sus 
tained  a  very  fair  reputation  in  the  academic  studies,  and  is  perhaps  inferior  to 
none  in  an  acquaintance  with  the  mechanic  powers,  and  those  branches  of  natu 
ral  philosophy  which  are  applicable  to  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  our 
country.  To  theory  he  happily  unites  talents  to  reduce  it  to  practice  ;  a  circum 
stance  which  is  rarely  found  in  our  young  gentlemen  of  collegiate  education. 
Surpassing  the  exactest  workman  of  my  acquaintance  in  wood,  brass  and  iron,  he 
is  his  own  master  workman  in  these  respective  branches,  and  resorts  to  himself 
to  reduce  his  theories  to  experiment  and  practice.  His  designs  are  to  obtain  pa 
tents  in  England  and  other  foreign  parts,  and  for  that  purpose  he  hopes  to  avail 
himself  of  a  rule,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  informed  him  was  established  in  the  office 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  viz.  :  that  the  models  lodged  in  pursuance  of  the  act  of 
Congress,  were  not  liable  to  public  inspection.  He  will  however  cheerfully  ex 
hibit  his  model,  and  explain  its  principles  to  you,  and  such  patrons  of  useful  inven 
tions  as  you  may  wish  to  introduce,  as  I  have  informed  him  that  you  feel  too 
strongly  interested  in  the  inventions  of  this  country,  to  suffer  any  thing  to  escape 
you,  whereby  a  foreigner  could  rob  the  authors  of  their  prospects  of  profits.  I 
have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  I  and  mine  are  in  health  and  happiness. 
Mrs.  Goodrich  joins  me  in  suitable  respects  to  Mrs.  Wolcott,  and  I  am  with 
esteem  and  friendship,  your  humble  servant, 

ELIZUR  GOODRICH. 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  129 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  March  2d,  1794. 

In  the  present  situation  of  our  public  affairs,  we  have  continual  applications 
from  Congress,  in  relation  to  facts  for  supporting  or  invalidating  the  arguments 
of  conflicting  parties.  The  trouble  occasioned  by  this  state  of  things  is  almost 
infinite,  but  it  will  be  cheerfully  bestowed,  in  case  it  tends  in  any  degree  to  secure 
this  country  from  participating  in  the  most  desolating  war  which  ever  disgraced 
the  human  species.  I  believe  if  the  country  continues  firm  and  steady,  we  shall 
avoid  actual  war,  though  the  mercantile  interest  must  suffer  great  loss.  If  how 
ever  the  spirit  which  governs  too  many  in  our  great  towns  and  some  popular  lead 
ers,  becomes  prevalent,  the  honour  and  liberty  of  our  country  \vill  be  sacrificed. 
The  dreadful  examples  in  France  have  now  secured  even  the  worst  governments 
in  Europe  from  innovations  at  this  time,  and  though  the  French  cannot,  and  will 
not  be  conquered  by  their  enemies  ;  yet  every  thing  respectable  in  society  will  be 
destroyed  by  the  pressure  of  the  most  implacable  and  sanguinary  despotism  that 
was  ever  erected.  This  state  of  things  renders  the  British  and  other  government"7 
less  careful  to  treat  us  with  justice,  and  the  more  willing  that  we  should  disgrace 
our  principles  by  falling  into  disorders.  They  well  know  that  our  external  force 
is  nothing,  and  that  external  injuries  will  produce  internal  factions  which  we 
cannot  manage. 

There  is  too  much  reason  to  fear  that  a  considerable  force  has  moved  from  Ken 
tucky  against  New  Orleans.  Such  an  event  would  greatly  perplex  the  govern 
ment.  It  is  certain  that  Genet  sent  his  commissions,  and  that  a  large  body  of 
men  have  been  engaged.  A  cruel  return  to  the  United  States  for  the  expense 
which  has  been  incurred  on  their  account.  There  is  but  one  way  for  us  to  avoid 
troubles  of  the  most  serious  nature,  and  that  is,  to  determine  that  we  will  not  go 
to  war.  If  commerce  cannot  be  pursued,  we  must  discontinue  it,  but  this  will, 
not  be  necessary  if  we  are  prudent. 

A  committee  of  fifteen  members  are  investigating  the  state  of  the  treasury  de 
partment.  Some  of  the  members  are  enemies  to  the  Secretary,  but  he  is  an  hon 
est  and  able  man,  and  as  every  thing  in  relation  to  his  official  conduct  is  capable 
of  a  solid  defence,  no  injury  can  be  inflicted.  It  will  occasion  us  some  hard  work, 
but  this  we  are  used  to,  and  do  not  mind, 

TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

PHILA.,  March  3d,  1794. 

»  *  «  * 

You  gentlemen  of  the  country  instead  of  thinking  that  you  know  less,  ought  to 
be  sensible,  that  you  know  more  of  every  thing  useful  and  desirable  to  be  known,  , 
than  those  who  live  in  cities,  which  are  for  the  most  part  the  seals  of  vanity,  /  / 
ignorance  and  vice.      Of  this  be  certain,  that  when  the  country  becomes  possess 
ed  of  the  same  spirit  and  character  which  is  prominent  in  most  of  our  great  towns, 


130  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

the  happiness  and  liberty  of  our  country  will  be  terminated.  This  is  not  spleen 
of  mine,  for  I  have  met  with  nothing  special  to  excite  disgust.  Ask  Mr.  Tracy 
or  Mr.  Swift  when  they  return,  and  they  will  tell  you  as  I  do.  The  people  of 
Connecticut  at  this  time  enjoy  the  best  state  of  society,  and  are  the  most  happy 
community  under  heaven.  They  have  the  reputation  of  being  in  this  situation  ; 
they  have  therefore  the  strongest  motives  for  maintaining  their  present  character. 
Be  assured  that  their  representation  in  Congress  is  considered  as  the  most  re 
spectable  in  the  United  States,  having  no  scape  goat,  and  no  character  destitute 
of  respectable  talents.  The  only  effect  which  this  information  is  intended  to  pro 
duce,  is  contentment  with  what  passes  in  this  imperfect  state.  By  knowing  what 
is  the  best,  we  are  to  expect,  we  naturally  become  satisfied.  It  is  not  natural  but 
artificial  evil,  which  is  the  chief  cause  of  our  anxiety. 


FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  March  10th,  1794. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

We  are  become  quite  solicitous  about  the  measures  of  government,  for  now 
our  legislators  have  grown  from  the  pigmy  size  of  continental  politicians  into  the 
enormous  stature  of  lords  of  a  world,  we  daily  feel  ourselves  increasing  in  our 
bulk,  and  now  begin  to  extend  our  thoughts  far  and  near,  and  throw  about  sys 
tems  as  we  were  wont  to  do  foot  balls.  As  yet  it  rests  only  in  speculations  ;  we 
don't  act,  not  even  in  resolves  democratic,  or  boast  panegyrical  or  condemnatory. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  we  shall  attain  to  that  perfection  of  grace,  seeing  our  cities 
are  so  small  in  extent  and  numbers,  and  so  many  of  them.  One  of  them  did,  it 
is  true,  lately  become  a  little  intoxicated  ;  but  on  sleeping,  has,  I  understand, 
regained  a  more  sober  state,  and  it  is  hoped  will  in  future  be  circumspect. 

The  sympathy  or  connection  between  nations  is  greater  than  heretofore.  I 
had  imagined,  and  it  seems  almost  impossible  to  keep  ourselves  from  being  in- 
gulphedin  the  follies  and  excesses  of  Europe — one  part  of  it  cajoling  us,  and  the 
other  irritating  our  spirits  by  the  most  impolitic  and  mad  acts.  After  all  I  think 
the  sober  reason  of  our  country  will  have  so  much  self  government,  as  not  to 
risque  its  tranquillity  or  happiness,  till  the  extremest  necessity  requires  it.  I  presume 
the  party  who  espouse  measures  to  the  contrary,  are  inconsiderable  in  comparison 
to  the  whole.  A  distinction  is  to  be  made  between  an  attachment  to  the  cause 
of  the  French,  and  a  serious  determination  to  embroil  ourselves.  When  a  party 
have  a  measure  to  carry,  they  cover  it  over  a  while  and  gild  it  with  some 
specious  appearance,  and  make  such  a  clamor,  it  seems  as  if  the  world  were  at 
their  heels.  Men  of  reflection  give  them  their  humour,  but  when  they  come  to 
act,  it  is  with  an  invincible  force.  Minorities  frequently  plume  themselves  on 
being  most  in  numbers,  and  to  their  shame,  find  only  a  few  left  who  have  gone 
too  far  to  retreat.  A  question  so  interesting  as  the  peace  of  America,  must  be 
ultimately  decided  by  the  voice  of  the  people  ;  and  yet  they  heartily  deprecate 
a  war.  Should  Congress  commit  the  peace  of  this  country,  it  would  not  be  long 
before  they  would  hear  the  expressions  of  a  very  general  resentment  and  be 
obliged  to  change  their  measures. 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  131 

It  is  natural  to  expect  the  Sans  Culottish  spirit  should  in  a  degree  infect  people 
and  contaminate  public  measures,  and  a  nice  and  delicate  regard  is  necessary 
on  the  part  of  government  to  check  or  restrain  its  excesses.  There  are  moments 
when  government  does  well  not  to  go  retrograde,  or  even  to  hold  itself  in  exist 
ence  ;  and  the  question  then  does  not  seem  to  be,  how  much  good  can  be  done, 
but  how  much  evil  can  be  prevented. 

1  have  no  doubt  unwearied  endeavours  are  used  through  the  Union  to  embitter 
the  public  mind  and  sow  jealousies  of  the  government,  and  with  partial  success  ; 
some  such  are  found  here,  but  as  yet  I  don't  observe  any  discontent  to  be  regarded. 
Our  sober  good  folks  regret  the  want  of  union  in  Congress,  and  think  it  strange 
they  divide  so  uniformly  on  almost  all  questions  ;  they  say,  General  Washing- ' 
ton  will  at  last  set  them  right ;  they  yet  look  up  to  him  more  than  they  do  to  the 
Almighty,  for  they  think  he  is  nearer  to  them,  and  have  no  doubt  of  his  ability 
and  will  to  do  them  good. 

If  we  mean  to  succeed  as  a  Republic,  and  we  have  had  too  much  good  from 
one  to  give  up  the  idea,  I  believe  we  must  devise  some  better  way  than  now  in 
practice,  as  to  our  relations  to  foreign  nations  and  negociations.  A  set  of  diplo- 
matiques  scattered  over  a  republic,  is  a  kind  of  Beelzebub  with  his  family  in  the 
midst  of  republicans  ;  they  operate  directly  on  the  public  mind,  and  that  is  the 
will  of  our  government  ;  but  if  we  must  have  a  corps  of  such  creatures  of  our 
own  abroad,  and  of  theirs  here,  we  ought  as  soon  as  possible  to  learn  our  people, 
they  are  an  enemy  in  disguise  of  friends,  who  are  come  to  corrupt  with  their  gold, 
terrify  by  threats,  cajole,  and  above  all,  work  through  our  public  presses  their  own 
schemes. 

If  it  be  necessary  we  ought  to  be  told,  it  is  considered  an  evil  among  the  works 
of  God  ;  and  though  no  man  among  us  may  touch  the  person,  because  he  has  at 
tributes  of  majesty  and  nations  in  every  nerve,  yet  we  ought  to  know,  that  mis 
chiefs  like  Hydras  are  constantly  springing  out,  and  that  it  is  our  duty  to  destroy 
them  instantly  on  sight.  One  more  Genet  in  this  country  will  make  us  sick  of 
diplomatiques.  If  we  want  to  do  any  business  abroad,  give  some  good  fellow  a 
letter  of  attorney  and  let  him  do  it.  This  borders  on  the  democratic,  and  is  most 
likely  only  the  ravings  of  an  uncourtly  wretch.  Every  body  says,  we  ought  to 
have  as  little  to  do  with  Europe,  except  in  the  single  article  of  commerce,  as  pos 
sible.  Yet  we  want  treaties,  ambassadors,  navies,  etc.,  and  all  because  we  would 
not  be  connected  with  them.  An  old  Quaker  would  not  do  so  ;  he  would  keep 
the  peace  by  minding  his  own  business,  and  letting  other  folks  alone,  and  if  he 
was  struck  on  one  cheek  he  would  turn  the  other,  and  though  he  would  not  exhi 
bit  much  true  spirit  he  would  live  in  peace,  and  not  die  in  debt.  *  * 

Yours,  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEA-. 

LITCHFIELD,  March  17,  1794. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  2d  instant,  enclosing  one  to  your  brother,  has  been  received. 
Although  it  is  very  agreeable  to  receive  letters  from  you,  yet  in  the  present  op 
pression  of  your  business,  I  do  not  expect  you  will  rind  time  to  write  often.  The 


132  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

same  men  who  are  pursuing  other  measures,  destructive  of  the  interest  and  honor 
of  their  country,  have  for  a  long  time  been  persecuting  the  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
sury,  hoping  that  they  may  either  find  some  error  in  his  conduct,  or  be  able  to 
give  the  alarm  of  suspicion  or  harass  him  so  far  as  to  induce  him  to  resign  his 
office  ;  but  I  trust  they  will  be  disappointed  in  their  nefarious  designs. 

*  *  I  find  that  I  have  been  entirely  disappointed  as  to  what 

would  be  the  decided  prevalent  conduct  of  the  present  Congress.  There  are  not 
only  some  very  artful,  designing  and  ambitious  men  amongst  them,  and  some 
such  are  always  to  be  found  in  every  popular  assembly,  but  there  certainly  must 
be  a  most  undue  proportion  of  members  destitute  of  ordinary  understanding  ; 
otherwise  the  honor  of  these  States  would  not  be  prostituted  in  the  manner  in 
which  it  is.  Do  not  these  men  know,  that  by  their  ridiculous  altercations  and 
divisions  about  matters  in  which  America  has  no  interest,  and  by  enlisting  them 
selves  under  the  banner  of  foreign  ministers  they  only  render  their  country  the 
proper  object  of  insult !  Is  it  possible  for  any  nation,  the  most  unenlightened,  to 
have  the  least  respect  for  such  a  government  I  If  these  people  are  determined  to 
go  to  war,  it  ought  to  be  against  those  who  have  insulted  them  the  most  and 
are  the  least  able  to  annoy  them,  and  these  certainly  are  the  French,  who  have 
more  grossly  violated  the  laws  of  nations  than  any  other,  (and  that  under  the  ac 
cumulated  guilt  of  breaking  a  solemn  compact)  and  by  a  most  insidious  attempt 
have  been  practising  to  draw  us  into  a  war,  contrary  to  their  public  professions — 
and  the  same  conduct,  under  some  other  specious  appearance,  will  continue  to  be 
practised  by  them.  Genet  is  too  abhorred  a  villain  to  have  his  name  mentioned 
by  any  man  of  the  least  honor  or  virtue.  I  trust  that  the  French  will  not  get 
possession  of  New  Orleans.  There  is  no  nation  in  the  universe  whose  neighbor 
hood  we  ought  equally  to  detest.  I  am  clear  in  this  opinion,  that  in  the  present 
delirium  of  the  European  nations,  which,  I  believe,  cannot  last  long,  and  in  the 
present  state  of  America,  she  ought  not  to  go  to  war  upon  any  event,  unless  in 
sulted  in  her  harbors  or  upon  her  coast,  and  we  ought  to  be  in  some  condition  to 
guard  against  such  an  abuse.  The  nations  who  have  warred  upon  France  must 
perceive  that  all  attempts  to  reduce  them  will  be  unavailing.  It  is  not  best  that 
they  should  succeed,  and  they  cannot  gratify  their  resentment  so  effectually  as 
by  letting  the  French  alone,  and  in  their  anarchy  to  suffer  the  savage,  murderous 
disposition  of  that  people  to  recoil  upon  themselves. 

Individual  characters  in  the  present  Congress  are  justly  esteemed  by  us,  among 
which  number,  I  am  happy  to  know  that  the  gentlemen  from  this  state  are 
ranked,  but  the  collective  character  was  never  so  low  as  at  present ;  and  I  believe 
there  are  few  men  with  us  of  information,  but  place  confidence  in  the  wisdom 
and  stability  of  the  Executive,  and  wish  not  to  see  the  least  cession  of  his  consti 
tutional  powers,  which  it  has  been  attempted  to  induce,  and  that  he  exercise  in 
the  most  plenary  manner  every  power  which  he  is  vested  with,  and  not  suffer  any 
act  of  Congress  to  pass  but  what  obtains,  from  clear  conviction,  his  most  entire 
approbation.  In  the  exercise  of  such  authority,  I  am  well  persuaded,  he  will  be 
supported  by  the  people  of  America.  And  no  other  influence  ought  ever  to  be 
adduced  from  the  opinions  of  the  mobs  of  our  capitals,  but  that  they  are,  and  for 
ever  will  be,  repugnant  to  the  sober  and  prevalent  sense  of  the  people  of  these 
States.  OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  133 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  14th,  1794. 


This  last  winter  has  been  to  me  the  most  anxious  of  my  life  ;  the  perplexity  of 
business  has  increased  artificially  by  the  enquiry  into  the  state  of  the  department, 
and  the  critical  state  of  our  public  affairs  has  rendered  the  time  unpleasant.  I 
presume  that  the  enquiry  is  nearly  over,  and  that  the  result  will  be  satisfactory. 
I  am  certain  it  will  be  so,  if  truth  and  candour  have  any  influence  on  the  decision. 
The  committee,  or  at  least  a  majority  of  them,  would  on  party  principles  be  dis 
posed  to  censure  the  Treasury  ;  but  I  believe  that  but  few  will  be  disposed  to  disre- 
gard^truth  and  evidence  in  their  report.  If  the  people  of  the  United  States  knew  how  J 
perversely  their  business  was  managed  by  a  faction,  how  zealously  some  were 
endeavouring  to  engage  us  in  war,  how  every  measure  tending  to  place  the  coun-  \ 
try  in  a  state  of  defence,  or  to  promote  a  friendly  explanation  with  those  who 
injure  us,  was  embarrassed  and  prevented  ;  I  am  certain  that  their  resentments 
could  not  be  repressed.  It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  since  Great  Britain  has  been 
at  war  with  France  a  foreign  influence  has  been  visible.  The  motives  are  too 
many  and  probably  too  disgraceful  to  be  detailed  ;  the  abolition  of  certain  debts, 
the  ruin  of  the  public  credit,  and  a  degradation  of  the  government  may  however 
be  mentioned,  as  they  are  understood  to  be  avowed  objects  with  many.  To 
accomplish  these  purposes,  a  conduct  has  prevailed  in  our  great  towns  generally, 
and  in  some  of  the  southern  states,  which  could  not  fail  to  excite  the  suspicions 
and  resentment  of  Great  Britain  and  Spain  ;  these  causes,  with  an  unfortunate 
deviation  from  neutrality  in  one  instance,  and  the  great  extent  to  which  a  con 
traband  or  masked  trade  has  been  carried  on  from  some  parts  into  this  quarter, 
have  tended  to  give  colour  to  intrigue  which  those  powers  were  otherwise  dis 
posed  to  commit.  It  may  be  added,  that  the  British  Minister*  is  a  weak,  vain 
and  imprudent  character,  very  much  in  the  company  and  under  the  influence  of 
sour  and  prejudiced  lories,  who  wish  to  see  the  country  disgraced.  The  conse 
quence  of  which  is,  that  we  suffer  real  injuries  which  we  no  otherwise  resent  than 
by  puerile  declamations,  and  by  propositions  which  can  have  no  other  effect  than 
to  disunite  and  to  disgrace  the  country.  This  state  of  things  is  precisely  what  a 
party  wish  should  continue  ;  they  therefore  oppose  all  measures  which  would 
produce  an  an  explanation,  and  at  the  same  time  obstruct  all  arrangements  for 
either  offensive  or  defensive  operations.  The  state  of  irritation  which  is  thus 
kept  up,  the  loss  of  property  and  consequent  risk  of  the  public  credit  which  is  pro 
duced,  subserves  this  grand  design  of  an  intimate  coalition  with  France,  founded 
on  the  weakness  and  degradation  of  this  country.  It  is  a  more  humiliating  con 
sideration  to  perceive  how  devoted  many  are  to  the  banners  of  a  foreign  leader, 
and  painful  to  reflect  on  the  dreadful  consequences  which  may  ensue  from  a  war 
undertaken  with  such  views  and  designs.  For  my  part,  I  do  not  hesitate  to 
declare  that  I  had  rather  know  that  the  United  States  were  to  be  erased  from  exist- 

aMr.  Hammond. 
VOL.  I.  12 


134  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

ence  than  infected  with  the  French  principles,  or  under  the  influence  of  any 
foreign  nation  whatever.  A  bold  and  very  honorable  course  of  conduct  has  been 
adopted  by  most  of  the  members  from  New  England  ;  and,  in  the  opinion  of  all 
reflecting  men  here,  if  the  country  is  so  fortunate  as  to  avoid  war,  it  must  be  by 
their  exertions  in  restraining  the  violence  of  faction.  Instead  of  sequestering 
debts,  inhibiting  the  importation  of  British  manufactures,  partial  commercial 
arrangements  and  weak  indulgences  to  France  ;  the  real  friends  to  this  country 
are  endeavouring  to  secure  the  harbours,  to  increase  the  public  force  and  revenues, 
and  to  call  for  a  full  explanation  of  the  designs  of  Great  Britain  towards  us. 
Some  of  these  measures  have  obtained  fully,  others  partially,  but  all  have  been 
violently  opposed.  Nothing  very  wrong  has  yet  been  done,  though  much  has 
been  attempted ;  on  the  whole,  the  session  has  reflected  no  honor  upon  the 
government  or  the  country.  Weakness,  passion  and  suspicion  have  been  leading 
characteristics  in  the  public  proceedings ;  the  only  salutary  reflection  which  it  can 
have  produced  is,  that  the  tone  of  the  government  must  be  braced,  not  weakened, 
if  the  people  do  not  mean  to  be  cheated  out  of  their  liberties  by  an  inoperative 
administration.  I  am  happy  to  believe  that  this  true  impression  has  been  received 
by  the  northern  gentlemen,  who  are  indeed  the  only  men  in  Congress  (with  some 
few  exceptions)  competent  to  judge  of  the  subject. 

Lest  you  suppose  that  I  have  too  severely  criminated  the  opposition  and  war 
party  in  Congress,  I  send  you  a  paper  containing  the  late  votes  of  the  Democratic 
Society  in  Philadelphia  ;  all  the  charges  which  I  have  imputed  are  to  be  found  in 
this  paper.  It  is  here  well  known  that  these  popular  societies  speak  the  senti 
ments  of  certain  demagogues,  and  that  the  clubs  consist  of  hot-headed,  ignorant 
or  wicked  men,  devoted  entirely  to  the  views  of  France. 

I  think  I  may  assure  you  that  the  embarrassments  of  this  country  have,  in  a 
great  measure,  been  the  fruit  of  designing  politicians  that  war  may  be  yet  avoided, 
by  negotiation,  but  that  every  exertion  will  be  made  to  lead  this  country  into 
measures  of  which  war  is  to  be  the  consequence. 


OLIVER  ELLSWORTH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Ap.  5,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter,  received  some  time  since,  and  for  your  opinion  of 
Mr.  Madison's  propositions.  Probably  you  do  not  mistake  in  supposing  them  to 
be  insidious  and  incapable  of  producing  any  other  effect  than  mischief.  They 
have  not,  however  yet  passed,  and  I  trust  will  not. 

The  debts  of  the  South,  which  were  doubtless  among  the  causes  of  the  late 
revolution,  have  ever  since  operated  to  obstruct  its  benefits, by  opposing  compulsive 
energy  of  government,  generating  mist  and  irritation  between  this  country  and 
Great  Britain,  and,  of  course,  giving  a  baleful  ascendancy  to  French  influence. 
Under  these  auspices,  an  extensive  combination  of  the  wicked  and  the  weak  has 
been  arranged  for  some  time  past,  and  will  probably  continue  its  efforts  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  this  country  so  long  as  the  European  contest  continues  in  its 
present  state  of  dubiety.  Some  precipitate  measures  are  now  contemplating  in 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  135 

Congress,  but  I  hope  in  a  few  days  we  shall  see  the  business  turned  into  a  channel 
of  negotiation,  and  a  respectable  special  envoy  sent  to  London,  on  the  subject  of 
commercial  spoliations.  A  negociatioiyjf  this  kind,  with  proper  interior  arrange 
ments  to  give  it  weight,  would,  I  presume,  save  us  from  war. 

I  do  most  sincerely  sympathize  with  you  in  the  afflicting  state  of  your  family, 
and  am,  dear  sir,  with  every  sentiment  of  esteem,  your  ob't  humble  serv't, 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 


OLIVER  ELLSWORTH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  16,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

In  a  late  letter  I  suggested  to  you  the  idea  of  turning  our  grievances  into  a 
channel  of  negociation.  I  now  venture  to  assure  you  that  Mr.  Jay  will  be  sent 
as  special  envoy  to  the  Court  of  London,  with  such  powers  and  instructions  as 
probably  will  produce  the  desired  effect.  His  nomination  will  come  forward 
this  day  or  to-morrow.  He  is  now  here,  and  has  this  moment  informed  me  of 
his  determination  to  accept  the  appointment  if  it  shall  be  made.  This,  sir,  will 
be  a  mortifying  movement  to  those  who  have  endeavoured  by  every  possible 
means  to  present  a  reconciliation  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain.  The 
British  instructions  of  the  eighth  January  which  I  sent  you,  begin  to  operate 
favourably  in  the  West  Indies.  The  embargo  I  trust,  will  not  be  continued 
beyond  the  thirty  days  for  which  it  was  laid.  It  ought  not  to  have  been  laid  at 
all.  *  *  With  much  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  dear  sir,  you. 

obedient  humble  servant, 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

TO  NOAH  WEBSTER. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  3d,  1794. 

I  acknowledge  your  favour  of  the  20th  of  April  with  the  enclosed  pamphlet, 
which  I  have  perused  with  much  satisfaction.  It  is  precisely  the  thing  which  I 
have  long  wished  to  be  published,  and  will  eminently  serve  to  fix  the  public 
opinion  on  national  principles,  and  to  tranquillize  those  passions  which  have 
threatened  the  peace  of  this  country.  Whether  the  governments  of  Europe  have 
arrived  at  that  maturity  in  wickedness,  which  renders  it  necessary  on  physical 
and  moral  principles  that  the  people  should  revert  to  barbarism,  I  pretend  not  to 
determine.  That  all  governments  of  the  degree  of  vigor  of  those  of  Europe, 
which  have  cultivated  the  arts,  sciences  and  commerce,  terminate  in  this  way, 
is  certain  from  universal  experience  and  the  known  principles  of  human  nature. 
I  do  not  therefore  expect  a  speedy  return  of  tranquillity.  I  am  certain  that  the 
modern  French  principles  are  inconsistent  with  the  present  state  of  society  in 
Europe.  If  the  French  succeed  in  their  resistance,  they  will  do  more,  and  over 
turn  every  government,  except  perhaps  those  in  the  north  of  Europe.  The  de 
struction  will  moreover  be  signal  and  complete,  and  will  equally  involve  the  re- 
fjnements  which  have  contributed  to  improve  and  adorn,  or  degrade  and  debase 


136  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

human  nature.  The  reason  is  obvious  ;  the  mild  philosophic  and  the  insolent 
oppressor,  will  from  habit  and  interest  oppose  radical  changes,  and  will  therefore 
be  indiscriminatingly  proscribed  as  the  enemies  of  reformation.  If  the  French 
are  subdued,  Europe  will  be  crushed  under  the  despotism  of  tyrants.  The  people 
must  either  expect  the  tranquillity  which  prevails  where  liberty  is  extinct,  and  all 
the  energies  of  the  human  mind  are  subdued,  or  the  crimes  and  desolation  which 
mark  the  exit  and  formation  of  empires.  There  is  no  alternative  ;  Europe  must 
be  what  Asia  now  is,  or  must  witness  a  repetition  of  those  horrors  which  subverted 
the  Roman  empire. 

During  this  interesting  period,  the  duty  of  an  American  citizen  is  obvious  ;  we 
!  ought  carefully  to  guard  against  any  deterioration  of  our  principles,  to  reject  all 
*  novelties  and  innovations,  to  respect  ourselves,  to  offend  none,  to  be  prepared  for 
I  defence  against  invasions  and  intrigues,  and  above  all,  to  come  to  an  absolute  de- 
f  termination,  that  we  will  on  no  account  become  a  party  in  the  war.      From  the 
moment  that  we  engage  in  war,  I  consider  every  thing  as  unsafe  ;  we  cannot  in 
that  case  proceed  regularly,  without  changing  the  whole  machinery  of  our  govern 
ment.      If  the  war  is  conducted  on  desultory  predatory  principles,  the  United 
States  will  become  the  resort  of  profligate  ruffians  from  every  country,  who  will 
corrupt  us,  and  render  it  impossible  to  maintain  our  present   government.     With 
these  principles  you  will  believe  that  I  read  the  book  you  sent  me  with  pleasure., 
and  with  a  sincere  wish  that  it  may  produce  the  good  effects  for  which  it  is 
calculated. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

May  3d,  1794. 
I 

I  received  your  letter  announcing  the  intelligence  of  my  mother's  death. 
Though  this  event  has  been  for  some  time  expected,  yet  it  was  not  the  less  ago 
nizing  to  me,  who  have  been  deprived  of  a  parent  who  possessed  and  well 
deserved  my  most  perfect  affection,  gratitude  and  respect.  It  is  however  on  such 
melancholy  occasions  that  the  dignity  of  virtue  and  the  consolations  of  religion, 
appear  most  conspicuous  ;  and  happy  it  is  for  us  that  in  the  life  and  death  of  our 
mother  they  have  been  fully  illustrated.  To  live  with  honour  and  respect,  to  die 
lamented,  and  confidently  to  expect  a  happy  futurity,  is  to  attain  every  good 
allowed  to  humanity.  In  all  these  particulars  our  departed  parent  was  eminently 
distinguished. 

Congress  have  completed  but  little  of  the  important  business  before  them.  I 
wish  I  could  bring  my  mind  to  believe,  that  no  danger  attended  this  country. 
The  passions  of  many  are  so  violent,  and  such  the  real  diversity  of  views  and 
interests,  that  the  prospect  of  tranquillity  and  permanency  in  our  public  policy 
has  much  diminished.  The  fortunes  of  America  and  the.  destiny  of  republican 
ism,  depend  on  the  stability  of  the  northern  States.  We  must  have  a  govern 
ment,  and  this  is  the  last  that  can  be  settled  in  the  United  States,  by  the  general 
consent  of  the  present  members.  There  is  much  to  be  apprehended  from  the 
great  numbers  of  violent  men  who  emigrate  to  tMs-^CQuntry  from  every  part  of 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  137 

Europe.  Our  people  here  and  at  the  southward,  are  much  cheated  by  their  false 
professions  and  their  intrigues,  and  there  is  real  danger  of  some  violent  explosion. 
I  expect  that  the  session  will  continue  nearly  through  the  present  month. 
Several  interesting  questions  are  depending,  which  will  require  the  exertions  of  all 
the  sober  characters  belonging  to  Congress. 

Some  of  the  events  of  this  winter  will  now  require  a  short 
review.  During  the  last  autumn  it  had  been  ascertained 
that  a  plan  was  on  foot  for  organizing  an  expedition  in 
Kentucky  against  New  Orleans,  and  that  several  French 
agents  commissioned  by  Mr.  Genet,  had  actually  com 
menced  operations.  Measures  were  immediately  taken 
to  prevent  their  further  progress.  In  the  winter  another 
project  was  discovered  of  attacking  the  Floridas  by  a  force 
from  Georgia,  which  was  defeated  by  the  vigilance  of  the 
Legislature  of  South  Carolina.  The  detection  of  these 
schemes  rendered  necessary  the  adoption  of  decisive  mea 
sures  towards  their  author,  and  he  was  only  saved  from 
actual  dismission  by  the  news  of  his  recall. 

The  withholding  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was 
a  serious  injury  to  the  settlers  of  the  country  west  of  the 
Alleghanies,  and  had  been  the  subject  of  continued  dis 
satisfaction  among  them.  Notwithstanding  that  the  gov 
ernment  had  urgently  pressed  this  matter  in  its  negocia- 
tions  with  Spain,  their  discontent  was  extended  to  the 
administration,  and  was  evidently  fostered  by  the  same 
hands  that  had  nursed  sedition  in  Pennsylvania,  and  for 
the  same  purposes.  The  occasion  was  seized  by  the 
French  as  a  fitting  one  for  forwarding  their  own  views ; 
the  excitement  was  dexterously  fanned  into  a  flame,  and 
the  possession  of  the  river  was  connected  with  visions  of 
conquest,  and  even  of  a  separate  national  existence.  An 
angry  remonstrance  sent  to  the  President  and  to  Congress 
at  this  session,  by  some  citizens  of  Kentucky,  concluded 
a  demand  of  their  rights  by  obscure  hints  of  a  dismem 
berment,  in  case  they  were  not  obtained.  The  governor 
of  that  state  himself,  declined  on  most  extraordinary 

12* 


138  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

grounds,  the  exercise  of  his  authority  in  preventing  the 
meditated  attack.  This  spirit  was  maintained  for  some 
time  in  the  western  country,  and  reference  will  be  here 
after  made  to  other  occasions  on  which  it  showed  itself. 

M.  Joseph  Fauchet,  as  the  ostensible  Minister,  with 
M.  M.  La  Forest  and  Petry,  under  the  respective  titles  of 
Consul-General  and  Consul  for  Pennsylvania,  as  his  asso 
ciates,  was  sent  to  succeed  M.  Genet,  and  reached  this 
country  in  February.  The  latter,  for  good  reasons  of  his 
own,  remained  in  this  country ;  his  failure  might,  under 
Robespierre,  have  cost  him  his  head ;  the  instructions  un 
der  which  he  had  acted,  which  he  published  as  a  justifi 
cation  of  his  proceedings,  in  disclosing  the  designs  of  his 
own  government,  reflected  little  credit  on  the  party  by 
whose  aid  he  so  nearly  succeeded  in  carrying  them  into 
effect. 

Early  in  April,  while  the  preparations  for  the  expected 
war  were  in  progress,  and  before  the  decision  on  the  va 
rious  commercial  propositions,  news  arrived  of  the  revo 
cation,  by  the  British  government,  of  the  instructions  of 
the  6th  November,  and  of  some  conciliatory  explanations 
from  Lord  Grenville.  The  opportunity  offered  for  the 
amicable  adjustment  of  the  existing  difficulties  with  that 
nation,  was  at  once  improved  by  the  President,  and  on  the 
16th  April,  Chief  Justice  JAY  was  nominated  Envoy  Ex 
traordinary  to  the  British  Court. 

As  the  proclamation  of  neutrality,  and,  indeed,  every 
measure,  not  only  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  but  of  the 
dignity  and  sovereignty  of  the  nation,  every  assertion  of 
its  rights  against  the  demands  of  France,  in  fine,  every 
act  of  whatsoever  nature  or  kind  originating  from  the  Pre 
sident  or  the  federal  party,  had  become  the  subject  of  op 
position,  of  gross  personal  abuse  and  falsehood  from  the 
Jacobin  press,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  this  nomination 
should  have  escaped  the  same  fate.  In  fact,  hardly  a. 
measure  of  Washington's  whole  administration  incurred 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  139 

more  censure,  it  may  be  said,  more  vilification.  In  Con 
gress,  the  greatest  efforts  were  made  by  the  opposition  to 
defeat  the  objects  of  the  mission  by  the  adoption  of  hos 
tile  measures. 

About  the  same  time,  Mr.  Morris  was,  at  the  request  of 
the  government,  recalled  from  France  and,  with  some 
hesitation,  Mr.  Monroe  appointed  in  his  place.  This 
nomination  was  confirmed  on  the  28th  of  May.  It  was 
imagined  that  his  known  principles  on  the  subject  of  the 
French  revolution,  would  obtain  for  him  a  greater  degree 
of  confidence  from  the  government  and  the  better  ensure 
the  success  of  his  mission.  The  result,  however,  showed 
the  error  of  such  a  reliance.  The  objects  of  a  mission  to 
France  were  now  become  of  vital  importance.  Her  sur 
reptitious  attempts  to  draw  this  country  into  the  war,  had 
been  but  a  part  of  the  injuries  committed  by  her.  The 
long-continued  and  distressing  embargo  on  the  vessels  in 
the  port  of  Bordeaux,  illegal  captures  by  French  ships  of 
war  and  privateers,  the  seizure  and  forced  sales  of  car 
goes  and  their  appropriation  to  public  use  without  pay 
ment,  the  non-performance  of  contracts  made  by  the 
agents  of  the  government  for  supplies,  the  oppressions 
exercised  by  their  courts  of  admiralty,  the  taking  all  for 
eign  trade  from  individuals  into  the  hands  of  government, 
successive  orders  and  decrees  contrary  to  treaty  stipula 
tions,  were  fast  making  up  a  catalogue  of  wrongs  against 
our  self-styled  ally,  that  far  over-shadowed  those  which 
had  so  justly  excited  public  indignation  against.  Great 
Britain.  Unless  these  could  be  redressed — war,  submis 
sion  to  the  will  of  France,  or  national  disgrace  and  pri 
vate  ruin  must  follow. 

Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  was,  in  the  month  of  May, 
commissioned  Minister  Resident  at  the  Hague. 

The  adjournment  took  place  on  the  ninth  of  June. 
The  majority  obtained  by  the  anti-federalists  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  had  at  last  enabled  them  to  effect  the 


140  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

desired  object  of  preventing  references  to  Mr.  Hamilton 
on  the  measures  pertaining  to  his  department.  Fresh 
enquiries  had  been  instituted  into  his  conduct  and  a  com 
mittee  of  fifteen,  of  which  a  majority  were  members  of 
the  opposition,  appointed  to  investigate  it.  Their  report 
was  made  on  the  22d  of  May.  "  The  result,"  says  Mar 
shall,  "was  the  more  honourable  to  the  Secretary  because 
it  was  conducted  by  those  who  were  not  his  friends.' ' 

Notwithstanding  their  minority,  the  federalists  were 
generally  successful  in  preserving  the  principles  of  their 
own  policy  as  regarded  both  the  affairs  of  state  and  of 
finance.  Acts  were  passed  providing  for  the  fortification 
of  the  principal  forts  ;  for  raising  a  corps  of  artillerists  and 
engineers  ;  directing  a  detachment  from  the  militia  and 
for  obtaining  a  supply  of  arms  ;  and  authorizing  the  Pre 
sident  to  lay  an  embargo.1  While  these  defensive  mea 
sures  were  thus  adopted  in  case  of  a  necessity  of  war, 
those  introduced  by  the  opposite  party  tending  to  produce 
it,  were,  including  the  discriminating  duties  of  Mr.  Madi 
son,  defeated.  Circumstances  during  this  session  aided 
the  federalists  in  obtaining  these  successes,  but  the  ability 
of  the  leaders  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  end. 

There  was  one  act  resisted  to  the  last  by  the  anti-fed 
eralists,  and  finally  carried  by  a  bare  majority  in  the 
House,  and  in  the  Senate  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice 
President,  of  which  the  justice  and  propriety  were  so  ob 
vious,  that  a  faction  bent  on  war  at  all  events,  and  for  any 
cause,  could  alone  have  opposed  it.  It  was  the  bill  "  in 
addition  to  the  act  for  punishing  certain  crimes  against  the 
United  States."  This  bill  prohibited  the  exercise  within 
the  territories  of  the  United  States,  of  those  acts  of  sover 
eignty  which  M.  Genet  had  arrogated.  It  rendered  penal 
the  taking  arms  against  neutral  powers,  levying  war 
against  their  territories,  fitting  out  vessels  for  the  purpose 

a  The  embargo  was  laid  March  26th,  and  continued  to  May  25th,  1794. 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  141 

of  privateering  on  their  commerce,  or  selling  their  prizes 
in  our  ports. 

For  the  purpose  of  meeting  the  expenses  arising  from 
the  present  situation  of  affairs,  additional  funds  were  re 
quisite.  A  loan  of  one  million  was  authorized  for  the 
exigencies  of  public  service,  another  of  the  same  sum  for 
purchasing  a  treaty  with  the  Algerines  and  ransoming  the 
captives  in  their  possession.  This  course  was  advocated 
by  the  anti-federalists  in  preference  to  a  navy,  as  less  ex 
pensive  and  in  accordance  with  the  usages  of  much  more 
powerful  nations.  The  few  frigates  which  were  provi 
sionally  permitted  to  be  built  were  to  be  discontinued  on 
the  conclusion  of  peace.  As  additional  revenue  was  ab 
solutely  nesessary,  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  were 
directerl  to  report  the  sources  from  which  it  could  be  ob 
tained.  The  debates  on  the  report  manifested  a  wide  dif 
ference  of  opinion  between  the  two  parties  upon  this  point. 
The  anti- federalists  proposed  raising  the  whole  sum  re 
quired  by  additional  imports  on  imported  goods,  and  by  a 
direct  tax  on  real  estate.  The  motive  for  urging  this  latter 
tax  was  unquestionably  that,  as  the  most  unpopular,  it 
would  result  in  the  speedy  breaking  down  of  their  rivals, 
and  when  in  after  years  it  became  necessary  in  view  of 
apprehended  war  to  impose  such  a  tax,  it  was  used  as  a 
means  to  this  end,  and  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration 
rested  much  of  their  claim  to  popularity  upon  its  abolition. 
It  was  now  however  advocated  by  his  adherents. 

The  federalists  on  the  contrary  proposed  an  extension 
of  the  objects  of  internal  taxation,  and  succeeded  so  far  as 
to  procure  its  imposition  upon  carriages  for  the  conveyance 
of  persons,  on  licenses  for  retailing  wines  and  liquors,  on 
sugar  refined,  and  snuff  manufactured  within  the  United 
States,  and  on  sales  of  property  at  auction.  Some  addi 
tional  duties  were  likewise  laid  on  imports. 

During  the  session  the  Commissioners  appointed  in 
1790,  to  examine  and  adjust  the  accounts  of  the  several 


142  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

states  with  the  United  States,  made  their  final  report. 
Balances  were  found  due  to  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  New  Jersey,  South  Caro 
lina  and  Georgia.  The  others  were  debtor  states.  For 
these  amounts  stocks  were  issued  of  the  kind  and  in  the 
proportions  contemplated  by  the  act  of  1790,  and  provision 
was  now  made  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  thereon. 

The  legislature  of  Connecticut  at  their  May  session  com 
missioned  Wolcott  and  Mr.  Ellsworth,  or  either  of  them, 
to  loan  to  the  United  States  the  balance  thus  found  due. 
They  had  some  years  previously  acted  as  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  the  state  in  the  settlement  of  these  accounts. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


SUMMER    AND    FALL    OF    1794. 

FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

FALMOUTH,  June  8th,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  Mr.  Jay  landed  this  afternoon  in  toler 
able  health,  though  much  fatigued  with  the  passage.  The  British  April  packet 
arrived  only  yesterday  with  the  account  of  his  appointment.  He  will  proceed  to 
London  immediately.  This  is  not,  perhaps,  a  place  for  correct  intelligence,  but 
I  am  told  by  some  respectable  people  that  the  disposition  here  is  favourable  to  his 
object.  It  is  also  said  that  Portugal  has  renewed  the  war  with  the  Algerines. 
An  attempt  has  also  begun  in  Poland  at  an  emancipation  from  the  division  of 
last  year,  and  is  so  far  successful.  The  French  conduct  the  war  in  Flanders  this 
spring  as  they  did  on  the  Rhine  last  year.  No  week,  and  few  days  pass  without 
a  battle.  The  loss  of  men  is  great  on  both  sides,  but  neither  has  as  yet  gained 
any  decisive  advantage.  I  am  truly  your  friend  and  servant. 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  June  23d,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  a  few  lines  from  Falmouth  by  the  packet  of  the  9th,  to  say  that 
Mr.  Jay  was  arrived  and  well.  He  has  now  been  in  town  a  week,  and  so  far  as 
can  be  judged  from  the  conversation  of  merchants  concerned  in  the  American 
affairs,  there  is  reason  to  hope  a  favourable  issue  to  his  mission  ;  but  how  it  may 
end  we  must  not  be  too  sanguine.  Your  friend  Barlow  was  by  the  last  accounts 
at  Hamburgh ;  what  doing  I  know  not.  He  had  found  it  necessary  to  quit 
France.  It  will  by  no  means  answer  for  him  to  come  to  this  country,  and  unless 
his  opinions  and  principles  change,  I  hope  he  will  not  find  his  way  to  America. 
If  he  should,  exert  yourself  to  convert  him  from  the  error  of  his  ways.  The  war 
goes  on  with  unabated  violence.  The  papers  will  tell  you  of  the  terrible  naval 
battle,  than  which,  few  more  obstinate  or  bloody  are  recorded  in  British  History. 
Both  fleets  are  expected  to  be  at  sea  soon,  and  will  probably  meet  again — the 
British  to  complete,  the  French  to  retrieve  the  glory  of  the  day.  The  French 
have  decidedly  the  advantage  on  the  frontiers  of  Spain  and  Italy.  They  lose 
ground  on  the  Rhine  ;  and  in  Flanders,  after  many  obstinate  conflicts,  neither 


144  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  6. 

party  has  gained  much.  Ypres  is  now  besieged  by  the  French  and  several  un 
successful  attempts  have  been  made  by  Count  Clairfait  for  its  relief.  It  can  hold 
out  but  few  days,  and  if  it  fall,  all  the  coast  of  Flanders  is  laid  open  ;  for  it  was 
a  measure  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  to  dismantle  most  of  the  fortified  towns  of  this 
quarter,  and  Ypres  is  now  the  only  one  of  any  strength.  Serious  apprehensions 
are  entertained  for  Ostend,  and  Lord  Moira's  troops,  which  have  been  lying  at  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  are  said  to  be  ordered  thither  to  reinforce  the  garrison.  They 
sailed  yesterday.  My  only  hope  is  that  all  parties  will  see  the  inutility  of  the 
war  by  which  none  appears  to  gain,  and  of  the  which  the  great  consequence  is 
the  immense  waste  of  human  blood,  happiness  and  treasure.  The  government 
of  France  has  had  another  change  of  hands,  and  Danton,  who  was  once  omnipo 
tent,  has  in  his  turn  come  to  the  guillotine.  How  long  Robespierre  will  main 
tain  his  present  dictatorial  power  is  very  uncertain.  A  scarcity,  but  not  a  want  of 
bread  has  been  experienced  in  some  parts  of  France.  Serious  inconvenience 
has  no  where  been  felt  from  this  source,  and  now  that  the  potatoes  (which  are 
cultivated  even  in  the  once  royal  gardens  of  Paris)  are  well  grown,  the  harvest 
beginning  in  the  south,  and  the  fleet  from  the  Chesapeake  arrived,  it  appears  to 
me  that  all  hopes  and  fears  on  this  point  must  be  put  asleep.  How  little  is  the 
prospect  of  conquest  by  the  allies,  is  allowed  by  most  men  ;  how  little  the  pros 
pect  of  good  and  truly  free  government  in  France  must  be  obvious  to  all.  May 
we  preserve  the  blessings  of  good  government  and  peace  which  we  possess. 

Yours  truly, 

J.  TRUMBULL. 


The  summer  of  1794  was  signalized  by  the  insurrec 
tion  in  the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania  ;  an  event 
which  had  its  origin,  indeed,  in  the  dissatisfaction  at  the 
law  of  1791,  imposing  a  duty  on  spirits  distilled  within 
the  United  States,  but  which  assumed  its  formidable  as 
pect  chiefly  from  other  causes.  The  influences  which 
produced  this  result,  were  of  a  nature  sufficiently  charac 
teristic  of  the  state  of  party  spirit  to  justify  particular 
notice. 

An  excise,  however  necessary,  is  easily  rendered  un 
popular,  and  the  present  one  was  in  Pennsylvania  per 
haps  the  more  so,  from  the  former  existence  of  a  similar 
tax  under  the  state  government.  In  the  western  district, 
moreover,  where  an  immense  amount  of  whiskey  was  dis 
tilled,  the  population,  scattered  thinly  over  a  frontier  coun 
try,  was  composed  in  great  part  of  foreigners,  many  of 
whom  were  of  a  wild  and  lawless  character,  and  little 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  145 

disposed  to  submit  to  even  the  taxation  necessary  for  the 
public  support.  Popular  opposition  to  the  tax  commenced 
there  almost  simultaneously  with  the  passage  of  the  law 
imposing  it,  and  was  at  first  manifested  by  attempts  to 
discourage  the  accepting  of  offices  thereby  created. 
As  measures  to  carry  the  latter  into  operation  progressed, 
stronger  means  were  adopted  to  counteract  them ;  meet 
ings  were  held  in  different  places,  and  the  tenor  of  the 
speeches  and  resolutions  \vere  calculated  to  excite  public 
odium  against  the  officers,  and  to  foster  a  spirit  of  sedi 
tion  ;  associations  were  formed,  county  committees  regu 
larly  organized,  and  handbills  of  a  most  inflammatory 
character  were  everywhere  circulated.  The  consequences 
of  these  proceedings  followed,  in  successive  and  barba 
rous  outrages  upon  the  revenue  officers — whipping,  tarring 
and  branding.  Congress,  desirous  of  avoiding  all  just  ob 
jections,  during  the  session  of  1791-1792  revised  the 
law,  moderating  the  duties  and  doing  away  with  its  more 
obnoxious  features.  The  general  opposition  in  conse 
quence  subsided  in  great  measure,  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  same  result  would  gradually  have  been  attained  in 
the  western  counties,  had  not  the  local  discontent  been, 
here  in  particular,  fostered  by  party-spirit.  Exertions  had 
been  made  by  the  enemies  of  the  government  to  turn  the 
excitement  to  political  advantage,  and  by  coupling  cen 
sures  of  other  measures  with  declamation  against  the  ex 
cise  law,  the  disaffection  was  rendered  more  general  and 
at  the  same  time  the  spirit  of  violence  was  increased.  Re 
newed  outrages  followed ;  the  malcontents  proceeded  to 
intimidate  the  well-disposed  among  the  inhabitants ;  the 
distillers  were  prevented  from  entering  their  stills,  and 
destruction  was  threatened  to  the  property  of  those  who 
permitted  offices  of  inspection  to  be  opened  on  their  pre 
mises.  The  office  in  one  county  was  actually  suppressed. 
The  evidences  of  a  systematic  plan  of  opposition  became 
daily  more  evident,  and  men  were  found  connected  with 
VOL.  i.  13 


146  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  G. 

the  movement,  the  influence  of  whose  example  was  cal 
culated  to  produce  in  such  a  state  of  affairs  the  most  dan 
gerous  result. 

The  meeting  held  at  Pittsburgh  on  the  22d  of  August, 
1792,  "  of  sundry  inhabitants  of  the  western  counties  of 
Pennsylvania,"  was  an  example.  The  Chairman  of  that 
meeting  was  Col.  John  Canon,  a  man  of  conspicuous 
standing  in  the  district ;  the  Secretary  was  Mr.  Gallatin, 
a  prominent  member  of  the  State  Legislature  ;  Mr.  Smilie, 
another  member,  Mr.  Edward  Cook,  an  Associate  Judge, 
Col.  James  Marshal,  the  Rev.  David  Phillips,  David  Brad 
ford,  Esq.,  and  other  persons  of  note  or  influence  were 
present.  The  excise  law  being  taken  under  considera 
tion,  and  as  appears  by  the  minutes  "  fully  debated,"  was 
referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  Messrs.  Bradford, 
Marshal,  Gallatin,  Lisle,  and  Phillips,  to  prepare  "  a 
draught  of  resolutions  expressing  the  sense  of  the  meet 
ing  on  the  subject  of  said  law."  The  report  was  made 
the  next  day,  and  "  being  twice  read  and  debated  by 
paragraphs,  was  unanimously  adopted."  The  following 
was  the  preamble : 

"  Strongly  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  fatal  conse 
quences  that  must  attend  an  excise  ;  convinced  that  a  tax 
upon  liquors  which  are  the  common  drink  of  a  nation  ope 
rates  in  proportion  to  the  number  and  not  to  the  wealth 
of  a  people,  and  of  course  is  unjust  in  itself  and  oppres 
sive  upon  the  poor ;  taught  by  the  experience  of  other 
countries  that  internal  taxes  upon  consumption,  from  their 
very  nature  never  can  effectually  be  carried  into  operation 
without  vesting  the  officers  appointed  to  collect  them  with 
powers  most  dangerous  to  the  civil  rights  of  freemen,  and 
must,  in  the  end,  destroy  the  liberties  of  every  country  in 
which  they  are  introduced ;  feeling  that  the  late  excise 
law  of  Congress,  from  the  present  circumstances  of  our 
agriculture,  our  want  of  markets,  and  the  scarcity  of  a 
circulating  medium,  will  bring  immediate  distress  and 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  147 

ruin  on  the  western  country  ;  we  think  it  our  duty  to  per 
sist  in  our  remonstrances  to  Congress,  and  IN  EVERY 

OTHER  LEGAL  MEASURE  THAT  MAY  OBSTRUCT  THE  OPERA 
TION  OF  THE  LAW,  until  we  are  able  to  procure  its  total 
repeal." 

This  idea  of  obstructing  the  operation  of  a  law  by  le 
gal  measures  was  original  with  the  committee ;  but  their 
opinions  of  the  way  in  which  it  would  be  obstructed,, 
were  probably  derived  from  experience,  and  were  pointed 
out  with  some  distinctness  in  the  resolutions  which  fol 
lowed. 

A  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  re 
monstrance  to  Congress,  stating  the  objections  to  the  law 
and  praying  its  repeal,  and  "  in  order  that  their  measures 
might  be  carried  on  with  regularity  and  concert,"  twenty- 
one  persons  were  appointed  committees  of  correspondence 
for  the  counties  of  Washington,  Fayette  and  Alleghany, 
whose  duty  it  should  be  "  to  correspond  together,  and 
with  such  committee  as  shall  be  appointed  for  the  same 
purpose  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  or  with  any  com 
mittees  of  a  similar  nature  that  shall  be  appointed  in  other 
parts  of  the  United  States ;  and  also,  if  found  necessary, 
to  call  together  either  general  meetings  of  the  people  in 
their  respective  counties  or  conferences  of  the  several 
committees."  They  concluded : 

"  And  whereas  some  men  may  be  found  among  us,  so 
far  lost  to  every  sense  of  virtue  and  feeling  for  the  dis 
tresses  of  this  country  as  to  accept  offices  for  the  collec 
tion  of  the  duty : 

"  Resolved,  therefore,  that  in  future  we  will  consider 
such  persons  as  unworthy  of  our  friendship  ;  have  no  in 
tercourse  or  dealings  with  them ;  withdraw  from  them 
every  assistance,  and  withhold  all  the  comforts  of  life 
which  depend  upon  those  duties  which  as  men  and  fel 
low-citizens  we, owe  to  each  other,  and  upon  all  occasions 
treat  them  with  that  contempt  they  deserve ;  and  that  it 


148  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  5. 

be,  and  it  is  hereby  most  earnestly  recommended  to  the 
people  at  large,  to  follow  the  same  line  of  conduct  to 
wards  them." 

These  resolutions  were  by  order  published  in  the  Pitts 
burgh  Gazette.  The  extent  and  direction  given  to  the 
spirit  of  disaffection,  may  be  judged  from  the  following 
extract : 

GEORGE  CLYMER  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

OCTOBER  10,  1792. 


The  survey  includes  in  it  five  counties — Washington,  Fayette,  Westmoreland, 
Allegheny  and  Bedford.  The  temper  and  disposition  of  the  first  four  of  these 
counties  with  respect  to  the  excise,  may  be  understood»generally  from  what  I  have 
already  written  ;  but  there  are  shades  of  difference  between  them  to  be  remarked, 
proceeding  from  the  character  and  views  of  individuals  who  have  obtained  influ 
ence  among  the  people. 

Washington — This  county  is  the  most  repugnant  to  the  law,  and  furnishes  the 
most  examples  of  violence.  Bradford,  a  lawyer  who  prosecutes  in  the  state  courts 
under  the  Attorney  General,  and  Marshall,  once  county  lieutenant,  now  register, 
are  the  great  leaders.  The  justices  of  the  peace  and  clergy  also,  are  among  the 
most  outrageous. 

Fayette — Scarce  more  moderate  than  the  former,  tho'  occasion  has  not  min 
istered  to  as  many  acts  of  violence.  Smilie  and  Gallatin,  both  members  of  the 
Assembly,  are  the  professed  leaders. 

Westmoreland — Engaged  in  the  general  opposition  ;  though  the  father  of  all 
the  disturbances  of  the  western  country,  has,  to  save  his  own  character,  given  it 
in  this  county  a  particular  direction.  He  has,  accordingly,  kept  his  people  of 
Westmoreland  out  of  combinations  and  committees,  thinking  it  more  advisable  to 
hand  a  petition  round  the  county,  to  be  signed  individually.  An  officer,  however, 
has  no  better  treatment  here  than  in  the  other  counties. 

Alieghany — Has  taken  no  decided  part.  It  has  proceeded  to  no  violence,  yet 
is  afraid  to  run  counter  to  the  general  spirit.  I  do  not  know  any  professed  leader 
of  opposition,  nor  yet  any  one  of  sufficient  courage  to  advocate  the  law.  Conse 
quently,  though  an  officer  should  have  nothing  to  fear  from  combination,  yet  he 
would  not  be  protected  from  individual  insult. 

It  may  seem  strange,  that  among  so  numerous  a  people  as  inhabit  these  coun 
ties,  none  are  to  be  found  willing  to  support  the  government  of  the  United  States- 
In  truth,  the  whole  mass  under  Findley  and  Smilie,  being  once  thoroughly  cor 
rupted  and  disaffected  to  it,  would  now  at  best,  the  excise  out  of  the  question,  be 
but  perfectly  indifferent  to  it.  Individuals  there  are,  undoubtedly,  who  think 
rightly  ;  but  all  their  men  of  distinction  are  either  sordid  shopkeepers,  crafty 


1793.]  OF  WASHINGTON:  149 

lawyers,  or  candidates  for  office,  not  inclined  to  make  personal  sacrifices  to  truth 
or  honor.  There  is,  besides,  no  small  reason  to  suspect  an  infusion  of  stale 
jealousy.  It  may  be  said,  too,  in  general,  that  the  duties  of  citizenship  are  but 
poorly  understood  or  regarded,  where  the  moral  sense  is  so  generally  depraved 
as  it  is  in  this  country,  by  the  intemperate  use  of  the  favorite  drink.  He  must  be 
inattentive,  indeed,  who  does  not  make  this  observation.  #  * 


A  proclamation  against  unlawful  combinations  was 
issued  by  the  President  in  September,  1792,  and  legal 
measures  adopted  against  the  delinquents  and  the  rioters. 
The  first  was  disregarded ;  the  distance  of  the  federal 
courts  from  the  refractory  counties  prevented  any  success 
ful  enforcement  of  the  law  by  civil  process,  and  the  extent 
of  the  combination  secured  impunity  to  violence.  Further 
legislative  measures  were  introduced  at  the  succeeding 
sessions  of  Congress  to  suit  the  exigencies  of  the  occasion, 
but  in  the  meantime  the  law  continued  to  be  disobeyed — 
the  few  distillers  who  complied  with  it  were  plundered, 
and  their  property  burnt  or  destroyed.  The  house  of  the 
collector  of  Fayette  and  Westmoreland  was,  in  November, 
1793,  entered  at  night  by  an  armed  party,  headed,  it  was 
believed,  by  the  son  of  Mr.  Smilie,  and  the  officer  forced, 
at  the  peril  of  his  life,  to  give  up  his  commission  and 
books. 

Such  had  been  the  situation  of  the  western  survey  when 
Genet  arrived  in  America,  and  to  this  part  of  the  country 
were  the  machinations  of  his  offspring,  the  Jacobin  socie 
ties,  at  once   directed,  not  only  as   a  field  where  their 
operations  against  the  administration  might  be  carried  on 
with  success,  but  as  an  avenue  to  the  west,  through  which 
other  intended  movements  must  proceed.     And,  now,  in 
the  summer  of  1794,  their  "  first  ripe  fruits,"  as  Washington 
termed  them,  broke  out  in  open  rebellion.     Throughout 
the   spring,  disturbances  had  been   alarmingly   frequent, 
and  it  became  evident  that  the  disaffection  was  spreading 
widely.     Occurrences  at  the  west  had  already  given  birth 
to  the  suspicion  that  some  connection  existed  between  the 
13* 


150  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  6. 

late  movements  in  that  quarter  and  the  insurrectionary 
spirit  in  western  Pennsylvania,  which  was  the  natural 
entrance  to  the  Ohio  valley.  The  patience  of  government, 
after  many  efforts  to  appease  the  malcontents,  being 
exhausted,  and  justice  requiring  that  protection  should  be 
given  to  the  officers  and  to  the  well  disposed  citizens  who 
had  suffered  abuse,  it  was  resolved  to  proceed  decisively 
with  prosecutions.  Accordingly,  in  July,  a  number  of 
writs  were  issued,  and  the  marshal  despatched  to  make 
service  of  them.  While  engaged  in  Alleghany  county  on 
this  duty,  he  was  fired  upon.  The  next  day,  the  house 
of  the  inspector,  General  Neville,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pitts- 
burg,  was  attacked,  but  the  rioters  were,  for  the  moment, 
repulsed.  Protection  was  in  vain  demanded  from  the 
civil  authorities  and  the  officers  of  the  militia.  They 
answered  that,  in  consequence  of  the  general  combination, 
none  could  be' afforded.  On  the  17th,  the  house  was  again 
attacked  by  a  larger  force,  and,  although  defended  by  a 
detachment  from  the  garrison  -at  Pittsburgh,  was  taken 
and  burnt.  The  marshal  arid  inspector  were  obliged  to 
escape  from  Pittsburgh  by  night.  The  effect  of  this  trans 
action  was  electrical.  The  whole  of  the  western  part  of 
Pennsylvania  was  at  once  in  a  blaze,  and  the  excitement 
extended  into  Virginia.  Liberty  poles  were  erected, 
seditious  handbills  circulated,  and  armed  meetings  held; 
all  occupation,  even  the  course  of  law,  was  suspended  ;  in 
a  word,  the  country  was  in  a  state  of  rebellion. 

An  outbreak  so  violent  had  been  alike  unforeseen  and 
undesired  by  those  of  the  original  instigators,  whose  ob 
ject  had  only  extended  to  the  political  embarrassment  of 
the  government.  An  armed  insurrection  (at  this  time  at 
least)  they  had  not  calculated  upon,  and  those  who  had 
expected  to  rule  the  storm,  became  themselves  alarmed 
at  its  fury.  The  attitude  now  assumed  by  the  President, 
undoubtedly  had  its  effect  in  deciding  their  course.  These 
with  others,  who  although  opposed  to  the  excise  law,  had 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  151 

never  dreamed  of  more  than  a  proper  expression  of  their 
opinions,  and  the  exercise  of  their  influence  in  effecting  its 
repeal,  saw  the  necessity  of  immediate  interposition.  The 
class  of  men  too,  who  had  expected  a  simultaneous  move 
ment  in  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghany  range,  by 
which  a  separation  from  the  confederacy  would  have  been 
brought  about,  and  an  independent  government  instituted, 
finding  their  plans  thwarted  by  want  of  concert,  desired  a, 
pacification  until  they  should  further  ripen.      But  there 
were  some  not  so  disposed.      Leaders  were  soon  found 
wiUing  to  proceed  to  extremities,  men  of  desperate  for 
tunes,  who  perhaps  feared  that  they  were  already  too  deep 
ly  committed  for  retreat,  and  perceived  their  only  safety 
in  general  insurrection.     A  few  days  after  the  burning  of 
the  inspector's  house,  the  mails  were  seized,  under  the 
direction  it  is  said,  of  Bradford,  that  the^iames  of  those 
friendly  to  the  government  might  be  detected.     A  large 
meeting  of  the  militia,  summoned  by  order  from  the  four 
counties,  was  then  held  at  Braddock's  field,  from  whence 
they  marched  to   Pittsburgh,   and  were  only  prevented 
from  the  most  desperate  measures,  by  the  address  of  a 
few,  who  pretending  to  act  with  them,  contrived  to  avert 
any  further  outrage  than  the  burning  of  a  barn,  and  the 
banishment  of  the  individuals,  whose  letters  had  contain 
ed  information.     This  was  followed  on  the  llth  of  August 
by  a  general  convention,   held   at  Parkinson's    ferry,   at 
which  260  delegates,  some  of  them  from  Virginia,  were 
present,  and  a  much  greater  number  of  spectators.     An 
open,  armed  resistance  of  the  government  was  here  bold 
ly  advocated,  and  a  committee  of  safety  proposed  "to  call 
out  the  resources  of  the  northern  counties,  to  repel  any 
attempts  against  the  rights  of  the  citizens,  or  the  body  of 
the  people."     This  counsel,  desperate  as  it  was,  would 
have  prevailed,  but  for  the  employment  of  means  similar 
to  those  which  had  parried  the  intended  objects  of  the 
Braddock's   field   meeting.      The  inhabitants   generally 


152  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  6. 

were  disposed  to  violence,  the  leaders  were  reckless,  and 
by  inflammatory  harangues  had  worked  up  the  temper  of 
their  followers  to  their  utmost  wishes  ;  the  delegates  gene 
rally  were  of  the  same  mind.     But  there  were  among  the 
latter  several  men  of  talents,  and  possessed  of  the  confi 
dence  of  the  people,  of  personal  popularity,  well  known  to 
have  been  among  the  early  opponents  of  the  law,  and  coin 
ciding   in  political  views  with  the  majority  of  the  insur 
gents,  who  had  perceived   that  the  influence  which  had 
stimulated  sedition,  must  now  be  used  to  avert  its  effects. 
Their  task  was  a  difficult  one.     It  is  always  easier  to 
excite  than  to  moderate  the  passions  of  a  mob,  and  it  was 
requisite  to  keep  up  the  semblance  of  a  concurrence  in  the 
wildest  designs  of  the  insurgents,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
power  to  prevent  their  execution.     Thus  while  their   ad 
dress  was  exerrcd  in  favor  of  order,  the  pretended  coun 
tenance  of  these  delegates,  in  fact,  gave  apparent  weight 
to  the  rebellion  itself.     They  encountered  also  the  double 
risk,  that  their  motives  would  be  discovered  by  the  peo 
ple,  and  that  they  would  not  be  appreciated  elsewhere. 
The  efforts  of  these  gentlemen  however  were  successful 
in  preventing  the  immediate  declaration  of  hostilities,  and 
in  the  meantime  there  was  an  intervention  from  another 
quarter.     As  soon  as  it  was   discovered  that  neither  the 
civil  force,  nor  the  local  militia,,  could  be  depended  on  for 
the  maintenance  of  order,  that  the  property,  and  even  the 
lives  of  those  who  were  willing  to  obey  the  law  were  not 
safe  ;    that  force  was  now  absolutely  requisite,   harsher 
measures  were  adopted.     On  the  7th  of  August  a  requisi 
tion  was  sent  to  the  governors   of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
adjoining  states,  for  quotas  of  militia,  and  a  proclamation 
issued  to  the  insurgents,  requiring  their  immediate  disper 
sion.     In  order  however,  that  no  effort  should  be  left  un 
tried  to  avert  bloodshed,  commissioners  were  dispatched 
both  by  the  President  and  Governor  Mifrlin,  offering  a 
general  amnesty,  on  condition  of  a  peaceable  submission. 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  153 

These  commissioners  arrived  during  the  meeting  of  the 
convention  ;  a  communication  was  opened  with  them  by 
the  individuals  before  mentioned,  committees  were  ap 
pointed,  and  an  adjournment  of  the  convention  brought 
about,  during  which  matters  should  be  arranged.  The 
heads  of  the  insurgents,  however,  began  to  suspect  the 
drift  of  their  proceedings,  and  had  nearly  succeeded  in 
thwarting  them,  A  general  acceptance  of  the  amnesty 
was  prevented  within  the  prescribed  time,  the  insurrec 
tionary  spirit  still  continued  at  its  height,  the  well  dispos 
ed  were  awed  by  threats,  and  it  was  perceived  that  the 
actual  march  of  the  army,  which  was  now  collected, 
could  alone  effectually  restore  quiet.  Accordingly  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  September,  it  was  ordered  to  proceed  ;  the 
direction  being  left  by  the  President  with^Mr.  Hamilton, 
who  fulfilled  his  task  with  ability  and  moderation.  The 
flight  of  the  principal  leader  removed  the  great  obstacle 
to  a  pacification,  and  a  general  submission  followed  the 
arrival  of  the  militia.  A  number  of  arrests  were  made,  a 
few  obscure  persons  convicted  (all  however,  subsequent 
ly  pardoned)  and  a  small  body  of  troops  left  during  the 
winter  as  a  precautionary  measure. 

Thus  was  terminated  a  rebellion,  which  at  one  time 
threatened  the  most  disastrous  consequences  to  the  nation  ; 
one  to  which  foreign  intrigue  had  supplied  a  stimulus, 
and  party  spirit  had  given  strength  ;  an  insurrection 
which  had  a  far  deeper  than  its  apparent  motive,  springs 
of  action  that  were  not  then  fully  ascertained.  The  pub 
lished  writings  of  Washington  show  the  part  which  the 
Jacobin  societies  had  played  in  furthering  it ;  its  secret 
history  however  was  written  by  another  hand — that  of 
the  French  minister.  Mr.  Jefferson  in  his  letters  took  great 
pains  to  ridicule  the  force  employed  in  its  suppression,  as 
grossly  disproportioned  to  the  object ;  but  other  members 
of  the  same  party,  leading  men,  who  had  accompanied 
the  army  into  Pennsylvania,  were  of  opinion  that  a  less 


154  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  6. 

force  would  have  been  inadequate.  Mr.  JEFFERSON'S 
opinions  on  the  subject  of  insurrections,  are  however  known 
to  have  been  peculiar.  Of  Shay's  rebellion  in  Massachu 
setts,  he  had  said,  "  God  forbid  we  should  even  be  twenty 
years  without  such  a  rebellion.  The  people  cannot  be  all 
and  always  well  informed.  The  part  which  is  wrong 
will  be  discontented  in  proportion  to  the  importance  of 
the  facts  they  misconceive.  If  they  remain  quiet  under 
such  misconceptions,  it  is  a  lethargy,  the  forerunner  of 
death  to  the  public  liberty.  We  have  had  thirteen  states 
independent  for  eleven  years.  There  has  been  one  rebel 
lion.  That  comes  to  one  rebellion  in  a  centurv  and  a  half 

*> 

for  each  state.  What  country  before  ever  existed  a  cen 
tury  and  a  half  without  a  rebellion  ?  And  what  country 
can  preserve  its  liberties,  if  its  rulers  are  not  warned  from 
time  to  time,  that  the  people  preserve  the  spirit  of  resist 
ance?  Let  them  take  arms.  The  remedy  is  to  set  them 
right  as  to  facts,  pardon  and  pacify  them.  What  signify 
a  few  lives  lost  in  a  century  or  two  ?  The  tree  of  liberty 
must  be  refreshed  from  time  to  time,  with  the  blood  of 
patriots  and  of  tyrants.  It  is  its  natural  manure."  With 
out  commenting  on  the  accuracy  of  his  arithmetic,  or  the 
tendency  of  his  principles,  it  is  sufficient  to  observe  that 
tyranny  on  the  one  side,  and  patriotism  on  the  other,  are 
not  necessarily  the  causes,  or  the  concomitants  of  rebel 
lion.  That  Jefferson  did  not  look  with  greater  reproba 
tion  upon  the  insurrection  of  Pennsylvania,  than  on  that  of 
Massachusetts,  was  shrewdly  suspected  at  the  time,  and 
the  tenor  of  his  correspondence  has  not  removed  the 
grounds  of  the  imputation.  Very  differently  did  the  fede 
ralists  view  the  merits  of  treason.  The  language  of  one 
of  them,  uttered  on  the  same  occasion  as  the  sentiment 
just  quoted  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  conveys  their,  and  according 
to  historical  experience,  the  more  accurate  theory  of  rebel 
lion  in  republics.  "  The  crime  of  levying  war  against 
the  state,"  said  Mr.  AMES,  "  is  attended  with  particular  ag- 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  155 

gravations  and  dangers  in  this  country.  Our  government 
has  no  armed  force  ;  it  subsists  by  the  supposed  approba 
tion  of  the  majority ;  the  first  murmurs  of  sedition  excite 
doubts  of  that  approbation  ;  timid,  credulous  and  ambi 
tious  men  concur  to  magnify  the  danger.  In  such  a  gov 
ernment  the  danger  is  real  as  soon  as  it  is  dreaded.  No 
sooner  is  the  standard  of  rebellion  displayed,  than  men  of 
desperate  principles  and  fortunes  resort  to  it ;  the  pillars 
of  government  are  shaken,  the  edifice  totters  from  its  cen 
tre,  the  foot  of  a  child  may  overthrow  it,  the  hands  of 
giants  cannot  rebuild  it." 

It  is  worth  while  to  notice  in  illustration  of  the  fact,  that 
public  characters  sometimes  regard  differently  the  dan 
gers  of  rebellion  against  their  own  rule,  and  those  the  ten 
dency  or  design  of  which  is  to  elevate  them,  that  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  a  few  years  after  thought  the  design  of  Mr.  Burr, 
whatever  it  was,  of  sufficient  importance  to  apply  to  Con 
gress  for  a  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  act,  and  this 
too,  when  the  whole  force  of  Burr  did  not  exceed  one  hun 
dred  men,  and  General  Wilkinson  was  on  the  spot  with  a 
body  of  regular  troops. 

Mr.  Hamilton  having  been  directed  to  attend  the  army 
in  person,  committed  to  Wolcott  the  management  of  the 
department  during  his  absence,  as  acting  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury. 

FROM  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  29th  September,  1794. 
Sir, 

Being  about  to  leave  the  seat  of  government  for  a  few  weeks,  to  accompany 
the  army  in  its  march  against  the  western  insurgents  of  Pennsylvania,  I  com 
mit  to  you  during  my  absence  the  management  of  those  matters  which  are 
reserved  to  my  superintendance,  under  the  constitution  and  regulations  of  the 
department,  especially  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  money,  and  I  rely  upon 
your  diligence  and  zeal  that  nothing  will  suffer  during  my  absence. 

With  regard  to  remissions  and  mitigations  of  penalties  and  forfeitures,  it  will 
be  best  to  avoid  acting  in  any  case  in  which  particular  inconvenience  will  not 
arise  from  delay,  as  there  is  not  time  to  explain  the  principles  which  have  gov* 


156  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  G. 

erned  in  the  past,  and  the  course  of  policy  may,  without  such  explanation,  be 
innovated  upon,  so  as  to  occasion  something  like  inconsistency.  But  in  urgent 
cases  you  will  act,  consulting  the  most  recent  precedents  in  similar  cases.  To 
preserve  the  usual  iorms,  I  have  signed  and  left  in  my  office  a  large  number  of 
blank  warrants  of  the  different  kinds  which  issue.  Inclosed  is  a  letter  to  the 
President  and  Directors  of  the  Bank  of  New  York.  If  they  agree  to  the  loan 
you  will  conclude  it.  You  will  find  in  the  office  a  power  from  the  President  for 
the  purpose.  It  will  be  regular  in  any  contract  which  may  be  made  to  pursue 
the  terms  of  the  power  as  to  parties.  With  great  consideration  and  esteem,  I  am 
sir,  your  obedient  servant. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  26th,  1794. 

*  *  *  * 

Every  letter  must  have  some  politics  ;  mine  shall  inform  you  of  an  insurrection 
in  the  western  parts  of  Pennsylvania  against  the  revenue  laws.  The  Irishmen 
in  that  quarter  have  at  length  proceeded  to  great  extremities.  The  houses,  barns, 
granaries  &c.,  of  General  Neville,  Inspector  for  the  Western  Survey,  have  been 
burned  and  several  persons  have  been  killed.  The  Marshal  is  supposed  to  be  a 
prisoner  and  every  circumstance  indicates  that  we  must  have  a  contest  with 
these  madmen.  Nothing  can  be  more  ungrateful  and  wicked  than  their  con 
duct.  The  expense  of  the  western  war  chiefly  on  their  account  and  of  other 
disaffected  persons,  is  nearly  two  millions  per  annum.  Notwithstanding  which 
attempts  are  constantly  made  to  involve  this  country  with  the  Six  Nations, 
Great  Britain  and  the  Spaniards,  every  indignity  and  insult  is  offered  to  those 
who  are  charged  with  the  public  business  and  with  all  this  the  people  absolutely 
refuse  to  pay  one  shilling  towards  the  public  service.  These  men  are  so  licen 
tious  and  so  vain  of  their  consequence  that  they  consider  the  blood  and  treasure 
of  the  United  States'  as  their  property.  They  arrogantly  demand  the  public  pro 
tection,  and  at  the  same  time  refuse  to  perform  any  of  their  duties  to  society.  I 
trust  however,  that  they  will  be  chastised  or  rejected  from  the  union.  The  latter 
will  not  however  be  allowed  without  a  vigorous  contest.  Tell  Mr.  Tracy  of  this 
news,  and  that  the  mischief  is  done  by  the  constituents  of  his  friends  Smilie  and 
Findley. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  27th,  1794. 
#  *  •*  # 

The  late  intelligence  from  the  western  quarter  of  Pennsylvania  is  of  a  dissa- 
greeable  nature.  It  seems  that  there  is  a  pretty  general  combination  of  the  peo 
ple  to  oppose  the  Revenue  Laws.  A  valuable  property  of  General  Neville,  the 
Inspector  has  been  burnt,  as  also  the  distillery  of  a  man  who  was  disposed  to 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  157 

submit  to  the  law.  The  Marshal  of  the  United  States  has  also  been  compelled 
to  desist  from  executing  the  law.  It  is  pretty  evident  that  this  government  is  not 
the  best  calculated  to  meet  such  opposition  ;  yet  it  must  be  done  or  the  authority 
of  the  laws  will  be  universally  contemned. 

The  conduct  of  these  people  is  most  unreasonable,  but  it  is  a  specimen  of  what 
we  are  to  expect  from  European  emigrants.  Pennsylvania  need  not  be  envied 
her  Irishmen  ;  they  will  hasten  the  period  for  regulations  to  which  they  are  most 
averse. 

J?' 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  16th,  1794. 

This  day  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Trumbull,  Secretary  to  our  Minuter,  Mr. 
Jay,  dated  June  23d,  by  which,  and  by  a  gentleman  who  brought  the  letter,  I  am 
informed  that  as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the  conversation  of  merchants  interested 
in  American  affairs,  there  was  reason  to  hope  a  favourable  issue  to  his  mission 
The  minister  is  said  to  have  assured  the  merchants  that  they  may  safely  prosecute 
trade  with  this  country,  and  that  the  British  government  are  desirous  of  continu 
ing  on  good  terms  with  us. 

A  better  pledge  than  the  declaration  of  the  minister,  may  perhaps  be  found  in 
the  late  brilliant  success  of  the  French  in  Flanders,  who  are  said  to  have  made 
themselves  masters  of  Ypres,  the  only  strong  city  in  that  quarter,  with  a  garrison 
of  7000  men.  The  Count  Clairfait  in  vain  attempted  to  relieve  this  place,  and 
after  several  bloody  contests  has  retired  to  Ghent.  By  this,  Ostend  and  Bruges  are 
laid  open  to  the  power  of  the  French,  and  hardly  any  expectation  remains  that  the 
allies  will  be  able  to  retain  any  of  their  conquests  in  Flanders.  These  successes  have 
been  owing  to  a  great  increase  of  the  French  armies  by  new  levies  from  the 
second  requisition.  On  the  Rhine  the  French  have  lost  ground,  though  not  in  an 
important  degree. 

The  Poles  are  making  a  powerful  diversion  to  the  northward  and  opening  a 
new  scene  of  carnage,  in  which  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  the  Danes, 
Swedes,  Turks  and  Russians  will  participate.  On  the  frontiers  of  Italy  and 
Spain  the  French  are  victorious.  It  is  even  asserted  that  Turin  has  fallen  into 
their  hands.  The  Chesapeake  fleet,  of  which  various  reports  have  been  publish 
ed,  is  known  to  have  arrived  safe. 

In  our  own  country  every  thing  appears  tolerably  quiet,  except  in  the  western 
quarter  of  Pennsylvania,  where  the  insurgents  are  proceeding  to  destroy  the  pro 
perty  and  banish  all  those  who  are  well  disposed  towards  the  laws.  The  views 
of  these  men  cannot  be  certainly  known  as  yet.  A  convention  was  to  meet  yes 
terday,  but  even  if  their  deliberations  are  known  generally,  some  particulars  may 
be  concealed.  I  have  no  doubt  that  this  insurrection  proceeds  from  a  faction 
which  has  long  been  aiming  to  shake  the  measures  of  the  government,  and  though 
most  men  will  reprobate  the  outrages  which  have  been  committed,  many  will 
endeavour  to  prevent  the  spirit  of  insurrection  from  being  humbled.  I  hope  the 
business  will  terminate  well  ;  at  any  rate  it  will  afford  an  opportunity  for  reflect 
ing  men  to  form  a  true  judgment  of  the  ground  upon  which  our  affairs  stand,  and 
a  true  knowledge  on  this  subject  will  not  a  little  contribute  to  the  public  security 
VOL.  I.  14 


158  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  6. 

You  have  seen  that  the  President  will  call  out  the  militia.     Indeed,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  if  necessary,  the  whole  force  of  the  country  will  be  employed. 


FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  August  20th,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  not  a  line  from  you  since  my  arrival,  although,  if  my  memory 
be  correct,  you  promised  me  that  favor.  I  have  written  to  you  twice  before  this. 
Another  great  change  in  men  has  taken  place  in  Paris.  Robespierre  and  his 
friends  have  fallen  on  the  same  scaffold  to  which  he  had  led  so  many  others.  A 
change  of  measures  was  expected  by  people  here,  but  none  takes  place  ;  the  peo 
ple  and  the  armies  seem  not  to  lose  their  confidence  in  the  convention,  bad  as 
many  think  them  ;  and  no  disturbance  that  we  hear  as  yet,  has  taken  place  in  any 
quarter.  The  armies  of  the  allies  are  in  every  place  unsuccessful.  Within  a  few 
days,  Treves  is  taken  by  the  French,  after  defeating  the  army  of  Austriaus  who 
protected  it.  This  lays  open  the  Rhine,  and  will  oblige  the  Prince  de  Cobourg 
to  fall  back  from  Maestricht,  in  which  case  that  place  is  the  next  to  fall,  and 
Holland  will  be  exposed.  Poland,  although  not  in  a  fair  way  to  succeed  for 
themselves,  have  operated  a  most  important  diversion  for  the  French.  The  fleets 
of  the  Baltic  begin  now  to  excite  some  speculation.  Our  affairs  have  not  a  worse 
aspect  than  some  time  since,  yet  not  so  good  as  to  induce  me  to  repeat  less 
earnestly  than  I  have  always  done,  the  necessity  of  preparing  with  energy  for  the 
worst.  Remember  me  to  the  little  woman  and  to  the  little  little  one.  I  am 
faithfully  yours, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 

FROM  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

WINDSOR,  Aug.  24,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  your  interesting  letter  of  the  12th  two  days  since.  The  use  of  mili 
tary  force  against  the  insurgents,  I  believe  to  be  indispensable,  and  a  measure  in 
which  the  Executive  may  rely  on  the  approbation  and  steady  support  of  Connec 
ticut  and  of  New  England  generally.  As  to  a  call  on  the  militia  of  this  state,  it 
certainly  should  not  take  place,  unless  it  appears  that  a  force  deemed  adequate 
cannot  be  obtained  nearer.  And,  indeed,  I  should  think  it  best  to  make  one 
experiment  with  such  of  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  adjoining  states  that 
have  been  called  on,  as  shall  be  turned  out  ;  and  if  it  should  prove  unsuccessful, 
to  depend  ultimately  on  a  force  to  be  differently  organized,  and  officered  and 
raised  by  enlistment  for  a  longer  time  than  the  present  militia  can  well  be  kept 
from  home.  Men  enough  could,  doubtless,  soon  be  raised  in  this  way,  on  reason 
able  terms,  in  the  eastern  quarter,  if  not  elsewhere,  to  do  the  work  as  it  ought  to 
be  done.  The  intervention  of  a  legislative  act  might  be  necessary,  and  the  way,  I 
think,  would  be  prepared  for  passing  it. 

Should  the  Executive,  however,  who  seldom  mistakes,  and  as  we  believe,  never, 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  159 

judge  it  expedient  to  call  for  a  detachment  of  the  Connecticut  militia,  a  call  a  few 
weeks  hence  would  be  less  inconvenient  for  them  than  at  present ;  but  little  time 
would  be  necessary  to  prepare.  As  to  compensation — the  soul  of  patriotism — 
they  have  been  accustomed,  as  you  know,  to  as  much  pay,  or  the  assurance  of  it 
as  their  time  was  supposed  to  be  worth — the  privates  about  $40  per  month, 
which  they  would  the  more  expect  in  a  tour  that  they  should  conceive  not  to  be 
properly  their  pwn,  but  to  result  from  the  delinquency  of  others.  This  assurance, 
if  it  cannot  be  seasonably  given  by  government,  it  might  perhaps  be  expedient 
and  practicable  to  obtain  from  a  few  individuals.  There  would,  I  trust,  be  found 
here,  no  objection  to  the  nature  of  the  service,  nor  any  want  of  fidelity. 

You  may  make  so  much  use  of  my  letter  as  your  discretion  shall  dictate. 
Pray,  keep  me  well  informed  of  this  rebellion,  which  I  hope  to  see  brought  to  a 
good  issue.  And  tell  me  as  much  as  you  may  of  what  Mr.  Jay  writes — I  think 
the  two  subjects  are  related.  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c. 

OLIV.  ELLSWORTH. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Sept.  23d,  1794. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  Sept.  1,  which  I  should  have  answered  had  I 
not  been  exceedingly  busy  and  had  I  not  supposed  that  the  papers  contained 
good  information  of  the  progress  of  affairs. 

The  attempt  of  the  commissioners  to  pacify  the  insurgents  has  essentially  failed 
in  respect  to  its  main  object.  The  measure,  has,  however,  had  good  effects  in 
this  quarter,  by  silencing  the  adherents  of  the  rebels,  and  by  dividing  their  party 
in  the  western  country.  The  advantage  in  the  last  respect  is  not,  however,  of 
great  consequence,  and  is  purchased  at  some  expense.  All  the  great  rogues  who 
began  the  mischief  have  submitted,  and  become  partizans  of  government.  Find- 
ley,  Smilie,  Gallatin,  &c.,  are  of  this  class.  The  principles  of  justice  and  policy 
required  that  these  men  should  be  hanged  ;  but  as  they  have  deserted  their  party, 
the  punishment  will  fall  upon  persons  less  criminal  and  influential. 

The  disaffection  to  coercive  measures  has  been,  for  a  short  period  of  time, 
somewhat  alarming  ;  but  all  danger  is  now  over.  The  men  of  property  and  in 
fluence  have  awaked,  and  the  military  spirit  is  now  sufficiently  active.  Several 
bodies  of  horse  and  infantry  have  marched  from  this  city,  composed  of  the  principal 
citizens.  The  same  is  the  case  from  New  Jersey,  Maryland  and  Virginia. 

We  believe,  though  no  official  accounts  have  been  received,  that  General  Wayne 
has  obtained  a  decisive  victory  over  the  Indians.  If  our  accounts  are  accurate, 
we  shall  have  little  more  trouble  from  the  Indian  war. 

The  last  advices  from  Mr.  Jay  announce  nothing  conclusive.  A  change  which 
had  taken  place  in  the  administration,  and  the  pressing  events  of  the  war,  had 
occasioned  a  momentary  pause  in  the  negotiation.  Nothing  to  discourage  our 
expectations  of  a  favorable  result  had  happened  ;  on  the  contrary,  general  appear 
ances  were  flattering.  It  appears,  however,  that  we  ought  not  to  be  sanguine. 
The  prospect  of  peace  in  Europe  is  said  to  be  as  remote  as  ever. 


160  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  6. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  25th,  1794. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  acknowledge  your  letter  of  the  18th,  and  I  am  happy 
to  find  so  good  an  evidence  of  the  stability  and  good  sense  of  the  people  of  Con 
necticut  as  they  have  given  in  their  late  election.  Public  appointments,  espe 
cially  to  Congress,  will  require  great  sacrifices  by  men  who  are  in  business,  but 
they  must  not  be  declined  in  the  present  critical  state  of  our  country.  The  force 
which  has  marched,  is  abundantly  sufficient  to  reduce  the  insurgents,  but  every 
step  which  has  been  taken  evinces  the  necessity  of  the  measures  adopted.  It  is 
an  unfortunate  fact, but  it  is  true,  that  the  politics  of  this  state  are  very  unsound. 

Europe  is  hastening  to  ruin  ;  the  Dutch  will  probably  resign  themselves  to  their 
fate  without  any  great  struggle.  This  I  hear  in  a  way  which  I  credit.  Ex 
change  was,  by  the  last  advices,  about  16  per  cent,  in  favour  of  London  against 
Amsterdam — a  proof  of  extreme  terror  and  dejection  in  the  people  of  property. 
We  have  reason  to  fear  that  the  French  have  reversed  the  plan  of  commercial 
depredation.  Several  of  our  vessels  trading  to  the  British  dominions  have  been 
captured  and  carried  into  France.  We  must,  however,  persist  in  the  idea  that 
we  will  not  engage  in  the  war.  Mr.  Jay's  mission  will  probably  issue  favoura 
bly,  but  it  is  not  safe  to  encourage  sanguine  expectations. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  31,  1794. 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  October  27.  The  result  of  the  nomination  is 
a  pretty  good  proof  of  the  present  stability  of  the  State.  The  next  election  will, 
I  think,  confirm  the  present  magistracy  in  their  places.  Notwithstanding  I  am 
confident  the  sense  and  virtue  of  the  people  afford  present  grounds  for  confidence, 
yet  it  is  certain  that  the  next  age  will  materially  differ  from  the  present.  The 
fuel  for  an  explosion  is  doubtless  prepared  ;  our  public  happiness  must  of  neces 
sity  be  exposed  to  the  risque  attending  great  revolutions  of  manners  arid  opinions. 
Whatever  may  be  said  by  faction  and  malevolence  at  present,  the  wise  of  future 
times  will  cite  the  characters  of  the  present  age  as  the  best  examples  of  republi 
can  virtue. 

Col.  Hamilton  is  with  the  militia  army  and  will  not  return  in  some  weeks,  I 
am  of  course  uncommonly  busy. 


FROM  JOEL  BARLOW. 

HAMBURGH,  Nov.  6,  1794. 

My  Dear  Friend, 

I  have  been  very  happy  in  receiving  your  favor  of  the  9th  June,  which  came 
to  France  by  Mr.  Monroe.  Your  other,  by  Mr.  Trumbull,  I  received  and  an 
swered  in  September.  I  am  much  rejoiced  at  the  description  you  give  of  the 
state  of  society  in  America,  and  the  great  prosperity  which  has  followed  the  es 
tablishment  of  the  present  government.  The  men  of  information,  in  all  places 
that  I  have  visited,  consider  that  country  as  the  happiest  in  the  world.  The  nu- 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  161 

merous  emigrations  from  those  parts  of  Europe  where  America  is  best  known, 
and  the  strain  of  contentment  and  exultation  in  which  the  emigrants  describe 
their  situation,  have  great  influence  in  confirming  this  opinion.  I  have  no  doubt 
but  that  the  state  of  society  and  the  principles  and  administration  of  the  govern 
ment,  are  such  in  that  country  as  to  furnish  a  great  and  useful  example  to  the 
world.  Neither  do  I  doubt  that  the  event  of  the  French  revolution  will  be  such 
as  to  offer  us  much  for  imitation  in  our  turn.  I  do  not  mean  that  a  revolution, 
or  anything  like  it,  will  be  necessary  with  us,  but  that  many  principles  for  the. 
general  diffusion  of  information,  the  preservation  and  improvement  of  morals, 
and  the  encouragement  of  such  a  degree  of  equality  in  the  condition  of  men  as 
tends  to  their  dignity  and  happiness,  will  certainly  be  established  by  them  and 
will  be  equally  necessary  for  us.  I  know  that  you  and  some  of  my  other  friends, 
whose  friendship  is  dear  to  me,  and  whose  opinions  I  value  almost  as  much  as 
truth  itself,  consider  my  head  as  turned  with  these  ideas.  Perhaps  it  is,  and  per 
haps  it  will  be  set  right  when  I  come  among  you  ;  but  had  you  seen  and  felt 
what  I  have,  I  am  confident  you  would  have  been  of  my  opinion. 

I  find  that  you  and  some  others  express  an  expectation  that  I  should  attempt 
something  like  a  history  of  the  French  revolution.  I  really  did  not  intend  it. 
I  considered  that  as  it  would  be  written  by  so  many  others,  and  in  a  manner 
much  more  agreeable  to  the  generality  of  readers  than  that  in  which  I  should 
treat  it,  it  would  be  better  for  me,  as  well  as  for  the  world,  that  I  should  be  si 
lent.  But  I  am  not  sure  of  being  able  to  adhere  to  this  resolution.  It  is  an 
event  of  such  an  extraordinary  nature,  as  scarcely  to  stand  a  chance  of  being 
treated  impartially  by  its  friends  or  enemies.  Though  I  cannot  call  myself  an 
indifferent  spectator,  I  might,  perhaps,  be  able  to  trace  the  causes  of  things  with 
more  coolness  than  some  others  who  have  attempted  or  will  attempt  it.  Give 
my  best  respects  to  Tracy,  Gilbert,  Trumbull,  and  other  friends  with  you.  God 
bless  you, 

JOEL  BARLOW. 


At  this  time,  and  during  the  whole  of  Wolcott's  resi 
dence  in  Philadelphia,  his  situation,  though  involving  la 
borious  duties,  was  in  a  high  degree  delightful.  A  so 
ciety  at  that  time  existed  there,  marked  by  every  charac 
teristic  which  could  recommend  it  to  one  of  a  cultivated 
mind  and  social  disposition,  embracing  much  of  the  ge 
nius,  the  worth,  and  no  little  of  the  wit  and  beauty  of  the 
country,  and  cemented  by  mutual  confidence  and  conge 
niality  of  opinions  and  pursuits.  Of  this  society,  two 
members  of  Wolcott's  family,  his  younger  sister  and  his 
wife,  were  themselves  no  inconspicuous  ornaments.  The 
former,  married  to  the  Hon.  Chauncey  Goodrich,  was  dis~ 

14* 


162  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  G. 

tinguished  for  her  personal  beauty  and  brilliant  conversa 
tion  ;  Mrs.  Wolcott,  with  less  beauty,  had  still  a  counte 
nance  of  much  loveliness,  and  manners  graceful  and  dig 
nified.  To  the  most  feminine  gentleness  of  disposition, 
she  added  sound  sense,  and  that  kind  of  cultivation  which 
is  acquired  in  intercourse  with  thinkers.  Both  belonged 
to  a  class  of  women  of  whom  Connecticut  could  then 
boast  many,  whose  minds  were  formed,  and  habits  of  re 
flection  directed  by  men ;  and  without  coming  within  the 
category  of  female  politicians,  they  had  been  almost  from 
childhood  familiar  with  questions  of  public  and  general 
interest.  An  anecdote  of  Mr.  Tracy,  whose  sarcasms 
were  of  old  dreaded  alike  in  the  Senate  chamber  and 
the  drawing-room,  has  been  preserved,  commemorative 
at  once  of  Mrs.  Wolcott's  attraction  and  his  own  peculiar 
wit.  Mr.  Liston,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Hammond  as  Bri 
tish  Minister  at  Philadelphia,  and  who  was  thoroughly 
English  in  his  ideas,  on  some  occasion  remarked  to  him — 
"  Your  countrywoman,  Mrs.  Wolcott,  would  be  admired 
even  at  St.  James'."  "  Sir,"  retorted  the  Senator  from 
Connecticut,  "  she  is  admired  even  on  Litchfield  Hill!" 

The  late  Hon.  Joseph  Hopkinson,  himself  one  of  the 
brightest  ornaments  of  that  circle,  in  a  letter  speaking  of 
Wolcott's  associates,  says :  "  During  his  residence  in 
Philadelphia,  the  division  of  political  parties  in  their  so 
cial  intercourse  was  more  decided  than  it  has  ever  been 
since.  His  associates,  therefore,  were  almost  exclusively 
with  the  federal  members  of  the  administration  and  of 
Congress,  together  with  families  residing  in  the  city,  of 
the  same  politics,  which  then  certainly  constituted  the 
best  society  of  the  city.  In  his  parlor,  of  an  evening, 
you  would  meet  more  or  less  company  of  that  description. 
Leading  members  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  especially  from  New  England,  were  habitually 
there,  and  sometimes  at  my  house.  When  I  mention 
such  names  as  Ellsworth,  Ames,  Griswold,  Goodrich, 


1794.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  163 

Tracy,  &c.,  you  may  imagine  what  a  rich  and  intellectual 
society  it  was.  I  will  not  say  that  we  have  no  such  men 
now,  but  I  don't  know  where  they  are." 

In  the  same  letter  occur  these  remarks  upon  Wolcott's 
private  character :  "  Mr.  Wolcott  was  a  man  of  cheerful 
and  even  a  playful  disposition.  His  conversation  was  in 
teresting  and  earnest,  but  gay,  unless  the  occasion  was 
unfit  for  gaiety.  He  enjoyed  a  good  joke  from  himself  or 
another,  and  his  laugh  was  hearty  and  frequent.  He  de 
lighted  in  the  discussion  of  literary  subjects  and  the  works 
of  distinguished  authors,  and  was  particularly  fond  of 
poetry.  Indeed,  I  understood  that  in  his  younger  days 
he  was  a  poet.  He  had  a  good  taste  in  literature  with 
one  exception,  about  which  we  often  disputed,  and  in 
which  his  New  England  attachments  or  prejudices  con 
trolled  his  judgment.  He  had  an  excessive  admiration 
of  Dr.  D wight's  '  Conquest  of  Canaan.'  His  domestic 
life  was  most  exemplary ;  his  greatest  happiness  was  in 
his  family,  with  the  friends  who  congregated  there.  His 
devotion  to  the  business  and  duties  of  his  office  was  se 
vere  and  unremitting.  He  posessed,  in  a  high  degree,  a 
very  rare  qualification — the  capacity  for  continued  hard 
work,  and  was  in  everything  systematic  and  orderly. 
His  attachments  to  his  friends  were  strong  and  lasting, 
never  taxing  them  with  unreasonable  exactions  or  sub 
jecting  them  to  unpleasant  caprices.  He  was  open  and 
direct  in  all  his  dealings,  without  duplicity  or  intrigue  in 
anything ;  his  sincerity  was  sure,  he  deceived  nobody." 


CHAPTER    VII. 


THIRD   CONGRESS SECOND    SESSION. 

During  the  summer,  Gen.  Wayne,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  command  the  army  in  the  northwest,  had 
obtained  a  decisive  victory  over  the  Indians  on  the 
Miamis,  and  had  ravaged  their  county.  The  effect  of 
this  advantage  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  in  that 
quarter. 

The  negociations  abroad  had  proceeded  with  various 
successes,  but  without  any  definite  conclusion.  Mr.  Mon 
roe  arrived  in  France  in  the  month  of  July,  a  few  days 
after  the  execution  of  Robespierre,  and  thus  described  the 
condition  of  things  in  that  country  :  "  On  my  arrival  here, 
I  found  our  affairs,  as  it  was  known  before  I  sailed,  in  the 
worst  possible  situation.  The  treaty  between  the  two 
republics  was  violated  ;  our  commerce  was  harrassed  in 
every  quarter  and  in  every  article — even  that  of  tobacco 
not  excepted  ;  our  seamen  often  abused,  generally  im 
prisoned  and  treated  in  other  respects  like  the  subjects  of 
the  powers  at  war  with  them."  The  new  change  of 
rulers  did  not  change  the  policy  of  France  abroad,  or  the 
character  of  the  revolution  at  home.  That  revolution  was 
described  with  equal  justice  and  point,  when  Ames  termed 
it  "a  despotism  of  the  mob  or  military  from  the  first, 
hypocrisy  of  morals  to  the  last."  Its  objects  were  the 
same  at  every  stage — the  system  of  rapine,  aggression 
and  insult  was  pursued  by  each  successive  administra 
tion,  and  to  their  infamy  it  must  be  said,  that  each  was 


1794.]  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  105 

in  its  turn  justified  and  defended  by  the  anti-federalists  of 
America.  No  outrage  on  the  part  of  France  could  rouse 
the  indignation,  even  the  remonstrance  of  those  whose 
patriotic  fervor  thought  that  war  alone  could  atone  for  the 
offences  of  Great  Britain,  and  that  a  treaty  with  her,  how 
ever  satisfactory,  was  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  republic. 
The  death  of  Robespierre  had,  however,  one  good  effect — 
it  involved  the  downfall  of  his  supporters,  the  Jacobin 
societies,  and  that  of  the  parasitical  clubs  of  America  fol 
lowed  as  a  consequence.  In  regard  to  Great  Britain,  it 
was  understood  that  Mr.  Jay  was  making  progress  in 
negociating  a  treaty  which  would  settle  most,  if  not  all  of 
the  points  of  controversy.  A  favorable  opportunity  offer 
ing,  Mr.  Thomas  Pinckney  was,  soon  after  the  opening  of 
the  session,  detached  to  the  Spanish  court  as  ^nvoy  pxtra- 
ordinary,  to  conclude  a.  treaty  with  that  government.  The 
prospects  of  peace  were  thus  generally  improving,  not 
withstanding  the  temper  of  the  opposition.  Mr.  John 
Quincy  Adams  had  been  commissioned  Minister  Resident 
to  the  United  Netherlands  in  May,  and  was  now  confirmed. 
The  speech  was  delivered  on  the  19th  of  November. 
The  President  detailed  at  some  length  the  history  of  the 
opposition  to  the  laws  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  measures 
finally  adopted  to  enforce  submission,  alluding  to  the 
Jacobin  clubs  as  having  been  instrumental  in  fomenting 
the  insurrection.  A  reform  in  the  militia  laws,  the  neces 
sity  of  which  had  been  shown  by  the  events  of  the  summer, 
and  the  adoption  of  a  definitive  plan  for  the  redemption 
of  the  national  debt,  were  recommended.  On  the  15th  of 
December,  a  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Smith  of  South 
Carolina  was  chairman,  reported  a  plan  for  this  purpose. 
The  report  stated  that  the  surplus  of  existing  revenues, 
beyond  the  probable  expenditures  of  1795  and  the  suc 
ceeding  years,  would  enable  the  legislature  to  commence 
during  that  year,  and  to  continue  thereafter,  the  payment 
of  that  portion  of  the  public  debt  which  the  government 


1 66  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

had  a  right  to  redeem.  An  appropriation  was  recom 
mended  out  of  the  revenues  of  1795  of  a  sum  not  exceeding 
$600,000,  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  two  dollars  on 
every  hundred  of  the  six  per  cent,  stock,  bearing  a  then 
present  interest ;  an  extension  of  the  duties  which  were 
merely  temporary  to  the  year  1801,  and  the  making  pro 
visions  for  the  sale  of  lands  in  the  western  territory.  On 
the  21st  of  January,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  trans 
mitted  a  plan  for  the  support  of  PUBLIC  CREDIT,  based  on 
the  actual  revenues,  and  on  the  2d  of  February,  one 
for  the  IMPROVEMENT  OF  THE  REVENUE.  The  first 
report  reviewed  all  the  previous  legislation  upon  the 
subject  of  public  credit,  considering  it  under  the  three 
heads  of  the  revenues  which  had  been  established, 
the  provisions  for  funding1  the  debt,  and  payment  of  interest 
upon  it,  and  for  reimbursing  and  extinguishing  the  principal. 
After  exhibiting  a  summary  of  results,  the  foUowing  pro 
positions  were  submitted,  which  appeared  necessary  to 
complete  the  financial  system,  accompanied  by  a  com 
mentary  on  each,  viz : — provisions  with  regard  to  the  yet 
unsubscribed  debt  of  the  United  States  ;  for  taking  on  a 
loan,  the  unbarred  new  emission  bills  of  credit;  for  convert 
ing,  the  whole  of  the  foreign  into  domestic  debt ;  for  ren 
dering  permanent  the  temporary  duties  on  imports  and 
pledging  them  to  the  sinking  fund ;  additional  provisions 
for  reimbursing  and  redeeming  the  public  debt ;  giving 
power  to  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund  to  borrow 
in  anticipation  of  appropriated  revenues  ;  continuing  and 
appropriating  the  internal  revenues ;  creating  a  surplus 
fund  ;  consolidating  the  revenue  pledged  to  the  redemp 
tion  of  the  debt  and  with  the  consent  of  the  creditors  ; 
abolishing  priorities  of  appropriation  ;  and  calling  in  the 
outstanding  loan  office  and  final  settlement  certificates 
and  indents  of  interest. 

The  report  on  the  improvement  of  the  revenue  entered 
at  large  into  the  consideration  of  the  objects  and  principles 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  167 

of  taxation  generally,  and  the  alterations  required  in  the 
existing  laws.  Its  leading  idea  was  a  change  from  ad 
valorem  to  specific  duties. 

These  justly  celebrated  reports  were  the  last  official 
communications  of  Mr.  Hamilton.  His  resignation  had 
been  for  some  time  intended,  but  was  delayed  by  various 
circumstances.  The  investigations  into  his  conduct  had 
concluded  in  a  triumphant  vindication;  he  had  brought 
forward  the  final  measures  of  his  system,  and  he  at  length 
found  an  opportunity  for  the  retirement  he  had  long 
coveted.  He  resigned  on  the  last  day  of  January,  and 
Wolcott  was  appointed  his  successor  by  commission 
dated  February  2d.  General  Knox  had  already  resigned 
and  had  been  succeeded  by  Col.  Pickering.  The  original 
cabinet  was  thus  entirely  changed  and  now  consisted  of 
EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  Secretary  of  State,  OLIVER  WOL 
COTT,  JR.,  of  the  Treasury,  TIMOTHY  PICKERING,  of  War, 
and  WILLIAM  BRADFORD,  Attorney  General. 

The  proceeding  pages  have  presented  a  bare  notice  of 
the  principal  features  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  fiscal  system.  A 
more  extended  account  would  have  been  out  of  place, 
and  even  here  any  retrospect,  or  comment  might  be  con 
sidered  impertinent.  To  other  hands  are  left  the  history 
of  the  debt ;  of  its  management  to  the  time  when  the  first 
secretary  retired,  and  the  defence,  if  such  be  longer  neces 
sary,  of  his  measures.  From  this  period  however,  the 
financial  history  of  the  country  becomes  a  matter  indis 
pensably  connected  with  the  object  of  this  work.  The 
system  devised  by  Mr.  Hamilton  had  now  it  is  true  been 
developed,  and  had  subsequent  measures  been  always 
subsidiary  to  it,  had  no  extraneous  causes  interfered 
with  its  course,  had  the  same  views  been  consistently 
observed  by  the  legislature  and  measures  in  pursurance 
adopted,  the  results  under  his  successor  would  prove  of 
easy  and  brief  statement.  But  an  uninterrupted  course 
of  measures  was  not  to  be  expected  when  parties  differed 


168  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

so  widely  in  policy  and  when  extraneous  events  were 
daily  occuring,  additionally  to  endanger  its  success.  To 
mark  the  degree  in  which  the  end  was  pursued  or  neglect 
ed,  the  causes  which  delayed  the  extinction  of  the  debt 
or  embarrassed  the  fulfilment  of  the  national  obligations 
and  the  administration  of  the  finances,  details  at  length 
of  the  principal  transactions  in  the  department  will  be 
necessary.  To  the  right  comprehension  of  these,  a  gen 
eral  statement  of  its  condition  at  this  period  is  given. 

The  original  foreign  debt  had  been  due  to  the  governments 
of  France  and  Spain,  and  to  individuals  in  Holland.  The 
Spanish  debt,  which  was  insignificant,  had  been  extin 
guished  in  1793.  This  and  the  payments  made  to  France, 
previous  to  1795,  amounting  in  the  whole  to  $8,262,000, 
were  discharged  with  monies  borrowed  in  Holland. 
With  a  small  balance  due  to  France,  the  Dutch  debt  now 
constituted  the  whole  of  the  foreign  debt. 

The  great  mass  of  domestic  debt,  including  the  assum 
ed  debt  and  the  balances  due  the  creditor  states,  had 
now  been  subscribed,  and  the  unfunded  debt  was  thus 
reduced  to  a  comparatively  small  sum.  With  this  dimi 
nution,  the  funded  debt,  consisting  of  the  six  per  cent., 
deferred  and  three  per  cent,  stocks,  of  course  increased. 
The  amounts  of  these  different  species  of  debt  as  they  ex 
isted  on  the  1st  January,  1795,  were  according  to  Mr. 
Hamilton's  report  as  follows  : 

DEBT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  JANUARY  1,  1795. 

FOREIGN  DEBT,  including  the  instalments  to  be  paid  out  of 

the  proceeds  of  foreign  loans  in  the  course  of  the  year          -         $14,599,12935 

FUNDED  DOMESTIC  DEBT,  viz : 

First,  arising  from  original  domestic  debt,  subscribed  to  loan 
proposed  by  funding  act : 

Stock  bearing  present  interest  of  6  per  ct.  $17,912,138  01 

"  "  a  future  interest  of  6  per  ct.  8,538,228  97 

«  "  an  interest  of  3  percent.  -  2,275,347  55 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  169 

Second,  arising  from  state  debts  assumed  : 

Stock  bearing  present  interest  of  6  per  cent.  7,908,374  19 

Stock  bearing  a  future  interest  of  6  per  cent.  3,940,608  96 

Stock  bearing  interest  of  3  per  cent.  5,994,115  70 

Third,  arising  from  balances  to  creditor  states: 

Stock  bearing  a  present  interest  of  6  per  cent.  2,345,056  00 

Stock  bearing  a  future  interest  of  6  per  cent.  1,172,528  00 

Stock  bearing  an  interest  of  3  per  cent.         -  703,516  80 

$60,789,914  18 

UNSUBSCRIBED  DEBT,  viz : 

Principal,  exclusive  of   loan   office  certificates 

bearing  interest  on  nominal  value,  1,072,583  40 

Interest  thereupon,  including  indents,  452,826  74 

Principal  of  loan  office  certificates  bearing  in 
terest  on  nominal  sum,         -  27,935  00 

Interest  thereupon,  7,830  00 

1,561,175  14 


Total  of  amounts  above  stated,  $76,950,218  67 

Besides  the  above  proper  debt,  there  were  also  out 
standing  the  amounts  of  certain  loans  obtained  from  time 
to  time,  all  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  except 
one  sum  borrowed  of  the  Bank  of  New  York.  They  con 
sisted  of  the  balance  of  the  purchase  money  of  the  bank 
stock,  temporary  loans  obtained  for  specific  purposes,  and 
ordinary  loans  in  anticipation  of  the  revenue. 

Portions  of  these,  including  the  third  instalment  of  the 
stock  loan,  were  reimbursed  by  Mr.  Hamilton  during  the 
month  of  January.  The  sums  outstanding  at  the  2d  of 
February  amounted  to  $4,900,000,  of  which  the  following 
amounts  remained  at  the  close  of  the  year. 


DOMESTIC  LOANS,  FEBRUARY  2d,  1795,  viz: 

Remaining  unpaid  of  two  millions  borrowed  under  the  act  incor 
porating  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  bearing  interest  at  6  per 
cent,  and  payable  in  instalments  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
on  the  31st  December  in  each  year,  $1,400,000 

Remaining  unpaid  of  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  borrowed  under 
the  act  of  May  2d,  1792,  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  bearing 

VOL.    I.  15 


170  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

interest  at  5  per  cent,  and  payable  in  equal  instalments,  Nov.  1st, 
Dec.  1st,  and  January  1st,  1796,  -          300,000 

Under  act  passed  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  session,  authorizing 
a  loan  of  two  millions  at  5  per  cent,  interest,  payable  January  1st, 
1796,  1,000,000 

Under  the  same  act,  payable  April  1st,  1796,  1,000,000 

Under  the  act  of  March  20th,  1794,  making  provision  for  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations,  (the  Aigerine  loan)  borrowed  at  5  per  cent. 
of  the  Bank  of  New  York,  payable  June  8th,  1796,  -  -  200,000 


$3,900,000 

In  addition  to  these  items,  was  also  the  sum  of  five 
hundred  thousand  dollars  borrowed  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  in  six  per  cent,  government  stock,  at  its  par 
value,  and  remitted  to  Holland  to  be  sold  and  applied  to 
the  payment  of  the  instalment  of  foreign  debt  falling  due 
in  1795,  which,  when  applied,  would  of  course  form,  to 
the  amount  of  the  proceeds,  a  reduction  of  the  foreign 
debt.  This  will  be  noticed  by  itself.  Further  additions 
to  the  temporary  debt  were  made  by  the  acts  of  this 
session,  in  consequence  of  demands  arising  previous  to 
its  commencement,  which  will  be  enumerated  hereafter. 

The  amount  of  funded  stocks,  as  above  stated,  was, 
inclusive  of  the  sums  purchased,  or  redeemed  and  vested 
in  the  sinking  fund,  which,  of  course,  were  to  be  deducted 
from  the  true  amount  of  debt  due  on  that  day.  These 
were  as  follows : 

STATEMENT  OF  PURCHASES  OF  PUBLIC  STOCK. 

Six  per  cent,  stock  proper,  $668,700  38 

"          "             "      assumed,  -        212,462  04 

Three    "            "      proper,  415,415  66 

«        "             "      assumed,  99,444  97 

Deferred  six  per  cent,  proper,  752,190  64 

"           "         "     assumed,  -         119,808  88 

Total  stock  redeemed,     -  $2,268,02257 

As  resources  counterbalancing  the  amount  of  temporary 
debt,  were  the  bank  shares,  the  specie  in  the  treasury 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  171 

subject  to  warrants,  and  the  amount  of  uncollected  bonds 
at  the  custom  houses.  In  the  reports  on  the  debt  made 
by  the  Treasury  to  Congress  from  time  to  time,  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind,  apparent  variations  will  appear,  both 
as  to  the  amounts  and  different  species  of  the  debt  existing 
at  the  same  periods.  These  arose  from  the  different  prin 
ciples  on  which  the  statements  were  made  to  elucidate 
different  facts,  and  not  from  discrepancies  in  the  state 
ments  themselves.  Thus,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the 
amount  of  interest  pay  able  on  the  several  capitals  of  debt, 
the  amount  of  funded  stocks  is  sometimes  given  inclusive 
of  that  held  by  the  sinking  fund  belonging  to  the  United 
States  itself.  At  other  times,  the  same  stocks  are  stated 
less  the  amount  redeemed,  for  the  purpose  of  showing 
merely  the  principal  sum  to  be  paid.  In  the  same  way, 
in  stating  the  amount  of  debts  existing  at  a  particular 
period,  the  stocks  are  sometimes  stated  at  the  amount 
which  had  actually  been  subscribed  on  that  day  ;  at 
others,  at  the  amount  due  at  the  period  which  had  been 
funded  up  to  the  day  of  statement.  Again,  the  debt 
remaining  due  to  the  bank  for  the  purchase  of  stock,  is 
sometimes  stated  and  the  value  of  the  stock  offset  against 
it ;  at  other  times,  both  are  omitted  ;  and  the  temporary 
loans  in  anticipation  of  the  revenue,  are  in  like  manner 
mentioned,  with  the  outstanding  bonds  at  the  custom 
houses  opposed  to  them,  or  both  are  passed  over  ;  lastly, 
the  small  debt  due  to  certain  foreign  officers  is  sometimes 
mentioned,  at  others  neglected  as  being  offset  by  the 
amount  of  specie  in  the  treasury  belonging  to  the  foreign 
fund,  on  which  it  was  an  outstanding  demand.  All  these 
variations  were  perfectly  understood.  The  principles  on 
which  these  and  other  statements  were  made,  will  be 
from  time  to  time  noticed  in  the  course  of  the  work. 

The  following  were  the  estimated  current  revenues  and 
the  usual  stated  expenditures  of  the  United  States,  not 
including  on  the  one  hand  extraordinary  appropriations 


172  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

by  Congress,  nor  on  the  other  resources  obtained  from 
foreign  and  domestic  loans,  repayments  into  the  treasury, 
or  funds  derived  from  other  uncertain  sources.  They  are 
not  to  be  confounded  with  the  estimates  for  the  actual 
year,  which  were  somewhat  different,  being  merely 
intended  to  exhibit  the  ordinary  scale  of  expenditure. 

ESTIMATED  CURRENT  REVENUE: 

Appropriated.  Permanent. 

Duties  on  imports  and  tonnage,  -     $4,199,791  67 

Duties  on  distilled  spirits,  &c.,         -  400,000  00 

Fees  on  patents,  660  00 

Unappropria  ted. 

Postage  of  letters,  -       29,722  16 

Surplus  dividends  on  bank  stock,  62,500  00 

$4,692,673  83 

Temporary. 

Temporary  duties  on  imports,         -  1,479,626  91 

Excise  on  snuff,  refined  sugar,  sales   at   auction, 

&c.,  &c., 380,000  00    1,859,626  91 


Total  current  revenue,        -  $6,552,300  74 
ESTIMATED  CURRENT  EXPENDITURE  : 

Interest  on  the  foreign  debt,    -  -       $638,480  58 

Interest  on  domestic  funded  debt,  2,339,241  50 

Interest  on  unfunded  debt,      -  66,031  10 

Interest  on  temporary  loans,         -  100,000  00 

Expenses  of  civil  government,  including  foreign  intercourse,  -          475,249  53 

Expenses  of  military  land  service,        -  -       1,511,97529 

Expenses  of  military  naval  service,  441,508  80 

Miscellany,    -------         109,357  04 


Total  annual  expenditure,  $5,681,843  84 

A  very  great  adventitious  importance  had  been  given  to 
the  treasury  department,  during  the  time  that  Hamilton 
filled  its  first  office,  and  one  that  can  rarely  if  ever  recur. 
The  principles  that  divided  the  two  parties  were  more 
inseparably  connected  with  the  financial,  than  with  any 
other  acts  of  the  government.  State  sovereignty,  or  nation 
al  sovereignty,  was  bound  up  in  each  successive  measure  ; 
the  assumption  of  a  debt,  the  creation  of  a  bank,  the 


1795.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  173 

imposition  of  a  tax  involved  questions  of  infinite  political 
moment,  and  it  was  only  when  these  should  be  fully  estab 
lished,   that  the  treasury  could  take  its  natural  level  in 
point  of  importance.     The  erection  of  a  fiscal  system  in 
the  face  of  so  violent  and  powerful  opposition,  of  such 
conflicting  interests  and  inveterate  prejudices,  and'of  the 
obstacles  which  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  our  resources, 
and  erroneous  opinions  on  financial  subjects  offered  ;  re 
quired  a  union  of  qualities  rarely  found.     It  had  not  been 
therefore  merely  as  the  head  of  a  department,  that  Hamil 
ton's  talents  were  required  or  exercised.     He  had  brought 
the  whole  of  his  vast  mental  resources  and  political  influ 
ence  to  bear  upon  every  fundamental  maxim  of  govern 
ment.      On  every  subject  he  had  been  a  counsellor,  to 
whose  opinion  weight  was  attached,  both  by  the  President 
and  the  nation,  and  he  had  become  as  it  were  identified 
with  the  principles  of  the  federal  party.     But  during  the 
six  years  which  had  elapsed  since  the  formation  of  the 
new  government,  most  of  the  relations  which  were  likely 
to  arise   had  been  discussed  and  settled,  and  a  general 
adherence  to  those  principles  could  now  be  expected,  at 
least  during  the  continuance  of  that  party  in  power.     His 
successor  therefore  would  have  an  easier  task.     Wolcott 
certainly  possessed  the  qualifications  requisite  for  a  minister 
of  finance.     He  had  not,  it  is  true,  the  brilliant  qualities  of 
genius,  but  he  had  a  comprehensive  and  well  regulated 
mind,  a  judgment  matured  and  reliable,  strong  practical 
good  sense  and  native  shrewdness.     He  fully  entered  into 
the    system    devised  by  his  predecessor;  he  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  resources  of  the  country,  and  with  the 
views  and  interests  of  its  different  sections,  thoroughly 
versed  in   the  duties  of  his  office,  capable  of  continuous 
application,  and  strictly  business-like  in  his  habits.     To 
this  it  may  be  added,  that  although  not  deficient  in  origi 
nality  or  boldness,  he  had  no  favorite  schemes  to  engraft 
on  that  which  was  perfect  in  itself;  he  had  no  desire  to 

15* 


174  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

obtain  a  shining  reputation,  and  little  ambition,  other  than 
to  fill  honorably  an  honorable  station. 

For  the  rest  he  possessed  unflinching  resolution,  and 
an  integrity  of  character  beyond  the  power  of  temptation  ; 
he  could  never  bend  even  in  appearance  from  what  he 
consicfered  right.      No  idea   of  expediency,  no  hope  of 
attaining  a  cherished  object  ever  made  him  swerve  from 
his  path ;  he  was  in  every  matter  of  principle  stern  and 
uncompromising.    He  was  far  from  sanguine,  often  almost 
desponding  in  his  opinions  of  the  prospects  of  the  country, 
but  he  always  looked  to  the  people  themselves,  as  the 
source  from  which,  if  at  all,  its  welfare  and  security  must 
spring.     To  the  institutions  and  character  of  New  England 
he  was   in   particular  attached.       On  them  in  his  view 
depended  mainly  the  stability  of  the  Union,  and  the  pre 
servation  of  that  which  made  it  of  value.     He  believed 
that  the  greatest  danger  to  which  we  were  exposed  arose, 
not  from  the  strength  but  from  the  weakness  of  the  general 
government,  that  the  principle  of  union  was  not  strong 
enough  to  resist  the  power  of  the  states  and  the  tendencies 
of  the  age.     The  obstacles  which  had  attended  the  for 
mation  of  a  constitution,  the  perils  which  had  since  threat 
ened  it,  the  attitude  of  defiance  assumed  on  more  than  one 
occasion  by  individual  members,  the  strength  and  deter 
mination  of  its  enemies,  and  the  recklessness  with  which 
they  availed  themselves  of  every  weapon ;   finally,   the 
prevalence  which  the    anarchical  principles  of  French 
democracy  had  obtained,  and  the  difficulty  with  which 
they  were  resisted,  were  to  his  mind  convincing  evidence 
of  this  fact.     But  he  felt  that  the  danger  must  be  encount 
ered  not  by  legislation,  not  by  force,  but  by  reason  ;  that 
attachment  to  the  government  must  spring  from  a  sense  of 
its  worth,  and  that  upon  the  attachment  of  the  people  the 
continuance    of  a  free   government   must  ever   depend. 
Towards  Great  Britain  he  entertained  a  dislike  amounting 
to  hatred  ;  a  sentiment  which  he  had  imbibed  in  boyhood, 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  175 

and  which  he  carried  with  him  to  the  grave  ;  but  he  knew 
that  the  charges  of  British  influence  and  British  predilic- 
tions  were  equally  frivolous  and  absurd,  that  the  imputa 
tions  of  monarchical  principles  as  regarded  the  federal 
party  were  false  ;  that  the  national  animosity  against 
England  would  prevent  the  exercise  of  any  such  influence, 
and  that  the  whole  character  of  our  people  secured  us  from 
any  danger  of  monarchy.  Not  so  did  he  think  of  France 
and  French  influence.  He  dreaded  the  effect  of  the 
political  theories  to  which  their  revolution  had  given  birth, 
and  the  intrigues  which  for  their  own  purposes  they 
had  extended  to  this  country  ;  he  saw  moreover  that  the 
direction  which  had  been  given  to  our  national  prejudices 
by  the  opposition,  was  intended  simply  to  carry  out  their 
design  of  breaking  down  the  general  government,  and 
while  he  never  justified  or  palliated  the  aggressions  of 
Great  Britain,  he  looked  upon  France  as  the  country  from 
which  we  most  needed  defence.  With  these  views  he 
considered  that  peace  with  England,  if  it  could  be  pre 
served  with  honor,  was  a  point  of  vital  importance.  The 
grounds  for  war  were  common  to  both  nations,  the  objec 
tions  to  a  war  with  either  were  great.  At  all  events, 
negotiation  was  to  be  tried  to  remove  the  causes  of  com 
plaint  before  a  resort  was  had  to  arms.  Such  were  his 
opinions  with  respect  to  the  government  and  its  policy. 

Wolcott  brought  no  addition  of  political  strength  into 
the  cabinet,  had  this  been  sought.  His  employment  from 
so  early  a  period  in  subordinate  official  services,  had  with 
drawn  him  entirely  from  those  fields  of  action  where  men 
gain  personal  popularity ;  but  he  did  bring  what  at  that 
time  was  perhaps  equally  valuable,  the  entire  confidence 
of  many,  who  themselves  occupied  a  high  and  deserved 
rank  in  the  public  regard.  Mr.  Hamilton  retained,  not 
withstanding  the  termination  of  his  own  responsibility,  a 
deep  interest  in  public  affairs,  and  his  correspondence 
with  Wolcott  shows  his  cordial  and  ready  cooperation  in 


176  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

removing  the  difficulties  presented  by  the  critical  nature 
of  the  times,  to  the  successful  administration  of  the  national 
finances.  They  are  valuable  for  the  soundness  of  their 
political  morality,  as  well  as  for  the  wisdom  of  their 
statesmanship. 

The  other  members  of  the  cabinet  require  a  brief  notice. 
Mr.  Randolph's  professional  character  and  political  stand 
ing  in  Virginia,  are  mentioned  with  distinction  by  Chief- 
Justice  Marshall,  in  speaking  of  the  constitution  of  the  first 
cabinet.  While  Attorney  General  he  had  on  almost  every 
occasion  sided  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  but  without  provoking 
the  same  personal  feeling.  After  his  appointment  as 
Secretary  of  State,  when  removed  from  the  actual  influence 
of  his  predecessor,  he  appears  to  have  acted  with  modera 
tion  upon  political  questions,  and  often  in  harmony  with 
the  federal  members  of  the  cabinet,  but  in  almost  every 
instance  some  vacillation,  or  unsteadiness  of  purpose 
destroyed  the  effect  of  his  opinions  or  advice,  and  he  thus 
incurred  the  suspicions  of  his  friends,  while  he  failed  in 
securing  the  confidence  of  their  adversaries.  He  seems 
to  have  considered  himself  as  occupying  a  neutral,  or 
independent  position,  a  dangerous  one  in  times  of  high 
party  excitement  for  any  man  holding  a  responsible  official 
station,  whose  influence  is  not  powerful,  whose  talents  are 
not  commanding,  and  whose  character  is  not  beyond 
attack.  Thus  Mr.  Randolph,  instead  of  being  of  no  party, 
was  of  either  by  turns,  and  often  on  the  same  question. 
His  inconsistencies  were  curiously  enumerated  by  Mr. 
Jefferson  after  Randolph's  resignation,  who  thus  expresses 
the  result.  "  The  fact  is,  he  has  generally  given  his 
principles  to  one  party,  and  his  practice  to  the  other ;  the 
oyster  to  one  and  the  shell  to  the  other.  Unfortunately 
the  shell  was  generally  the  lot  of  his  friends,  the  French 
and  republicans,  and  the  oyster  of  their  antagonists. 

*         *        Whether  his  conduct  is  to  be  ascribed  to  a 
superior  view  of  things,  and  adherence  to  right  without 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  177 

regard  to  party,  as  he  pretends,  or  an  anxiety  to  trim 
between  both,  those  who  knew  his  character  and  capacity 
will  decide."  a 

Col.  Pickering  had  been  Postmaster-General  since  the 
organization  of  that  office.  His  revolutionary  services 
need  no  mention.  As  a  cabinet  officer,  both  as  Secretary 
of  War  and  in  the  station  he  afterwards  held,  he  mani 
fested  great  natural  abilities  and  straightforward  sense. 
He  was  a  man  of  the  "sternest  uprightness  of  character 
and  most  inflexible  determination.  One  more  honest  and 
honorable  never  breathed ;  his  very  faults  sprung  from 
the  strength  and  truth  of  his  feelings.  In  many  promi 
nent  points  he  resembled  Wolcott,  between  whom  and 
himself  a  close  and  lasting  friendship  was  cemented,  and 
with  whom  he  generally  coincided  in  opinion  and  political 
views. 

Mr.  Bradford  had  held  the  offices  of  Attorney-General 
and  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  Pennsylvania,  with 
honor.  He  possessed  eloquence,  ability  and  tact;  but 
his  early  death  prevented  his  becoming  prominent  in  po 
litical  life.  The  elegance  of  his  manners  and  his  gentle 
manlike  character  rendered  him  personally  beloved  by 
his  colleagues. 

The  following  letter  shows  the  modest  estimate  in 
which  Wolcott  held  his  own  qualifications  for  the  impor 
tant  office  he  now  filled. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Jan.  6,  1795. 

Col.  Pickering  has  succeeded  General  Knox  in  the  War  Department,  and  he 
will  be  found  an  able  and  respectable  officer.  You  will  hear  of  no  complaints 
of  profusion  and  extravagance  even  though  the  expenditure  of  the  department 
should  increase.  Mr.  Pickering  is  a  plain  man,  of  personal  economy,  and  the 
public  will  presume  that  he  will  be  economical  as  an  officer.  General  Knox  has 
been  unfortunate  in  some  respects,  and  has  not  acquired  as  much  reputation  as 

»  Letter  to  William  B.  Giles.    Jeff.  Wri.  III.  318. 


178  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

he  deserves  to  have  done.  I  hope  his  services  will  be  hereafter  appreciated  ac 
cording  to  their  true  merits. 

The  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  justly  viewed  as  of  high  conse 
quence  to  the  public  ;  it  will  be  found  a  very  responsible  situation,  and  no  man 
can  hold  it  without  being  opposed  and  attacked.  Other  qualifications  than  those 
which  respect  skill  and  capacity  for  the  mere  business  of  the  treasury  will  be 
desirable,  and  in  these  respects  a  successor  to  Col.  Hamilton  will  not  be  found. 
A  change  in  the  Executive  Department,  like  what  must  happen,  will  therefore 
be  of  importance,  and  may  explain  the  nature  and  bias  of  our  government. 

I  shall  take  no  measures  for  putting  myself  in  the  way  of  this  appointment ;  if 
it  is  offered  to  me  I  shall  accept  it,  and  I  shall  certainly  conduct  the  mere  busi 
ness  of  the  department  in  an  orderly  and  proper  manner.  Whatever  may  be 
said  or  done,  I  shall  suffer  no  disgrace  eventually,  unless  it  shall  be  found  that 
the  talents  of  a  politician,  and  a  certain  address  in  persuading  and  informing  in 
dividuals  and  the  public  on  certain  conjunctures,  are  necessary  qualifications.  In 
these  matters  I  shall  be  understood,  if  I  am  appointed,  to  have  no  responsibility. 
I  have  arrived  at  all  that  degree  of  advancement  to  which  a  man  can  himself 
lay  claim — public  opinion  and  the  exigencies  of  the  times  will  determine  what 
is  to  be  my  situation  hereafter.  I  mention  these  things,  as  it  will  be  natural  for 
you  to  feel  some  concern  respecting  me  ;  but  that  is  unnecessary,  as  I  shall  in 
any  event  be  properly  and  fairly  treated,  and  my  ease  and  reputation  consulted 
as  far  as  I  ought  to  desire. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  March  26,  1795. 

Sir, 

*  *  *  Your  public  services  are  deservedly,  and  I  believe  very  univer 
sally  respected.  The  justice,  wisdom,  and  candor  of  the  Executive  may  be  re 
lied  upon  that  you  will  be  treated  with  propriety.  Your  ability  to  execute  the 
office  which  it  is  expected  you  will  receive,  I  have  no  doubt  of;  but  considering 
the  querulous  and  captious  disposition  which  is  manifested  in  the  debates  of 
Congress,  it  will  probably  render  it  necessary  that  the  conduct  of  our  officer  of 
finance  should  be  such  as  you  suppose  must  be  adopted.  The  debates  upon  the 
report  of  the  late  Secretary  of  War,  discover  a  puerility,  as  well  as  peevishness, 
which  would  be  a  disgrace  to  schoolboys.  This  gentleman,  during  the  late  war, 
had,  and  I  believe  very  deservedly,  the  reputation  of  conducting  the  affairs  of  his 
department  with  much  regularity  and  economy.  The  late  business  of  his  de 
partment  has  been  very  perplexing,  and  in  many  respects  new  and  necessarily 
expensive.  His  successor  will  be  a  man  of  industry  and  regularity  in  business, 
and  probably  more  fortunate  than  he  has  been. 

The  naturalization  bill  has,  I  perceive,  made  considerable  progress,  though 
much  resisted.  Such  a  bill,  under  proper  modifications,  doubtless  ought  to  be 
adopted  ;  but  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  a  very  inadequate  provision  for  our  peace 
and  security  in  the  general  wreck,  which  I  believe  will,  if  not  directly,  yet  by 
no  distant  consequence  take  effect  through  all  the  Christian  dominions  of  Eu- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  179 

rope.  I  think  a  constitutional  provision  ought  immediately  to  be  made,  that 
none  but  the  natives  of  America,  except  such  foreigners  as  were  in  this  country 
before  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  favored  its  principles,  or  such  as 
took  an  active  part  in  the  war  in  our  favor,  and  have  lived  in  the  country  ever 
since  the  peace,  ought  to  be  admitted  members  of  the  national  legislature,  or  be 
appointed  to  the  judiciary  or  to  the  head  of  any  of  the  executive  departments. 
Such  a  provision  will  not  only  be  a  check  to  the  emigration  of  those  who  will 
never  do  us  any  good,  but  preserve  this  country  from  that  political  discord  which, 
even  in  its  present  state,  is  a  public  scandal.  This  is  not  a  measure  of  undue 
asperity  where  names  and  sounds  are  the  serious  subjects  of  animated  discussion 
for  no  other  design  than  to  answer  the  most  nefarious  purposes. 

The  democratical,  or  as  some  call  them,  the  demoniacal  societies,  which  are 
evidently  the  nurseries  of  sedition,  and  which  I  believe  in  their  institution  are 
unlawful,  as  they  are  formed  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  a  general  influence  and 
control  upon  the  measures  of  government  are,  I  trust,  sinking  into  contempt. 

*         *         *     Yours  with  the  kindest  regard, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILA.,  Feb.  4th,  1795. 

I  have  been  informed  through  the  Secretary  of  State  that  you  have  been 
pleased  to  appoint  me  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States. 

It  is  with  real  diffidence  that  I  undertake  to  discharge  the  important  duties 
relative  to  this  appointment ;  yet  if  constant  exertions  and  strict  fidelity  can  com 
pensate  for  such  qualifications  as  I  may  not  possess,  I  indulge  in  a  hope  that  my 
services  will  receive  your  approbation. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  effect  of  my  endeavors  in  respect  to  my  own  repu 
tation  and  the  interests  confided  to  my  care,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  you  that  this 
distinguished  token  of  confidence  will  never  fail  to  excite  in  my  breast  lively 
sentiments  of  respect  and  gratitude. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  February  16th,  1795. 

Sir, 

I  am  happy  to  find  it  announced  in  the  public  papers  that  you  are  appointed 
to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  not  only  as  it  is  an  official  honor,  but 
as  it  is  a  public  testimonial  of  the  merit  of  your  services  and  your  ability  to  exe 
cute  the  trust  by  those  whose  judgment  will  be  fully  confided  in.  The  appoint 
ment  is  more  important  and  confidential  than  any  single  trust  held  under  govern 
ment,  and  consequently  has  the  highest  responsibility  annexed  to  it,  but  I 
persuade  myself  that  it  will  be  executed  by  you  in  such  manner  as  will  fully 
evince  the  propriety  of  the  designation.  In  transacting  very  important  business 


180  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

it  is  necessary  for  obtaining  success  that  a  man  should  not  despair  of  his  ability 
to  effect  it.  In  conducting  a  national  fiscal  department,  it  is  so  far  as  I  have 
been  informed,  in  certain  public  exigencies  and  upon  unforeseen  events  for  the 
officer  to  exercise  some  discretionary  powers,  in  confidence  that  his  conduct,  if 
evidently  directed  to  public  utility,  will  obtain  approbation,  and  such  conduct 
might  well  be  sanctioned  when  its  consequences  have  been  evidently  beneficial. 

But  the  exercise  of  such  discretion  is  ever  attended  with  much  risque,  and  it 
will  be  peculiarly  so  under  our  government ;  when  many  are  seeking  to  find 
grounds  for  discontent,  and  where  they  are  not  real,  will  excite  such  as  are  im 
aginary.  In  this  view  therefore,  I  think  that  an  officer  should  never  depart  from 
established  rules  unless  the  necessity  was  most  urgent,  important  and  apparent. 

Col.  Hamilton  leaves  the  office  with  high  reputation  in  the  opinion  of  those 
whose  judgment  deserves  to  be  respected.  His  successor  can  have  no  higher  am 
bition  than  to  execute  the  office  in  the  same  honourable  manner  which  he  has 
done. 


FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  February  16th,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  8th  November  came  to  my  hands  some  time  since,  but  no 
opportunity  has  occurred  of  writing,  except  the  packet,  until  the  present,  and  as 
I  had  nothing  particularly  interesting  to  communicate,  I  have  delayed  answering 
till  now.  The  information  which  you  gave  of  the  state  of  public  opinion,  of  the 
western  insurrection  and  the  decline  of  the  self  erected  societies,  was  no  less 
interesting  to  Mr.  Jay  than  to  myself,  and  we  hope  that  reason,  and  a  disposition 
to  calculate  coolly,  advantages  and  disadvantages,  will  guide  their  determination 
of  the  merits  of  what  has  been  done  here.  But  I  fear  that  the  spirit  of  party  is 
not  extinct,  but  sleeping  only,  will  be  roused  to  new  and  vigorous  exertions  on 
this  occasion.  The  cursed  runaway  negroes  will  serve  as  the  basis  of  new  popu 
lar  clamours,  and  although  their  value  was  never  estimated  higher  than  $400,000, 
there  will  be  people  childish  enough  to  consider  this  trifle  cause  sufficient  for  a 
war  which  cannot  cost  less  than  £5 ,000,000  a  year,  and  which  in  the  most  favor 
able  event,  would  leave  the  proprietors  of  the  people  in  question,  farther  from  their 
money  than  they  were  in  the  beginning.  Another  ground  will  be  the  necessity 
of  paying  debts,  this  to  a  true  democrat,  that  is  to  say,  to  a  gentleman  aristo- 
democrat,  is  a  most  shameful  hardship,  an  insult  net  to  trust  to  the  honor  and 
morals  of  their  good  men  and  true,  in  matters  of  this  kind.  In  short,  there  are 
so  many  interested,  so  many  ill-  intentioned,  and  so  many  weak  men,  that  I  fear 
our  labors  of  peace  will  meet  violent  opposition,  and  hardly  survive  the  storm. 
You  ask  for  a  clue  to  the  strange  events  of  the  day.  I  have  only  seen  one  side 
of  the  question  as  yet.  I  shall  go  on  the  continent  in  a  few  days,  and  mean  to 
pass  through  a  part  of  Germany  (where  one  of  my  plates  is  engraving)  Switzer 
land  and  France.  When  I  return  perhaps  I  shall  be  better  able  to  form  a  just 
estimate  of  events,  as  well  as  causes,  and  will  write  you.  . 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  181 

We  understand  that  Col.  Hamilton  has  gone  out  of  office,  and  presume,  tho' 
we  are  not  exactly  informed,  that  you  succeed  him.  Though  I  wish  that  the 
former  part  of  this  report  may  not  be  verified,  at  least  till  after  the  fate  of  the 
treaty  is  decided,  yet  whenever  he  does  go  out,  I  as  much  hope  the  office  may 
go  into  hands  as  worthy  as  those  named  to  us. 

Our  old  friend  Barlow,  I  understand,  is  at  Altona,  and  means  to  go  out  soon, 
but  I  wish  he  may  not  only  settle  his  affairs,  which  are  his  motives  of  delay,  but 
his  brains  also,  before  he  goes  to  America.  There  is  a  report  of  the  death  of 
the  Empress  of  Prussia,  and  of  the  British  troops  that  were  driven  from  Holland 
being  in  a  critical  situation,  closely  pursued  by  Pichegru.  I  will  not  vouch  for 
the  truth  of  either.  Your  friend  and  servant, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  3d,  1795. 

I  received  your  letter  of  February  16th,  and  am  happy  in  the  expressions  of 
your  confidence  that  I  may  merit  and  preserve  the  public  opinion  in  my  favor  in 
my  present  situation.  I  can  truly  say  that  I  feel  a  diffidence  in  undertaking  the 
task  allotted  to  me  ;  but  this  will  not  produce  any  relaxation  of  exertions.  The 
best  services  which  I  can  render  will  be  performed,  and  in  any  event  I  shall  feel 
no  concern  that  my  character  as  an  honest  man  will  suffer. 

The  present  session  of  Congress  will  terminate  in  good  humour.  Several  impor- 
ant  acts  have  passed,  and  one  appropriating  the  revenues  in  trust  for  the  extinc 
tion  of  the  public  debt.  The  arrangements  which  this  measure  will  produce,  and 
its  eventual  consequences,  will  be  highly  important,  more  so  than  has  yet  been 
perceived.  Of  course  a  new  topic  of  discussion  has  been  created.  I  shall  cer 
tainly  give  every  possible  efficacy  to  the  proposed  plan,  and  if  the  debt  can  be 
diminished,  it  will  be  my  study  to  accomplish  it. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  March  16th,  1795. 

*  *  *  The  situation  in  which  you  are  placed  is  highly  important  to 
the  public  as  well  as  honourable  to  yourself ;  but  I  have  full  confidence  that  in 
case  you  enjoy  health,  which  you  ought  to  endeavour  to  preserve,  the  duties  of 
it  will  be  honourably  discharged  and  to  the  good  acceptance  of  the  public.  At  the 
same  time  it  will  be  well  for  you  to  expect  to  meet  with  calumny,  which  no  man 
who  faithfully  does  his  duty  has  any  reason  to  hope  to  escape.  The  man  who 
shall  so  conduct  as  to  enjoy  the  approbation  of  his  own  conscience,  and  the  re 
spect  of  the  virtuous,  the  sensible  and  the  good,  obtains  every  thing  in  life  as  it 
respects  his  character  and  peace  of  mind,  which  he  ought  to  wish  for.  This  sat 
isfaction  I  trust  you  will  enjoy  and  finally  a  happiness  which  the  world  can 
neither  give  nor  take  from  you. 

VOL.    I.  16 


182  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

The  third  Congress  terminated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1795.  Besides  the  loan  of  $2,000,000,  authorized  in  De 
cember  in  anticipation  of  the  revenues  of  the  ensuing  year 
(which  has  been  included  in  a  previous  statement)  and  the 
authority  given  by  the  act  of  January  8th  to  reimburse 
the  instalment  of  foreign  debt,  and  the  third  instalment 
of  the  stock  loan  out  of  the  proceeds  of  previous  foreign 
loans,  the  following  new  ones  were  created. 

By  an  act  passed  February  21,  1795,  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  was  authorized  to  loan  the  $800,000  re 
maining  of  the  Algerine  loan,  and  revenues  were  desig 
nated  for  its  reimbursement.  By  an  act  passed  March 
3d,  making  provision  for  the  military  and  naval  estab 
lishments  and  the  support  of  government,  the  President 
was  authorized  to  borrow  to  the  extent  of  the  annual 
appropriations  for  those  objects.  The.  action  under  these 
authorizations  will  appear  hereafter. 

Other  acts  relative  to  the  treasury  were  those  extending 
the  time  limited  for  receiving  subscriptions  to  the  public 
debt,  and  establishing  the  office  of  purveyor  of  public  sup 
plies.  The  principal  measure  was,  however,  that  of 
March  3d,  "making  further  provision  for  the  support  of 
public  credit  and  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt," 
founded  on  Mr.  Hamilton's  report.  As  enacted,  it  was 
by  no  means  so  extensive  as  the  plan  recommended  by 
him,  and  owing  partly  to  this  inadequacy,  partly  to  events 
occurring  abroad,  effected  much  less  towards  the  imme 
diate  completion  of  its  object  than  had  been  contemplated. 
The  chief  features  were  as  follows. 

The  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund  were  authorized 
to  borrow  to  the  amount  of  $1,000,000  annually,  in  antici 
pation  of  the  appropriated  revenues. 

A  loan  was  directed  to  be  opened  at  the  treasury  to  the 
full  amount  of  the  foreign  debt,  for  which  domestic  stock  was 
to  be  issued,  bearing  one  half  per  cent,  higher  interest  than 
the  original  debt,  the  principal  to  be  reimbursable  at  will. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  183 

The  temporary  duties  on  imports  were  made  per 
manent,  and  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt. 

The  following  additional  appropriations  were  likewise 
made  to  the  fund  constituted  by  the  act  of  1792,  "making 
provision  for  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt,"  to  which 
the  name  of  the  SINKING  FUND  was  now  given : 

1st.  An  amount  of  the  imposts  and  tonnage  duties,  the 
duties  on  domestic  spirits  and  on  stills,  sufficient,  together 
with  the  existing  revenues  of  the  fund,  to  reimburse 
annually,  commencing  on  the  1st  January,  1796,  the  two 
per  cent,  on  the  capital  of  the  six  per  cent,  stock  bearing 
present  interest. 

2d.  The  surplus  of  the  dividends  on  th.3  bank  stock 
owned  by  the  United  States,  after  deducting  the  interest 
on  the  loan  with  which  it  was  purchased. 

3d.  An  amount  of  the  above  mentioned  duties,  suffi 
cient  with  the  bank  dividends,  to  repay  the  remaining 
annual  instalments  of  the  bank  loan  as  they  should  fall 
due,  and  on  the  first  of  January  1802,  to  recommence  the 
reimbursement  of  the  two  per  cent,  on  the  principal  of  the 
deferred  stock. 

4th.  The  net  proceeds  of  sales  of  the  public  lands  in 
the  western  territory. 

5th.  Monies  received  into  the  treasury  on  account  of 
debts  due  the  United  States  by  reason  of  any  matter 
before  the  adoption  of  the  constitution. 

Lastly.  All  surpluses  of  revenue  remaining  at  the  end 
of  any  calendar  year  beyond  the  amount  of  appropriation 
charged  upon  it,  and  not  appropriated  during  the  next 
session  of  Congress  thereafter. 

The  proceeds  of  these,  and  the  sums  accruing  from 
former  appropriations,  were  vested  in  trust  in  the  Commis 
sioners  of  the  sinking  fund,  and  the  faith  of  the  United 
States  was  pledged  that  they  should  so  inviolably  remain 
until  the  whole  existing  debt  should  be  paid.  All  reim- 


184  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7- 

bursements  of  the  principal  of  the  debt,  both  foreign  and 
domestic,  and  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  6  per 
cent,  stock,  were  thus  henceforth  to  be  made  under  super 
intendence  of  the  commissioners,  and  they  were  em 
powered,  as  any  instalments  of  principal  became  due, 
to  borrow  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  sums  requisite 
for  their  payment,  provided  that  loans  so  made  should  be 
redeemable  at  pleasure,  and  not  bear  over  6  per  cent, 
interest. 

The  act  further  prescribed  the  mode  of  application  of 
these  funds.  The  last  section  repealed  the  limitations 
contained  in  the  several  acts  laying  internal  duties,  and 
extended  them  to  the  1st  March,  1801.  By  other  acts, 
the  time  for  receiving  on  loan  the  domestic  debt  was 
again  extended,  and  some  alterations  were  made  in  the 
revenue  laws,  pursuant  to  Mr.  Hamilton's  recommenda 
tions. 

Several  further  acts  were  passed,  relating  to  the  im 
provement  of  the  revenue  and  other  business  connected 
with  the  treasury,  which  do  not  require  particular  mention. 

The  sum  of  $1,122,569,  was  appropriated  for  the 
expenses  arising  from  the  whiskey  insurrection ;  a  law 
was  passed  establishing  a  new  rule  of  naturalization, 
requiring  five  years  residence,  and  three  years  previously 
declared  intention,  as  a  condition.  The  President  was 
authorised  to  fill  vacancies  in  the  departments,  ad  interim, 
with  the  provision  that  such  power  should  not  extend 
beyond  six  months.  A  law  was  enacted  providing  for 
calling  out  the  militia,  "  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union, 
suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions,"  and  another 
fixing  the  military  establishment. 

Wolcott's  administration  was  in  the  outset  attended 
with  some  unforeseen  embarrassments.  The  funding  bill 
it  will  be  remembered,  had  authorized  the  President  to 
borrow  to  the  amount  of  $12,000,000,  to  pay  the  arrears 
of  interest,  and  the  instalments  already  due  upon  the 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  185 

foreign  debt,  and  under  this  power  and  the  acts  providing 
for  subsequent  instalments,  the  loans  already  mentioned 
had  been  made  from  time  to  time  in  Holland.  No  provi 
sion  had  yet  been  made  for  discharging  the  foreign  debt, 
other  than  by  a  resort  to  these  new  loans,  and  hitherto 
there  had  been  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  them.  It  had 
however  proved  extremely  inconvenient  for  the  govern 
ment  to  remit  to  Europe,  the  sums  requisite  for  the  pay 
ment  of  interest  and  commissions,  as  there  was  but  little 
specie  in  the  country ;  as  shipments  of  merchandize  were 
in  many  respects  objectionable,  and  at  times  hazardous  ; 
and  as  owing  to  the  deranged  state  of  the  exchanges  the 
ordinary  modes  were  productive  of  loss.  To  obviate  this, 
the  conversion  of  the  foreign  into  domestic  debt,  had  been 
authorized  by  the  act  just  mentioned,  in  order  to  make 
the  interest  pay  able  in  the  United  States,  and  to  save  future 
commissions  on  re-loans.  Every  attempt  was  made  by 
Wolcott  during  the  spring  and  summer,  to  effect  the  object 
contemplated  by  the  act,  and  so  far  as  regarded  the 
French  debt,  with  success.  The  state  of  affairs  in  France, 
and  the  advantage  of  having  an  active  capital  in  the  United 
States,  for  the  purchase  of  provisions  and  stores,  induced 
the  government,  which  was  in  this  case  the  creditor,  to 
enter  into  the  proposition.  The  balance  of  that  debt  was 
ascertained  and  subscribed  to  the  new  loan,  and  stock 
issued  accordingly.  These  stocks  were  known  as  the 
five  and  a-half  and  four  and  a-half  per  cents,  of  1795,  and 
amounted  respectively  to  $1,848,900,  and  $176,000.  The 
Spanish  debt  having  been  already  extinguished,  the  Dutch 
now  constituted  the  whole  foreign  debt.  To  that  country 
the  efforts  of  the  department  were  accordingly  directed. 

A  more  unpropitious  aspect  of  affairs  could  not  have 
occurred,  than  now  presented  itself  there.  The  war  in  its 
progress  had  extended  to  the  States,  and  a  revolution  in 
their  government  had  followed;  the  European  powers, 
nearly  all  of  whom  were  debtors  of  Dutch  capitalists,  had 

16* 


186  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

failed  in  their  payments ;  enormous  taxes  had  been 
imposed  on  every  species  of  property ;  all  communication 
with  England  had  been  cut  off,  and  a  general  and  unpre 
cedented  derangement  existed  in  their  finances  and 
exchange.  Besides  these  exterior  embarrassments,  a  cause 
of  failure  existed  in  the  act  itself.  The  inducement  of 
additional  interest  was  not  considered  of  sufficient  weight 
to  counterbalance  the  loss  by  exchange,  the  difficulty  of 
transfer,  and  above  all  the  redeemable  character  of  the 
proposed  loan.  Under  these  circumstances  the  great 
object  of  a  general  conversion  was  found  unattainable  ; 
and  for  the  same  reason  it  became  impossible  punctually 
to  meet  the  annual  instalment  of  the  old  loan,  which  fell 
due  during  the  summer.  Mr.  Hamilton  had  in  January, 
as  a  preferable  species  of  remittance,  purchased  of  the 
bank  of  the  United  States,  the  sum  of  $500,000,  in  six  per 
cent,  stock,  which  as  already  mentioned,  was  sent  to  the 
bankers  in  Amsterdam  for  sale,  in  order  that  the  proceeds 
should  be  applied  to  the  instalment  there.  In  April,  the 
further  sum  of  $160,000  was  purchased,  and  in  like  manner 
remitted  by  Wolcott.  In  this  operation  it  was  expected 
that  the  stock  would  be  sold  at  par,  including  interest,  or 
that  the  instalment  would  be  continued  on  loan  by  a  new 
contract.  Both  calculations  however  were  disappointed. 
In  consequence  of  the  state  of  things  existing  there,  no 
re-loans  could  be  made  on  the  proposed  terms,  arid  the 
stock  could  not  be  sold  except  at  a  ruinous  sacrifice.  As 
the  cause  of  delay  in  discharging  the  instalment  was  well 
known,  and  as  the  interestwas  duly  paid,  the  public  credit 
did  not  suffer  ;  but  the  fact  showed  the  improvidence  of 
Congress  in  restricting  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking 
fund,  as  to  the  terms  of  the  loan,  without  providing  other 
resources. 

This  and  other  operations  of  the  treasury  during  the 
summer,  will  be  found  mentioned  in  Wolcott's  report  to 
the  President,  previous  to  the  session  following.  One 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  187 

subject  however — that  of  the  temporary  loans — requires 
explanation  in  the  outset.     The  loans  in  anticipation  of  the 
revenues  had  been  originally  recurred  to  from  necessity, 
because  the  government   found   no   revenue    existing  in 
advance,  to  meet  its  current  expenses,   and  they  were 
continued    from   the  impossibility   of  obtaining   at  once 
adequate  resources  to  reimburse  past  expenditures,  and 
advance  for  the  future.     No  accumulation  would  however 
have  occurred,  but  for  the  intervention  of  certain  extraor 
dinary  contingencies.     The  Indian  war  had  taken  place 
with    its   early   disasters,   and  disproportionate   expense. 
The  Algerine  negotiation  had  followed,  involving  a  heavy 
expenditure  for  the  redemption  of  captives,  and  purchase 
of  future  tranquillity ;  the  whiskey  insurrection  added  its 
million  and  a  quarter  to  the  demands  on  the  treasury.  For 
all  these,  monies  were  to  be  obtained  at  once,  and  as  the 
revenue  could  not  on  the  instant  be  extended  to  meet  them, 
other  loans  had  necessarily  been  resorted  to,  and  for  greater 
convenience  were  made  payable  in  instalments.     Provi 
sion  was  always  made  for  the  interest  upon  them,  and  as 
far  as  possible  for  the  reimbursement  of  principal,  while 
the  remaining  necessary  funds  it  was  intended  to  provide 
by  new  revenues.      The  raising  of  these,  however,  the 
opposition  had  obstructed  ;  thus   it  became  necessary  to 
renew  the  instalments  of  the  temporary  loans,  which  it  had 
been  expected  to  pay  off,  and  they  in  connection  with  the 
mere  annual  anticipations,  which  however  were  provided 
for,  had  in  the  beginning  of  this  year  accumulated  to  the 
amount  already  mentioned.      Even  during  this   session 
Congress  made   no  provision  for  the  instalment   of  the 
foreign  debt,  or  the  stock  loan,  but  a  renewal ;  and  their 
provisions    for   the   Algerine    and   military  loans  proved 
entirely  insufficient.     The  consequence  was  that  the  tem 
porary  debt,  by  the  action  of  this  Congress,  was  increased 
to  $6,200,000,  and  by  the  negligence  of  the  next,  the  nation 
was  eventually  saddled  with  a  large  part  of  the  accumu- 


188  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  7. 

lation  as  a  permanent  debt,  nor  was  sufficient  income 
provided,  until,  a  federal  majority  at  last  stepped  in  to 
retrieve  the  finances. 

With  regard  to  the  Algerine  loan,  a  particular 
notice  is  necessary,  it  having  been  the  subject  of  violent 
attack  upon  Wolcott.  It  has  been  more  than  once  stated 
that  the  anti-federalists  strenuously  opposed  the  creation 
of  a  naval  force  to  reduce  those  pirates  to  order,  preferring 
the  purchase  of  peace  as  more  economical.  In  pursuance 
of  this  resolve  of  the  majority,  the  loan  of  $1,000,000  had 
been  directed  at  the  session  preceding  this  last,  to  redeem 
captives  and  arrest  future  depredations,  but  the  amount 
of  $200,000  only,  which  was  borrowed  at  five  per  cent,  of 
the  Bank  of  New  York,  could  be  had.  The  subject,  at 
the  instance  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  was  on  the  4th  of 
February  laid  before  Congress  in  a  special  message,  and 
referred  to  a  committee  of  five — Messrs.  Sedgwick, 
Madison,  Baldwin,  Smith,  and  Giles — the  majority  being 
members  of  the  opposition.  Wolcott  was,  by  this  com 
mittee,  desired  to  ascertain  in  what  manner  the  proposed 
loan  could  be  obtained.  He  ascertained  that  the  Bank  of 
the  United  States,  fettered  by  its  previous  loans,  could 
advance  no  money,  but  offered  the  loan  in  six  per  cent, 
stock.  This  was  reported  to  the  committee  in  the  specific 
terms  in  which  the  contract  was  afterwards  concluded, 
and  it  was  expressly,  and  on  full  explanation,  approved 
by  them  that  the  amount  should  be  thus  borrowed  and 
the  stock  remitted  to  London  for  sale.  The  bill  authoriz 
ing  a  loan  was  reported  by  them  to  Congress,  and  passed 
without  opposition. a 

The  stock  was  borrowed  ;  the  house  of  Barings  was  by 
Wolcott  designated  to  the  Secretaiy  of  State  to  negociate 
sales  and  remit  the  proceeds  to  Gen.  Humphreys.  Here 
his  responsibility  ceased,  and  the  subsequent  loss,  even  if 

*  Vide  report  of  January  28,  1800,  "  on  the  condition  of  the  Treasury  Department." 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  189 

not  unavoidable,  was  in  no  way  chargeable  to  him.  Before 
the  arrival  of  the  stock  in  England,  the  market  price  had 
fallen,  and  it  was  necessarily  sold  at  a  sacrifice.  There 
was  also  a  further  deficiency  in  the  sum  which  finally 
reached  General  Humphreys,  which  was  thus  explained 
by  the  bankers :  "  The  great  defalcation  in  the  nominal 
amount  of  dollars  arises  from  the  remittance  being  made 
in  funds  which  sell  at  10  per  cent,  under  par,  and  the 
payments  being  made  in  foreign  money  at  a  rate  very 
much  above  par.  That  of  Leghorn  in  particular  had 
advanced  16  or  18  per  cent,  above  what  it  was  not  a  long 
while  since."  A  popular  outcry  was  raised  at  this  trans 
action,  which  extended  finally  to  the  appropriation  itself — 
the  anti-federalists  forgetting,  with  their  usual  facility, 
that  the  latter  had  been  made  by  a  Congress  in  which 
they  had  a  majority,  in  pursuance  of  a  policy  of  their  own, 
and  that  the  sacrifice  was  in  consequence  of  their  own 
neglect  of  other  provision.  The  party  indignation  at  the 
expense  of  the  whiskey  insurrection  was  less  extraordinary. 
It  was  a  bitter  pill  for  some  of  them  to  acquiesce  in  a 
payment  for  the  suppression  of  their  own  work. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


SUMMER    OF    1795. 

TO  JEDEDIAH  MORSE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  4,  1795. 
*  *  *  * 

I  have  not  shown  your  letter  to  Col.  Hamilton,  as  it  could  serve  no  good  pur 
pose.  I  have  heard  him,  however,  declare  that  no  such  opinions  were  ever 
advanced  by  him.  The  reporter  is  well  known,  and  the  story  rests  on  his  per 
sonal  credit. 

I  have  often  endeavoured  to  account  for  the  errors  which  so  extensively  circu 
late,  to  the  prejudice  of  public  characters  and  to  the  great  discontent  of  the  com 
munity.  In  many  cases  they  proceed  from  simple,  unmixed  malice  ;  but  not 
^infrequently  they  originate  in  the  jealousy  of  dark  and  metaphysical  minds,  who, 
having  no  frankness  and  candour  of  their  own,  wrest  and  pervert  every  thing  they 
hear  to  the  worst  possible  construction. 

We  have  lived  long  enough  to  have  witnessed  the  course  of  public  opinion  on 
many  political  an  I  religious  topics,  and  in  every  case  you  must  have  observed  that 
zeal  and  orthodoxy,  in  a  vulgar  sense,  have  depended  more  on  the  temperament 
of  the  constitution  than  on  moral  qualities,  or  reason,  or  information.  I  do  not 
know  one  man  of  sense  and  information  who  seriously  apprehends  any  danger 
from  monarchical  opinions,  or  from  any  tendency  in  the  government  to  produce 
in  any  officer  or  public  body  a  dangerous  accumulation  of  power.  Yet  there  are, 
and  ever  will  be,  a  description  of  men  who  are  tormented  with  fears  that  this  will 
happen.  In  every  village,  in  the  most  rude  state  of  society,  there  are  monarchy 
men,  aristocrats,  and  democrats.  Your  informer's  imagination  was  as  much  dis 
quieted  during  the  old  confederation  on  this  subject,  as  at  the  present  moment. 
The  disorder  exists  in  his  own  brain  and  is  incurable. 

The  following  letter,  notwithstanding  its  date,  was 
received  only  about  this  time  : 


1795.]  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  191 

FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  November  20,  1794. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  event  of  Mr.  Jay's  negotiations.  A  treaty  of  amity, 
commerce,  and  navigation,  was  signed  yesterday  by  Lord  Grenville,  and  one 
which,  I  hope,  will  put  an  end  to  all  misunderstandings  between  the  two  nations, 
and  lay  the  foundation  of  future  good  offices  and  cordiality.  The  objects  ot 
mutual  justice  and  mutual  benefits  are,  I  think,  provided  for,  in  a  way  equally 
honourable  and  advantageous,  and  none  but  those  who  feel  a  reluctance  to  do 
justice,  have  any  ground  of  complaint.  I  do  not,  indeed,  see  what  more  desirable 
terms  we  could  have  obtained  after  a  successful  war  ;  and  that  which  would  then 
have  been  honourable,  must  surely  be  more  so  when  obtained  without  the  waste 
of  life,  morals,  and  property,  which  even  victory  brings  with  her.  It  is  no  longer 
useful  to  inquire  what  weight  extraneous  circumstances  may  have  had  in  pro 
ducing  this  accommodation  ;  nor  is  it  wise  to  conjecture  what  may,  at  any  former 
period,  have  been  the  temper  of  this  government  towards  us  ;  suffice  it  to  know 
that  there  now  exists  a  very  sincere  disposition  to  be  upon  good  terms  with  us, 
which,  if  fairly  met  and  wisely  cultivated  by  us,  will  lead  on  to  fortune,  fame  and 
greatness.  No  point  exists  in  this  treaty  which  can  excite  the  justifiable  regret 
of  any  friend  of  other  connections,  since  it  is  expressly  stipulated  that  nothing 
therein  contained  shall  be  construed  to  invalidate  the  obligations  of  any  existing 
treaty,  and  we  only  have  the  opportunity  of  being  upon  good  terms  with  two 
great  nations  instead  of  one.  I  hope  you  will  not  learn  hereafter  that  any  im 
prudent  warmth  of  mine  has  done  harm  in  this  business.  I  have  not  the  vanity 
to  suppose  that  I  have  done  any  other  service  in  this  business  than  another  clerk 
would  have  done,  but  I  think  I  have  done  no  evil. 

Will  you  have  the  goodness  to  forward  immediately  the  enclosed  letters ;  to 
remember  me  to  Mrs.  Wolcott,  and  all  friends,  and  to  believe  me,  truly,  your 
friend  and  servant, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 


FROM  RUFUS  KING. 

NEW  YORK,  19th  March,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

As  was  to  have  been  expected,  various  rumours  are  circulated  respecting  Mr. 
Jay's  return  to  this  country.  Those  who  wish  his  election  as  Governor  of  this 
State,  expect  his  return  early  in  the  spring,  certainly  before  the  month  of  July  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  those  who  prefer  the  election  of  Mr.  Yates  assert  that  Mr. 
Jay  will  wait  to  exchange  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  in  case  it  should  not 
be  ratified  here,  that  he  will  remain  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  such  alterations 
as  shall  be  desired.  It  is  said  Mr.  Blaney  has  declared  that  Mr.  Jay  told  him 
that  he  should  remain  in  England  to  exchange  the  ratifications,  and  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  Blaney  has  made  this  declaration  ;  but  it  is  so  con- 
-  ary  to  the  letters  received  from  Mr.  Jay  by  his  friends  here,  that  it  is  appre- 


192  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

hended  Capt.  Blaney  has  been  misunderstood,  or  has  misconceived  Mr.  Jay's 
expressions  to  him. 

The  following  are  extracts  from  two  letters  from  Mr.  Jay  to  a  friend  in  this 
place : 

"21st  Nov.,  1794. 

"  The  treaty  being  signed,  and  therefore  my  further  stay  here  not  being  ne 
cessary,  I  exceedingly  regret  that  I  cannot  immediately  return  to  you  ;  but  the 
season  is  too  far  advanced.  I  have  not  health  enough  for  a  winter's  passage." 

"5th  December,  1794. 

"  My  former  letters  will  inform  you,  that  to  avoid  the  severity  of  a  winter's 
passage,  I  think  it  advisable  to  remain  until  spring.  After  the  1st  of  March,  I 
think  you  may  suspend  writing  to  me.  I  shall  endeavor  to  leave  this  in  April, 
indeed  in  one  of  the  first  spring  vessels  that  may  offer." 

As  it  is  important  that  Mr.  Blaney's  declaration  should  not  be  employed  to 
defeat  Mr.  Jay's  election,  I  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  see  Mr.  Blaney,  and  after 
showing  him  these  extracts  to  ascertain  from  him  the  fact  on  this  subject. 

It  is  not  intended  to  make  any  publication  on  this  subject.  The  information 
is  sought  for  to  supply  the  friends  of  Mr.  Jay,  who  upon  the  authority  of  his  let 
ters  have  declared  his  intention  to  leave  England  early  in  the  spring.  Your  an 
swer  shall  be  considered  as  confidential.  With  sincere  esteem,  &c., 

RUFUS  KING. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  May  2d,  1795. 

There  is  so  much  reason  to  fear  the  subversion  of  the  commercial  and  finan 
cial  systems  of  Europe  at  no  remote  period,  that  the  consequences  of  a  revulsion 
upon  this  country,  deserve  attention  and  more  precaution  than  will  probably  be 
taken  on  our  part. 

The  Mynheers  have  probably  found  by  this  time  that  their  liberty  is  not  a  free 
gift.  As  their  revolution  has  been  altogether  a  matter  of  speculation  and  envy, 
so  far  as  the  rich  people  have  been  concerned  in  it,  I  do  not  perceive  that  much 
is  to  be  expected  from  their  efforts  to  establish  a  national  government.  I  expect 
nothing  more  than  a  repetition  of  the  same  scenes  of  plunder  and  requisition 
which  have  desolated  Belgium.  By  the  last  advices,  we  learn  that  the  French 
had  begun  to  impose  contributions,  and  that  assignats  were  introducing.  The 
Russian,  Swedish,  and  Imperial  powers  had  forfeited  their  credit  by  the  non 
payment  of  interest.  The  Polish  loans  had  been  given  up  as  lost ;  the  East  In 
dia  Company  had  failed  ;  and  the  province  of  Holland  was  considered  as  bank 
rupt.  I  believe,  therefore,  that  not  a  single  power  in  Europe,  except  England. 
can  make  a  campaign  except  by  recurring  to  plunder  and  requisitions.  This 
must  be  the  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  that  system  of  credit  of  which 
Holland  was  the  centre. 

The  English  appear  to  be  well  united  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  but  a 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  193 

revolution  in  government  on  French  principles,  or  despotism  under  ancient  forms 
will  probably  be  its  consequence.  By  all  I  can  learn,  the  French  resources  are 
much  impaired,  and  I  do  not  expect  that  they  will  act  with  their  usual  vigor  the 
ensuing  summer,  as  the  nation  are  in  arms  and  wretched  without  a  government, 
and  without  a  plan  for  settling  their  affairs  which  can  command  any  degree  of 
confidence  at  home  or  abroad.  The  peace  of  Europe  must  however  be  con 
sidered  as  remote.  The  equilibrium  of  society  appears  to  be  destroyed,  nor  will 
it  be  restored  in  my  opinion  until  after  many  vibrations. 

Wherever  there  exists  the  pabulum  for  the  fire  of  equality  and  fraternity,  I  ex 
pect  to  see  its  effects ;  and  in  the  degree  in  which  countries  are  commercial  and 
populous  they  appear  to  me  exposed  to  desolation.  Italy,  the  West  Indies,  and 
South  America,  are  probably  much  exposed,  though  from  different  causes  and 
in  different  degrees.  It  is  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  satisfaction  to  me,  that  my 
friends  are  in  less  danger  than  any  people  of  the  world.  We  must  expect  some 
nonsense  even  in  the  northern  states,  when  all  the  rest  of  the  world  is  raving 
mad  ;  but  I  presume  we  are  not  to  expect  a  subversion  of  ancient  principles,  at 
least  in  the  present  age.  There  has  been  rather  too  much  flattery  and  adulation 
in  some  of  our  public  measures,  by  which  nations  are  as  easily  made  vain  and 
conceited  as  individuals.  I  hope,  however,  that  we  shall  suffer  no  permanent 
injury.  If  we  can  escape  present  dangers,  the  example  of  Europe  will,  I  an? 
satisfied,  afford  us  instructive  lessons  for  future  conduct. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  3d  of  March,  and  on  the 
7th,  the  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,  con 
cluded  with  Great  Britain  was  received.  On  the  8th,  the 
Vice-President  and  a  quorum  of  the  Senate  were  con 
vened,  and  the  treaty,  with  the  documents  connected 
with  it,  submitted  to  them. 

The  original  difficulties  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  arose  from  the  non-execution  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  each  nation  charging  the  other  with  the  first  in 
fraction.  The  principal  complaints  were,  on  the  one 
hand,  the^  non-delivery  of  the  posts  held  by  the  latter 
within  the  American  lines,  and  the  carrying  off  of  slaves 
at  the  close  of  the  war ;  on  the  other,  the  interposition  by 
the  states  of  legal  impediments  to  the  recovery  of  debts 
contracted  before  the  war.  To  these,  others  had  been 
since  superadded  on  the  part  of  both  countries.  It  was 
obvious  that  to  bring  about  any  real  adjustment  of  present 
complaints,  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  peace  must 
be  performed,  which  on  our  part  would  require  the  pay- 

VOL.  i.  17 


194  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

ment  of  the  debts,  or  at  least  the  removal  of  all  legisla 
tive  impediments  to  their  collection,  and  to  the  debtors 
this  necessity  was  a  disagreeable  one.  Of  these  debts, 
by  far  the  greater  part  were  owed  by  states  south  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  one-half  of  the  whole  amount  of  claims  af 
terwards  exhibited,  was  against  Virginia  alone.  The  4th 
article  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  provided  that  such 
impediments  should  not  be  placed  in  the  way  of  their 
collection,  had  therefore  excited  in  that  state  especially, 
a  strong  disgust ;  and  relying  upon  the  want  of  compul 
sory  powers  in  the  confederation,  she  had  passed,  from 
time  to  time,  in  defiance  of  the  treaty,  laws  which  effect 
ually  prevented  its  enforcement  in  that  particular ;  those 
laws  the  British  government  had  always  assigned  as  a 
justification  of  the  non-fulfilment  of  the  stipulations  on  her 
part.  The  amendments  proposed  by  the  Virginia  conven 
tion  to  the  new  constitution,  so  far  as  they  related  to  the 
powers  of  the  federal  government,  were  chiefly  directed 
to  the  abridgment  of  the  judicial  authority,  and  one  of 
them  pointed  directly  at  the  subject  of  these  debts.  It 
was  evident  that  while  the  jurisdiction  over  this  subject 
matter  was  retained  by  the  state  courts,  the  state  could 
control  the  event  of  the  suits.  The  amendments  were 
fortunately  not  adopted ;  the  judiciary  power  as  planned 
by  the  convention,  except  in  one  respect,  remained  undi- 
minished  ;  and  the  dread  of  its  exercise  continued  to  feed 
the  flame  of  opposition  to  the  federal  constitution  and  to 
the  existing  administration. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  negociations  with  Mr.  Hammond  had 
be'en  well  calculated  to  increase  the  difficulty  of  adjusting 
the  questions  growing  out  of  the  treaty  of  1783.  In  dis 
cussing  the  subject  of  the  debts,  in  particular,  he  had  re 
sorted  to  a  kind  of  special  pleading  which  by  no  means 
tended  to  produce  a  conviction  of  his  own  sincerity  or 
that  of  his  government,  and  the  result  had  been  accord 
ingly  that  no  settlement  was  obtained  of  any  of  the  sub- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  195 

jects  of  dispute.  The  British  government  viewing  the 
United  States  as  soon  to  be  added  to  the  number  of  their 
enemies,  continued  their  system  of  depredations  and 
omitted  no  means  of  annoyance,  even  if  it  fell  short  of 
open  hostilities.  It  is  not  intended  to  defend  the  conduct 
of  that  power ;  it  was '  undoubtedly  marked  by  a  disre 
gard  of  the  laws  of  nations,  by  a  contempt  of  justice,  by 
a  violation  of  the  rights  of  others,  which  have  character 
ized  her  policy  towards  every  nation  incapable  of  defence  ; 
but  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  tone  of  the  diplomatic 
correspondence  and  the  course  of  the  opposition  in  Amer 
ica,  gave  a  color  to  the  supposition  that  ultimate  hostili 
ties  must  follow,  and  influenced  her  unjust  and  unwise 
policy  towards  a  neutral  nation. 

It  was  in  this  state  of  things  that  Washington  had  in 
stituted  an  embassy  to  make  one  more  and  final  attempt 
at  a  peaceful  termination  of  disputes.  The  bare  nomina 
tion  of  an  envoy  had  met  with  fierce  opposition.  To  the 
Virginia  party  the  individual  selected  was  himself  al 
ready  obnoxious,  because  as  one  of  the  negociators  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  he  had  admitted  the  article  to  them  so 
detestable.  It  could  not  be  supposed  that  he  would  now 
deny  the  obligations  which  he  had  then  recognized,  obli 
gations  which  to  them  were  the  great  objections  to  a 
treaty.  A  war  would,  in  their  opinion,  bring  about  a  more 
satisfactory  settlement  of  the  claims.  A  further  proof  of 
their  hostile  disposition  and  of  its  cause,  was  immediately 
manifested.  On  the  5th  of  May  1794,  Mr.  Monroe  moved 
in  the  Senate  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  suspend  the 
article,  relating  to  the  debts,  an  act  corresponding  to  the 
whole  course  of  his  party  during  that  session,  entirely  in 
consistent  with  any  amicable  intentions  and  which,  had 
it  prevailed,  would  have  effectually  defeated  the  mis 
sion,  even  had  it  not  led  to  immediate  hostilities.11 

a  An  attempt,  made  about  this  time      law  exempting  renl  estate  from  execu- 
in  the  Virginia  Legislature,  to  repeal  a     tion  for  debt,  failed  by  a  decided  majority. 


196  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

But  there  was  another  and  most  potent  influence  at 
work.  The  pacific  settlement  of  the  differences  with 
England  would  oppose  an  effectual  check  to  the  designs 
of  France  and  her  diplomatic  agents,  and  emissaries 
throughout  the  Union  therefore  exerted  their  influence  to 
defeat  it.  They  unfortunately  found  materials  easy  to 
work  upon.  Besides  the  interest  already  spoken  of, 
there  was  throughout  the  country  a  general,  deep  seated, 
national  hatred  of  Great  Britain,  burning  every  where 
with  an  intense,  if  not  a  conspicuous  flame,  for  among 
the  native  population  there  was  hardly  a  fire  side  which 
the  war  had  not  desolated,  there  was  scarcely  one  of 
man's  estate  who  had  not  shared  in  its  hardships  as  well 
as  its  glories.  The  sight  of  a  blackened  roof-tree,  the 
tale  of  the  prison  ship,  the  sugar  house,  or  the  county 
jail,  had  their  recollections  as  well  as  the  musket  which 
hung  over  every  chimney.  And  if  the  memory  of  these 
even  had  slumbered,  there  were  the  later  outrages  on 
her  part,  repeated  violations  of  the  laws  recognized 
between  civilized  countries,  piratical  spoliations  upon 
our  commerce,  impressments  of  our  seamen  under  a 
pretence  easily  set  up  when  supported  by  power,  the 
retention  of  the  western  posts,  underhanded  instigation 
of  Indian  hostilities — to  awaken  them.  There  were  refu 
gees  of  every  class  from  England  scattered  over  the 
land,  men  who  from  their  crimes  or  desperate  fortunes 
had  "  taken  refuge  in  patriotism,"  and  who  burned  with 
an  unnatural  vindictiveness  towards  their  former  country. 
There  were  the  numerous  French  and  other  European 
emigrants  who  were  devoted  to  their  cause,  and  besides 
these  there  were  all  the  ordinary  components  of  opposi 
tion  ;  men  and  classes  who  were  aggrieved  or  fancied 
themselves  so  by  the  operation  of  various  measures,  or 
were  disappointed  in  ambitious  projects  ;  general  mal 
contents,  who  easily  persuaded  themselves  or  were  per 
suaded  that  a  war  would  relieve  them  ;  western  settlers 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  197 

who  wanted  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  Penn- 
sylvanians  who  wanted  the  abolition  of  the  excise  laws. 
Here  was  a  pile  of  combustibles  ready  for  the  torch,  and 
there  were  not  wanting  instruments  to  apply  it.  In  the 
eyes  of  the  federal  party,  the  dangers  of  a  war  in  such  a 
conjuncture  were  infinite  and  obvious.  Abroad,  France 
was  making  rapid  strides  to  the  universal  dominion  of 
Europe,  involving  friend  and  foe  in  a  common  ruin,  offer 
ing  to  nations  the  single  alternative  of  subjugation  or  con 
quest.  Towards  us,  her  policy  was  in  their  view  the 
same,  restrained  only  by  the  circumstance  of  distance, 
and  intrigue  was  here  accomplishing  that  which  distance 
otherwise  might  have  prevented.  A  war  would  but  add 
to  the  difficulties  of  our  position,  while  it  would  take  away 
its  advantages.  In  our  defenceless  state  it  would  expose 
us  to  ravage  upon  land,  and  would  subject  our  commerce 
to  general  destruction  instead  of  partial  depredation.  It 
would  increase  the  burdens  of  our  national  debt,  it  would 
redress  none  of  the  grievances  of  which  we  complained, 
and  more  than  all  it  would  lay  us  open  to  the  deadly 
fraternization  of  France. 

The  mode  adopted  by  Mr.  Jay  in  conducting  his  nego- 
ciations  had  been  marked  by  simplicity  and  frankness  as 
well  as  by  statesmanship,  and  had  for  the  most  part  been 
successful.  In  regard  to  reparation  for  the  captures  un 
der  orders  in  council,  which  formed  a  principal  object  of 
his  embassy,  a  board  of  commissioners  was  provided, 
who  upon  investigation,  should  award  compensation  for 
American  vessels  and  property  taken  under  color  of  author 
ity,  deciding  "  according  to  the  merits  of  the  several 
cases  and  to  justice,  equity  and  the  laws  of  nations."  No 
redress  by  payment  or  restitution  could  be  however  ob 
tained  for  the  negroes  carried  away,  and  Mr.  Jay  was 
unwilling  to  risk  the  treaty  upon  this  point.  On  the  part 
of  the  United  States  the  alleged  breach  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  in  the  obstruction  of  the  collection  of  debts  was  to 

17* 


198  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8- 

be  corrected  before  the  evacuation  of  the  posts  could  be 
demanded.  A  mixed  commission  was  provided  on  this 
subject  also ;  their  authority  being  extended  to  captures 
by  the  French  of  British  vessels  in  the  waters  of  the 
United  States.  The  posts  were  agreed  to  be  evacuated 
by  the  first  of  June  1796  ;  the  boundary  lines  to  be  set 
tled  by  surveys  made  by  commissioners  to  be  appointed 
for  the  purpose.  The  West  India  trade  was  admitted 
only  in  vessels  of  seventy  tons  and  under,  and  upon  con 
dition  that  the  goods  should  be  imported  into  the  United 
States  alone  ;  as  a  security  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  con 
dition,  similar  articles  were  not  to  be  exported.  As  Mr. 
Jay's  instructions  precluded  him  from  forming  a  treaty 
which  did  not  secure  at  least  a  qualified  trade  with  these 
islands,  an  article  was  admitted  on  these  terms,  limited 
however  to  two  years  after  the  expiration  of  the  war.  A 
direct  trade  was  granted  to  the  British  East  Indies  on  the 
payment  of  the  same  duties  as  the  English  themselves, 
and  a  reciprocal  commerce  agreed  upon  with  the  Euro 
pean  possessions.  Contraband  articles  were  specified. 
Subsequent  articles  contained  regulations  forbidding  the 
arming  of  privateers  of  a  third  power  at  war  with  either, 
in  the  ports  of  the  other,  and  forbidding  the  sale  of  their 
prizes  ;  granting  to  ships  of  war  and  privateers  of  either, 
liberty  to  enter  and  depart  with  their  prizes  without  ex 
amination,  and  denying  an  asylum  to  enemies  having 
prizes  in  the  ports  of  the  neutral.  In  respect  to  the  last 
provision  it  was  stipulated  not  to  operate  contrary  to  ex 
isting  treaties ;  but  the  parties  agreed  that  while  in  amity, 
neither  would  in  future  make  any  treaty  inconsistent  with 
these  articles.  The  treaty,  excepting  some  permanent 
articles  and  that  relating  to  the  West  India  trade,  was 
limited  to  twelve  years. 

The  state  of  parties  when  the  treaty  arrived  was  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  its  enemies,  and  the  mere 
intelligence  of  its  reception,  even  before  its  contents  were 


1795.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  199 

divulged,  produced  a  furious  outbreak  against  the  admin 
istration.  Had  evidence  been  wanting  before,  that  the 
objections  of  the  opposition  were  not  to  the  treaty,  but  to 
any  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  it  was  to  be  found  here. 
While  its  opponents  were  busily  engaged  in  shooting  in 
in  the  dark,  the  Senators  with  little  less  acrimony  were 
discussing  its  provisions  with  closed  doors,  a  course  which 
created  much  dissatisfaction  among  the  journalists  and 
their  readers,  and  was  assailed  as  savouring  of  monarchy. 
Democracy  however,  when  ascendant  did  not  alter  the 
practice. 

TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT. 

PHILA.,  May  15th,  1795. 


The  Senate  are  in  Session.  How  long  they  will  continue  so  is  uncertain. 
Nothing  has  transpired  respecting  the  treaty. 

I  send  for  your  perusal,  and  for  my  father's,  the  late  papers.  The  auspicious 
change  of  the  French  system  in  Europe  will  please  you,  though  you  will  perceive 
that  great  and  serious  dangers  yet  attend  the  nations  of  Europe. 

A  new  French  minister  has  arrived  ;  his  character  and  views  are  not  yet  ascer 
tained.  There  are  symptoms,  however,  of  a  disposition  to  conciliate  by  a  reason 
able  conduct,  rather  than  to  influence  by  means  of  faction.  This  is  well,  and. 
proves  that  the  affairs  of  France  are  acquiring  consistency. 

TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

PHILA.,  June  25th,  1795. 

The  Senate  have  substantially  ratified  the  treaty,  though  as  one  point  is  sus 
pended,  it  may  be  considered  as  open.  I  understand  they  have  determined  not 
to  countenance  a  publication,  though  they  have  reserved  the  right  of  conversing 
generally  about  it.  Perhaps  this  will  be  found  equivalent  to  a  publication.  At 
present,  however,  it  may  not  be  correct  to  write  what  it  would  be  contrary  to  the 
rule  to  print.  Mr.  Ellsworth,  however,  has  so  far  experienced  your  faculty  of 
keeping  state  secrets,  that  I  doubt  not  he  will  tell  you  every  thing  that  you  wish 
to  know,  and  you  have  my  consent  to  tell  others  anything  that  he  tells  you.  This, 
I  think,  is  a  generous  indulgence  on  my  part. 

I  am  in  perfect  health,  and  Mr.  Ellsworth  will  tell  you  how  well  I  behave. 
Indeed,  I  think  I  am  rather  more  steady  than  usual ;  it  is  certain  that  I  am  not 
less  so.  Our  friends  are  as  usual.  Mrs.  Washington  enquires  after  you  often, 
as  also  the  President  and  the  young  ladies. 


200  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  June  26,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  direct  information,  in  confidence,  that  the  Minister  of  France,  by  a  letter 
received  yesterday,  has  ordered  a  fast  sailing  vessel  for  France  to  be  prepared  at 
this  port.  No  doubt  this  has  connection  with  the  treaty  with  England.  I  pre 
sume,  with  the  reserve  that  decorum  requires,  he  is  apprised  of  the  contents  of 
that  treaty.  This  ought,  at  least,  to  go  so  far  as  to  satisfy  him  that  there  is 
nothing  in  it  inimical  to  his  country,  especially  as  I  suppose  it  to  be  adopted.  It 
is  well  to  regard  our  peace  on  all  sides  as  far  as  shall  consist  with  dignity. 

Indeed,  I  am  of  opinion,  on  the  whole,  that  all  further  mystery,  at  present,  is 
unnecessary,  and  ought  to  be  waived  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  public  mind.  I 
do  not  think  that  any  scruples  of  diplomatic  decorum  are  of  weight  enough  to 
stand-in  the  way.  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  June  27,  1795. 

The  Senate  adjourned  yesterday,  and  I  consider  myself  as  at  liberty  to  give 
you  the  outlines  of  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  More  particulars  will  be  given 
soon. 

The  posts  are  to  be  evacuated  before  next  June,  and  in  the  meantime  the 
United  States  may  take  possession  of  and  occupy  any  lands  not  immediately  held 
by  the  British. 

The  doubtful  boundaries  in  the  north-eastern  and  north-western  quarters  of  the 
United  States  are  to  be  adjusted  and  settled  by  commissioners,  to  be  mutually 
chosen,  and  according  to  the  spirit  and  meaning  of  the  late  treaty  of  peace. 

The  British  and  American  dominions  are  to  be  free  to  both  nations  for  all 
purposes  of  interior  commerce,  under  such  regulations  as  each  government  shall 
prescribe  to  their  respective  citizens  and  subjects. 

The  demands  of  American  merchants  for  captures  and  spoliations,  when  the 
laws  do  not  afford  relief,  are  to  be  adjusted  by  commissioners,  and  the  sums 
awarded  are  to  be  paid  by  the  British  government. 

The  losses  of  British  subjects,  in  consequence  of  legal  impediments  to  the  exe 
cution  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  are  to  be  adjusted  by  commissioners  and  paid  by  the 
United  States. 

The  treaty  is  silent  in  respect  to  our  claims  for  negroes. 

A  trade  is  secured  to  the  British  East  Indies  on  the  same  terms  as  are  or  shall 
be  allowed  to  British  subjects,  with  the  limitations  that  we  shall  not  carry  on  the 
coasting  trade  of  India,  and  that  whatever  we  export  from  India  shall  be  landed 
in  some  part  of  America. 

An  article  was  inserted,  which  is  referred  to  further  negociation,  by  which  we 
were  allowed  a  trade  to  the  British  West  Indies,  in  vessels  of  70  tons  burthen,  on 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  201 

the  same  terms  in  respect  to  merchandise  and  tonnage  duties  as  British  subjects, 
on  condition  that  British  vessels  generally  were  to  be  allowed  similar  privileges 
in  our  ports,  and  on  condition  that  we  should  not  export  to  any  foreign  country, 
sugar,  coffee,  cocoa,  or  cotton. 

That  part  of  the  treaty  which  respects  amity  contains  mutual  stipulations,  that 
funds  and  stock  shall  not  be  sequestered  or  taxed  even  in  time  of  war  ;  that  com 
missions  for  privateering,  or  engagements  for  entering  into  a  foreign  service,  shall 
not  be  permitted  ;  that  the  prizes  of  other  nations  shall  not  be  sold  in  our  ports, 
&c.,&c. 

The  West  India  article  is  an  unlucky  one,  as  it  contains  a  prohibition  against 
the  exportation  of  cotton,  which  is  an  increasing  production  of  our  own  country. 
It  has,  however,  been  so  recently  introduced  that  the  effect  of  the  article  was 
probably  overlooked  by  both  of  the  negotiators.  It  certainly  was  by  Mr.  Jay. 
Even  in  respect  to  the  other  articles,  the  privilege  which  we  now  enjoy  (and 
which  we  shall  probably  always  enjoy  when  we  are  at  peace  and  Europe  is 
engaged  in  war)  of  exporting  West  India  merchandize  to  foreign  countries,  is 
more  valuable  than  the  limited  trade  which  the  British  have  offered.  On  these 
grounds  the  article  is  not  admitted  by  the  United  States.  We  certainly  cannot 
claim  an  admission  into  the  British  islands,  and  if  they  will  not  consent  to  admit 
us  without  requiring  more  than  an  equivalent,  the  object  must  be  renounced. 
Popular  opinion,  both  here  and  in  England,  has,  in  my  judgment,  much  overrated 
the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  intercourse  which  we  solicit.  It  would 
not  ruin  the  marine  of  England,  as  the  British  apprehend  would  be  the  case  if  we 
were  to  be  gratified,  and  if  we  are  refused,  we  shall  not  fail  to  enjoy  as  much 
commerce  as  is  for  the  true  interests  of  our  country.  The  immense  interest  in 
navigation  which  we  now  possess,  is  defenceless.  Any  considerable  increase 
would  compel  us  to  become  a  maritime  power,  the  conquences  of  which  it  is  easy 
to  foresee. 

I  am  satisfied  with  what  has  been  done.  The  interior  and  frontiers  of  our 
country  are  secured  ;  the  questions  of  spoliations  and  debts  are  as  well  arranged 
as  the  subjects  would  admit.  How  the  balance  of  receipts  and  expenditures  will 
stand,  is  uncertain  ;  be  the  case  as  it  may,  we  shall,  I  hope,  learn  that  there  are 
two  sides  to  a  bargain,  and  that  national  engagements  cannot  be  violated  with 
impunity,  except  by  a  powerful  nation.  The  policy  of  Virginia  is  as  foolish  as  it 
is  wicked — at  the  same  time  that  they  refuse  to  be  honest,  they  endeavour  to 
depress  and  restrain  the  public  energies,  which  wise  rogues  would  have  been 
willing  to  substitute  for  integrity. 

The  Senate  have  determined  not  to  publish  the  treaty.  There  will,  however, 
be  no  impropriety  in  mentioning  or  showing  what  I  have  written  respecting  it. 


FROM  DR.  LEMUEL  HOPKINS. 

HARTFORD,  June  28, 1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  do  not  study  much  the  general  state  of  politics,  yet  I  have  a  notion  that 
there  are  at  all  times  certain  portions  of  this  our  globe  from  whence  useful  les- 


20£  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

sons  of  this  sort  arise.  Such  at  present  are  France  and  the  United  States,  or 
rather  New  England  ;  for  the  southern  states  I  regard  as  a  chaos  of  animated 
atoms.  From  the  former  we  are  to  learn  whether  Liberty,  and  her  younger 
sister,  Equality,  can  be  taken  and  quietly  possessed  by  the  rude  onset  of  an  ig 
norant  mass,  impelled  on  by  visionary  theorists  and  blood-stained  leaders  ;  from 
the  latter,  whether  an  uncommon  degree  of  knowledge  among  a  people,  attended 
with  every  other  advantage  can  be  perpetuated.  If  it  can,  good  government  will 
be  a  thing  of  course.  I  hope  you  will  not  meet  with  such  embarrassments  in  of 
fice  as  your  predecessor  has  done  ;  that  in  case,  however,  you  should,  you  will 
retire  to  private  life  after  receiving  a  like  share  of  calumny  and  praise. 

I  was  very  glad  lately  to  hear  from  our  friend  Barlow's  brother,  that  Joel  got 
at  Hamburgh,  and  carried  with  him  to  Paris  £2,000  sterling  of  his  own  money. 
But  he  is  not  in  America,  nor  yourself  in  Hartford.  Goodrich  is  going  to  Con 
gress,  and  Trumbull  will  I  fear  quit  the  "  visible  eternal  sphere."  What,  then, 
O  Hartford,  hast  thou  forme  !  Pleasant,  indeed,  shalt  thou  remain,  but  chiefly 
for  the  joys  that  are  past.  Yours  sincerely  and  affectionately, 

L.  HOPKINS. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  29th,  1795. 

I  enclose  you  a  paper  which  contains  the  substance  of  the  treaty.  It  is  judged 
not  to  be  perfectly  consistent  with  decorum  and  the  rules  prescribed  by  custom, 
to  publish  a  treaty  while  pending,  as  this  must  be  yet  considered,  the  ratification 
being  merely  conditional.  The  curiosity  of  the  public  and  the  impossibility  of 
keeping  absolute  secrecy  has  induced  a  compromise,  that  the  treaty  may  be  com 
municated  informally  to  the  public. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  intercourse  which  we  desire  with  the  British  West  In 
dies  cannot  be  granted  by  England  without  much  scruple  ;  even  a  limited  trade, 
considering  our  vicinity  and  the  comparative  cheapness  of  our  navigation,  would 
perhaps  extensively  affect  the  colonial  system  which  Britain  considers  as  the 
foundation  of  her  maritime  power.  In  the  proposed  treaty  the  compensation 
required,  is,  however,  perhaps  more  than  we  can  afford  to  grant  in  times  when 
we  are  at  peace  and  Europe  at  war,  which,  from  past  experience  and  from  our 
pacific  policy,  may  be  calculated  at  one-third  of  any  general  period  including 
both  war  and  peace.  The  article  which  respects  the  intercourse  with  the  West 
Indians  is  to  be  referred  to  further  negociations.  If  we  cannot  amicably  agree, 
the  trade  to  the  West  Indies  must  rest  on  its  present  footing,  as  we  have  no  pre 
tence  to  claim  a  trade  with  a  foreign  country  contrary  to  its  interest  and  policy. 
The  other  articles  of  the  treaty  are  founded  on  obvious  considerations,  and  will, 
I  hope,  be  satisfactory.  The  greatest  embarrassment  which  we  feel  at  present 
arises  from  our  defenceless  situation  ;  with  a  commerce  spread  over  every  ocean, 
and  with  resources  which  render  intercourse  with  us  desirable  by  all  nations,  we 
feel,  and  shall  continue  to  feel  the  impressions  of  foreign  rivalry,  without  being 
capable  of  that  fixed  and  uniform  policy  which  would  result  from  firm  and  com- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  203 

bined  arrangements  in  our  interior  country.  There  are,  however,  no  public  con 
victions  to  be  produced  by  reasonings  a  priori  on  subjects  of  this  nature.  Expe 
rience  is  the  only  teacher  of  nations. 

Our  information  from  Europe  indicates  the  greatest  distresses  from  scarcity,  es 
pecially  on  the  continent ;  something  approaching  to  a  famine  is  felt  from  the 
Baltic  to  the  Mediterranean.  In  France  the  want  of  bread  is  extreme,  and  the 
public  resources  exhausting  rapidly  if  not  exhausted.  In  Holland  the  discipline 
of  the  French  armies  has  been  perfect,  and  this  has  been  the  only  security  against 
the  most  tremendous  convulsions.  The  Dutch  are  in  my  opinion  a  ruined  peo 
ple.  What  is  to  be  the  destiny  of  France  is  uncertain,  the  guillotine  has  pro 
duced  such  sensations  that  even  the  rancour  of  party  has  been  restrained  by  hor 
ror  at  the  excesses  which  have  been  committed.  There  is,  however,  no  true 
moderation  in  the  convention  ;  no  faculty  for  deliberation  ;  no  object  to  which 
the  attention  of  the  nation  \s  directed.  From  the  cool  persevering  policy  of  the 
armies,  whose  valour,  address  and  discipline,  at  present  without  example,  some 
thing  may  be  expected,  especially  as  it  is  known  that  the  armies  include  most  of 
the  young  men  of  family  and  education,  and  appear  to  have  discovered  but  little 
emotion  with  respect  to  the  interior.  To  England,  France  will  probably  be 
found  a  most  dreadful  enemy,  as  the  whole  nation  appears  to  be  animated  by  the 
most  vindictive  resentment.  Perhaps  mutual  distresses  will  compel  a  temporary 
compromise  between  the  two  nations  ;  but  as  France  perceives  herself  to  be 
ruined  in  the  midst  of  her  victories,  and  as  she  believes,  by  the  perfidy  of  Eng 
land,  I  imagine  that  nothing  less  than  the  subversion  of  the  British  government 
will  finally  satisfy  the  imp'acablc  passions  which  the  present  war  has  engendered. 
It  is  clear  that  the  European  system  of  government  has  received  a  wound,  and 
I  cannot  see  how  a  commercial  nation  like  Britain  can  fail  of  being  deeply  in 
jured  by  it. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  by  a  vote  of  exactly  two-thirds, 
the  Senate  advised  the  ratification,  "  on  condition  that 
there  be  added  to  the  said  treaty,  an  article,  whereby  it 
shall  be  agreed  to  suspend  the  operation  of  so  much  of  the 
12th  article,  as  respects  the  trade  which  his  said  majesty 
thereby  consents,  may  be  carried  on  between  the  United 
States  and  the  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  in  the  manner 
and  on  the  terms  and  conditions  therein  specified."  "And 
the  Senate  recommend  to  the  President,  to  proceed  with 
out  delay  to  further  friendly  negociations  with  his  Majesty, 
on  the  subject  of  the  said  trade,  and  of  the  terms  and 
conditions  in  question." 

The  President,  as  is  well  known,  was  not  entirely  satis 
fied  with  the  treaty,  but  he  had  determined,  previous  to 


204  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8- 

submitting  it  to  the  Senate,  to  ratify  it  if  advised  by  them.a 
Their  qualified  approval  created  several  new  questions 
which  it  was  necessary  to  determine  before  the  further 
negociations  recommended  by  that  body  could  be  entered 
upon.  Mr.  Randolph  having  submitted  to  him  his  notes 
upon  these  points,  the  following  circular  was  on  the  29th 
addressed  to  the  members  of  the  cabinet. 

TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

June  29th,  1795. 
Sir, 

I  enclose  to  you  a  copy  of  the  resolution  of  the  Senate,  advising  that  the  late 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  be  ratified. 

Upon  this  resolution  two  questions  arise.  1st.  Is,  or  is  not  that  resolution 
intended  to  be  the  final  act  of  the  Senate,  or  do  they  expect  that  the  new  article 
which  is  proposed,  shall  be  submitted  to  them  before  the  treaty  takes  effect  ? 

2d.  Does  or  does  not  the  constitution  permit  the  President  to  ratify  the  treaty, 
without  submitting  the  new  article,  after  it  shall  be  agreed  to  by  the  British  king, 
to  the  Senate,  for  their  further  advice  and  consent  1 

I  wish  you  to  consider  this  subject  as  soon  as  possible,  and  transmit  to  me  your 
opinion  in  writing,  that  I  may  without  delay  take  some  definite  step  upon  the 
treaty. 

GO  :  WASHINGTON. 

To  these  questions  Wolcott  replied  as  follows  : 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  June  30th,  1795. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  obedience  to  the  requisition  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  respectfully  submits  his  opinion  upon  the  questions  arising 
from  the  resolutions  passed  the  Senate,  on  the  24th  of  the  present  month,  respect 
ing  the  treaty  made  with  Great  Britain. 

To  the  first,  That  the  resolution  of  the  Senate,  is  a  final  act  of  that  body,  by 
which  they  have  expressed  in  the  terms  of  the  constitution,  their  approbation  of 
every  article  in  the  said  proposed  treaty,  excepting  a  part  of  the  twelfth  article 
to  which  the  Senate  have  not  assented  ;  that  in  case  a  form  of  ratification  shall  be 
adopted  by  the  President,  and  be  accepted  by  his  Britannic  Majesty,  reciting  an 
article  suspending  the  operation  of  that  part  of  the  12th  article  to  which  ^he 

a  Vide  letter  to  E.Randolph,  July  22d,  XI.  35.  To  the  same,  Oct.  21st,  ibid, 
1795.  Spark's  Writings  of  Washington,  p.  85. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  205 

Senate  have  not  assented  ;  that  the  said  resolution  will  be  fully  satisfied,  and  the 
proposed  treaty  will  become  valid  and  obligatory  upon  the  contracting  parties, 
without  the  further  concurrence  of  the  Senate. 

To  the  second — that  the  powers  of  commencing  negociations  with  foreign 
nations,  and  of  propounding  or  receiving  propositions,  which  are  intended  to  be 
introduced  into  treaties  with  the  United  States,  are  by  the  constitution  exclusively 
vested  in  the  President  ;  that  in  making  treaties,  the  powers  of  the  Senate  are 
merely  deliberative,  and  that  their  advice  and  consent  can  be  expressed  only  upon 
such  propositions  as  are  submitted  to  their  consideration. 

Tt  is  conceived  however  that  the  Senate  are  not  confined  to  a  general  affirma 
tive,  or  negative  decision,  on  a  proposed  treaty  embracing  distinct  propositions ; 
but  that  they  may  regularly  limit  their  concurrence  by  such  exceptions  as  they 
judge  proper. 

In  deciding  upon  a  proposed  treaty  which  has  been  submitted  to  the  considera 
tion  of  the  Senate,  the  President  is  however  to  regard  the  entire  act  as  modified 
by  any  exceptions,  and  may  approve  or  reject  the  same,  as  he  shall  judge  proper. 

But  in  case  the  President  shall  see  fit  to  approve  of  a  proposed  treaty  with 
the  exceptions  of  the  Senate,  he  may  accordingly  ratify  the  same  without  submit 
ting  for  their  further  advice  and  consent,  such  rescinding  clauses  or  articles,  as  it 
may  be  necessary  to  introduce  into  the  treaty,  for  the  mere  purpose  of  giving 
effect  to  the  concurrent  decisions  of  the  President  and  Senate. 


While  these  interlocutory  questions  were  still  under 
consideration,  intelligence  arrived  that  the  British  govern 
ment  had  renewed  the  provision  order  of  June  1793.  A 
new  state  of  affairs  was  thus  presented,  and  it  became  a 
serious  question,  whether  during  the  existence  of  these 
orders  the  treaty  should  be  ratified  at  all.  The  Secretary 
of  State  was  against  ratification  ;  the  other  members  of  the 
cabinet  proposed  that  the  ratification  should  be  sent,  accom 
panied  with  a  protest  against  the  order  ;  another  project 
also  suggested  was,  that  the  ratification  should  be  made, 
but  not  exchanged  till  the  order  was  revoked.  On  these 
propositions  Washington  publicly  expressed  no  opinion, 
but  reserving  the  announcement  of  his  decision  until  his 
return  from  Mt.  Vernon,  whither  business  called  him,  he 
directed  the  Secretary  of  State  to  prepare  instructions  and 
a  remonstrance,  which  should  be  submitted  to  the  cabinet 
and  forwarded  to  him.  This  however  Mr.  Randolph 
delayed,  and  a  short  time  after  the  President's  departure, 

VOL.  i.  18 


206  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

a    circumstance,    (which  will   be    hereafter    mentioned) 
occurred,  which  added  a  new  feature  to  this  business. 

During  the  time  that  the  treaty  was  under  discussion  in 
the  Senate,  Mr.  Adet,  appointed  by  the  French  govern 
ment  to  succeed  Fauchet,  arrived.  The  latter  part  of  Mr. 
Fauchet's  official  existence,  it  may  be  noticed,  had  been 
marked  by  equal  arrogance,  though  with  somewhat  more 
prudence  in  its  expression,  than  that  of  his  predecessor. 
The  new  minister  was  destined  to  show  that  the  insolence 
of  both  could  be  improved  upon.a  After  the  decision  by 
the  Senate,  a  copy  of  the  treaty  was  communicated  to  Mr. 
Adet.  He  stated  in  writing  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
some  objections  founded  on  supposed  infringements  of  the 
treaty  with  France.  To  these  Mr.  Randolph  replied,  as 
he  supposed  satisfactorily.  The  anxiety  with  which  this 
paper  was  looked  for  by  the  people,  had  induced  the  Pre 
sident  to  authorize  the  informal  publication  of  its  contents, 
but  before  this  was  done  the  seal  of  secrecy  imposed  by  a 
resolution  of  the  Senate,  as  well  as  by  respect  to  the 
Executive,  was  violated  by  Mr.  Stephens  T.  Mason,  a 
senator  from  Virginia,  who  transmitted  an  entire  copy  to 
the  Aurora,  on  the  29th  of  June.  If  the  mere  annuncia 
tion  of  a  treaty  with  England  had  produced  such  exaspera 
tion  in  the  Jacobin  party,  the  knowledge  of  its  contents 
was  not  calculated  to  allay  it.  Its  terms  when  made  known, 
added  to  the  strength  of  the  opposition,  as  they  offered 
something  definite  to  attack.  It  contained  many  advan 
tageous  provisions,  yet  it  did  not  secure  all  that  was  to  be 
desired.  It  left  open  several  points  that  were  important 
to  have  settled,  points  which  England  refused  to  concede, 
and  which,  it  is  worth  remarking,  the  late  wax  with  that 
power,  undertaken  for  the  very  purpose  of  gaining,  left 
where  Jay's  treaty  left  them.  It  moreover  was  not  con- 

a  Mr.  Hammond,  the  British  minister,  until  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Robert  Listen 
about  this  time  returned  home,  and  Mr.  who  was  shortly  after  appointed  his 
Bond  remained  as  Charge  d' Affaires,  successor. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  207 

fined  to  the  redress  of  grievances,  which  in  the  opinion  of 
the  opposition  should  have  been  its  only  object,  if  any,  but 
extended  to  commerce  and  navigation,  and  terms  of  amity 
with  a  court,  with  whom,  as  republicans,  we  should  have 
no  friendship.  Finally,  the  treaty  provided  a  means  of 
collecting  the  unfortunate  debts.  It  cannot  be  denied, 
that  in  many  things  it  disappointed  its  friends,  nor  won 
dered  at  that  it  should  enrage  those  who  had  previously 
determined  to  disapprove  of  it.  Torrents  of  vituperation 
were  therefore  poured  forth  ;  Catos  and  other  great  names 
of  ancient  days  again  appeared  upon  earth,  lamenting  the 
degeneracy  of  their  country,  arid  showing  by  statistical 
calculations  the  amount  of  sacrifices  and  degradation  it 
sustained  ;  inflamed  patriots  addressed  inflammable 
crowds  in  every  section  of  the  country ;  Boston  and  the 
other  cities  passed  condemnatory  resolutions,  which  were 
duly  heaped  upon  the  cabinet  table.  The  opposition 
however  did  not  stop  at  words.  Many  disgraceful  scenes 
were  enacted  in  the  principal  cities  during  the  excite 
ment  of  the  question ;  mobs  threatened  violence  to  its 
supporters ;  Mr.  Jay  was  burnt  in  effigy ;  the  British 
minister  was  insulted.  In  New  York,  Mr.  Hamilton  was 
stoned  at  a  public  meeting — members  of  the  opposite  party, 
high  in  station  and  influence,  standing  by  without  inter 
fering. 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  country  at  this  crisis  that  to 
a  firmness  which  nothing  could  shake,  to  patriotism  which 
never  weighed  popularity  in  the  scale  of  duty,  arid  to  dis 
cernment  which  placed  in  its  true  light  the  character  of 
our  political  relations,  the  President  united  the  strongest 
hold  upon  the  confidence  and  affections  of  the  people  at 
large,  which  any  man  perhaps  ever  justly  gained ;  for 
without  it,  his  judgment  in  the  excited  state  of  the  public 
mind  would  not  have  been  respected,  and  his  firmness 
would  but  have  involved  himself  and  his  policy  in  ruin. 
We  cannot  look  back  upon  the  history  of  that  period  and 


208  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

upon  the  reckless  conduct  of  the  leaders  of  opposition, 
without  participating  in  the  anxiety  of  wise  and  virtuous 
men  in  the  federal  ranks,  for  the  stability  of  our  institu 
tions  and  their  fears  of  the  trustworthiness  of  the  people. 
They  had  not,  as  we  have  had,  the  experience  of  those 
reactions,  those  returns  of  popular  sanity  which  assure  us 
that  there  is  a  national,  as  well  as  an  individual  virtue, 
that  sooner  or  later  will  correct  the  errors  of  the  past. 

It  was  natural  enough  that  the  mass  should  have  been 
ignorant  of  the  true  character  of  the  contest  which  raged 
in  Europe,  and  should  have  kindled  with  the  idea  so  care 
fully  promulged,  that  France  was  advocating  their  own 
great  cause ;  equally  so  that  gratitude  to  their  ancient  al 
lies  should  have  increased  the  interest  which  a  people 
always  feel,  in  the  advancement  of  human  right.  When 
we  add  to  these  causes  of  sympathy  their  just  and  natu 
ral  enmity  to  the  great  opponent  of  France  ;  the  fact  that 
the  aggressions  of  the  latter  nation  upon  our  commerce, 
and  the  audacious  conduct  of  her  ministers  were  glossed 
over,  while  the  policy  and  motives  of  our  own  govern 
ment  were  wholly  and  wickedly  misrepresented  ;  when 
we  remember  the  difficulty  of  counteracting  false  impres 
sions  in  the  teeth  of  the  means  taken  to  disseminate  them  ; 
we  can  no  longer  wonder  that  our  foreign  relations  were 
not  generally  seen  in  their  true  light.  The  people  were 
indeed  misled  from  high  impulses,  but  what  shall  be  said 
of  those  who  deceived  them.  The  leaders  of  the  oppo 
sition  possessed  every  information,  they  had  known  the 
character  of  the  revolution  in  all  its  phases,  they  had 
seen  the  rottenness  of  its  principles,  understood  the  de 
signs  of  the  French  government,  the  machinations  em 
ployed  to  embroil  this  country  in  the  war,  the  audacious 
insolence  of  Genet,  the  studied  impertinence  of  his  suc 
cessor,  the  authorized  system  of  piracy  by  which  their 
marine  was  subsisted.  There  can  be  no  explanation  of 
their  conduct  but  a  determination  to  gain  power  at  the 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  209 

expense  of  national  honor,  by  means  of  foreign  influence 
acting  on  domestic  dissensions. 


TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  1st,  1795. 

We  have  seen  but  little  of  Mr.  Adet.  He  appears  to  be  a  mild  tempered  and 
well  educated  man  and  no  Jacobin.  He  speaks  no  English.  I  imagine  he  will 
not  be  violent  or  troublesome,  though  there  is  reason  to  think  that  he  will  pro 
mote  what  he  deems  the  interest  of  his  country  with  much  sagacity.  Dupont, 
who,  you  know,  was  here  two  years  since,  is  the  Secretary  to  the  Legation. 
Both  he  and  the  Minister  have  handsome  wives,  and  this  is  a  good  sign. 

The  President  has  appointed  a  Mr.  Davis  of  Plymouth,1  Comptroller,  to  whom 
I  have  written  to  come  on  and  help  us.  I  hope  when  he  arrives  to  have  some 
leisure. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  8th,  1795. 

I  have  been  so  busy  that  I  have  not  had  time  to  write  you  since  the  first  in 
stant.  I  am,  however,  well.  Last  Saturday  was  our  holiday,  when,  as  usual, 
we  all  put  on  our  best  clothes  and  paid  visits  of  congratulation.  The  weather 
was  fine,  and  everybody  happy  except  a  few  rascals  who  projected  a  riot.  The 
sense  of  the  citizens,  however,  preserved  perfect  order  until  about  twelve  o'clock 
at  night,  when  some  fellows  in  the  Northern  Liberties  burned  a  man  of  straw  of 
their  own  making  as  an  insult  to  Mr.  Jay,  and  to  show  their  disapprobation  of 
the  treaty.  A  good  story  is  fabricated  in  Oswald's  paper,  which  represents  the 
city  as  very  gloomy  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  that  the  effigy  was  paraded  through 
the  city  ;  but  this  is  a  lie,  told  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  people  at  a  distance. 

We  have  just  received  late  news  from  Europe.  The  prospect  of  peace  ap 
pears  to  have  vanished  ;  indeed  it  is  probable  that  the  war  will  become  more 
general  by  involving  all  the  northern  powers  in  the  contest.  A  scarcity  ap 
proaching  to  a  famine  is  felt  everywhere  in  Europe  ;  there  is  great  danger  of  a 
real  famine  in  France  ;  the  distress  of  the  aged,  infirm, and  unprotected  in  Paris 
is  extreme,  and  enough  to  freeze  the  blood  with  horror,  yet  though  there  have 
been  some  disturbances  they  have  not  been  destructive.  It  is  said  that  the  peo 
ple  have  become  generally  grave  and  melancholy,  and  as  they  know  that  riots 
would  only  increase  their  misery  they  submit  to  misfortune  with  the  most  heroic 
firmness.  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  M.'s  family  were,  about  the 
middle  of  May,  at  an  allowance  of  about  two  ounces  of  bread  per  diem  to  each 
person  ;  flesh  and  vegetables  were  more  plenty.  If  such  is  the  situation  of  a 
family  every  way  favoured,  what  must  be  the  distress  of  the  immense  numbers 
who  are  defenceless,  or  obnoxious  to  popular  resentment  in  such  a  city  as  Paris ! 

*  The  late  Hon.  John  Davis,  U.  S.  District  Judge  for  Massachusetts. 

18* 


210  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

DEDIIAM,  July  9,  1795. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  am  sorry  to  perceive  that  Boston  is  in  a  very  inflammatory  state.  I  wap 
there  two  days  ago,  and  I  learnt  that  the  Jacobins  have  been  successful  in  pre 
judicing  the  multitude  against  the  treaty.  What  is  more  to  be  lamented,  almost 
all  the  merchants  and  steady  men  are  said  to  feel  the  prevailing  fever  or  to  want 
courage  to  resist  it.  A  town-meeting  is  expected,  and  if  it  should  be  convened, 
I  expect  its  proceedings  will  be  marked  with  folly  and  violence.  I  could  neither 
repress  my  indignation,  nor  disguise  my  contempt  for  the  blindness  and  gullibility 
of  the  rich  men  who  so  readily  lend  their  strength  to  the  party  which  is  thirsting 
for  the  contents  of  their  iron  chests.  They  tremble  for  liberty  if  it  is  proposed 
to  give  our  form  of  government  intrinsic  strength,  and  if  it  is  made  to  rest  on 
such  men  for  props  they  slip  away  from  their  burden.  It  is  to  be  denied  the  ex 
trinsic  support  which  the  interests  of  the  half-witted,  and,  in  this  instance,  out 
witted  men  of  property  were  expected  to  give,  and  that  steadily.  So  many  feel 
dislike  of  the  treaty,  and  so  few  dare  oppose  the  popular  feeling,  that  I  appre 
hend  not  only  mischievous  proceedings  in  town-meeting,  but  also  that  the  con 
tagion  will  spread,  especially  southward.  I  am  happy  to  find  the  town-meeting 
is  thus  far  delayed,  as  every  day  abates  the  heat  of  some  and  emboldens  the 
spirits  of  others.  I  am  not  surprised,  although  I  am  concerned  to  see  the  pro 
found  ignorance  of  the  subject  among  those  who  believe  and  assert  their  right  to 
rejudge  the  doings  of  Mr.  Jay  and  the  Senate.  It  makes  them  peculiarly  sus 
ceptible  of  irritation  and  no  less  indocile  to  fact  and  argument.  The  Jacobins, 
in  fact,  have  the  possession  of  the  ground,  and  they  will  not  fail  to  fortify  them 
selves  in  their  acquisition.  The  country  is  yet  perfectly  calm,  but  pains  will  be 
taken  to  inflame  it.  My  hope  is,  that  early  attention  will  be  paid  to  the  mer 
chants  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  Right  impressions  made  in  those  places, 
like  a  double  brick  wall,  might  stop  the  flame  of  the  Boston  resolves,  if  any 
should  be  passed.  It  is  also  important  that  temperate  and  masterly  vindications 
of  the  treaty  should  appear  in  the  gazettes.  Better,  if  in  a  pamphlet. 

I  am,  perhaps,  more  provoked  and  discouraged  than  I  should  be  on  the  occa 
sion.  It  seemed  as  if  the  shining  and  prosperous  period  of  our  government 
would  be  safe  and  popular.  But  our  federal  ship  is  near  foundering  in  a  mill- 
pond.  The  pillars  of  the  temple  of  liberty  need  holding  up  by  hand  when  the 
storm  does  not  blow.  I  arn  more  and  more  confirmed  in  my  croakings  about  our 
affairs.  The  prejudices  and  passions  of  the  multitude  are  scarcely  more  deadly 
to  public  order  than  the  theories  of  our  philosophers.  Our  nation,  I  fear,  must 
be  taught  as  others  have  been,  by  danger  and  suffering ;  teaching  by  book  makes 
little  impression.  We  must  learn  by  great  events,  by  having  the  scars  of  great 
wounds  to  point  to,  the  recollection  of  which  will  secure  for  an  age  or  two  all 
the  feelings  of  the  multitude,  and  most  of  the  reason  of  our  politicians,  on  the 
side  of  order  and  good  government.  To  resume  the  subject  I  set  out  with,  what 
can  augur  worse  for  our  affairs  than  to  see  men  of  wealth,  and  at  least  of  reputed 
sense,  openly  acting  against  the  doings  of  the  Executive.  That  branch  is  weak 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  211 

in  its  constitution.  If  the  bullying  of  parties  should  make  it  cowardly  also,  it 
will  be  nothing,  it  will  be  worse  than  nothing,  for  it  will  become  the  tool  of  par 
ty.  It  is  some  relief  to  me  to  give  vent  to  my  vexation  by  writing  this  letter. 
If  that,  or  any  other  plea  would  excuse  its  prolixity,  it  will  be  a  relief  when  I 
need  such  help,  for  you  have  head  and  hands  too  full  to  read  my  dismal  forebod 
ings,  and  I  declare  beforehand,  I  disclaim  all  pretensions  to  any  reply.  With 
perfect  esteem,  I  am  yours  sincerely, 

FISHER  AMES. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  10th,  1795. 

I  have  received  your  several  letters  dated  -June  22d,  26th,  30th  and  the  2d. 
current. 

The  new  publication  of  the  treaties  was  a  measure  not  consistent  with  my 
first  impressions  and  expectations.  It  was  not,  however,  left  by  the  Senate  in 
the  manner  you  suppose  ;  this  resolution  indeed  evinces  the  contrary,  and  the 
executive  must,  in  addition  to  whatever  difficulties  would  have  attended  a  pub 
lication  if  the  Senate  had  been  silent  respecting  the  publication,  have  appeared 
to  oppose  their  sense  by  an  official  disclosure.  The  French  minister  has  been 
informed  of  the  contents  seasonably.  No  extraordinary  sensibility  has  been  dis 
covered  by  him  respecting  the  treaty.  The  Spaniards  are  however,  feverish 
with  respect  to  the  Mississippi  article.  Between  ourselves  I  have  reason  to  be 
lieve  that  a  cession  of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  will  be  required  by  France  as 
the  price  of  peace,  and  I  believe  they  will  obtain  them.  The  Spaniards  must 
comply  and  the  French  will  offer  a  guarantee  of  the  remaining  Spanish  American 
dominions.  The  effect  of  this  measure  on  our  affairs  it  is  easy  to  foresee. 

By  late  letters  from  France  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  the  most  destructive 
commotions  will  be  produced  by  the  scarcity  or  rather  famine  in  that  country. 
Mr.  M's.  family  of  fourteen  persons  were  allowed  two  pounds  of  bread  per  diem. 
Flour  costs  forty  dollars  per  barrel  in  specie.  The  finances  were  in  a  state  of 
ruin  as  appears  from  facts  though  the  conclusion  is  not  admitted.  The  canton 
of  Berne  has  prohibited  the  exportation  of  provisions  from  a  fear  of  famine  among 
themselves.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  our  friends  the  Dutch,  are  irretrieva 
bly  ruined.  A  commissioner  is  known  to  have  gone  from  Paris  to  Amsterdam 
for  money,  &c.,  &c. 

I  have  every  reason,  short  of  official  information,  to  believe  that  the  stock  pur 
chased  has  arrived.  This  resource,  with  the  liberty  of  postponing  the  instal 
ment,  the  chance  of  negotiating  bills  on  this  country,  and  an  arrangement  which 
I  have  made  by  bills  on  Hamburg  and  Paris,  in  the  alternative  of  a  failure  at 
either  place,  gives  every  chance  for  supporting  our  credit  at  this  crisis,  which 
the  nature  of  things  will  admit.  All  money  negociations  except  with  England, 
are  and  must  be  hazardous  to  a  certain  degree.  There  is  indeed,  a  French  link 
in  the  chain  upon  which  reliance  must  be  had. 

The  anticipations  which  you  intimate  in  the  case  of  Mr.  F ,  I  have  felt 


212  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

with  much  anxiety.  It  would  astonish  you  to  know  how  far  the  capital  of  this 
country  has  been  placed  in  the  power  of  France  by  speculations  to  that  country 
and  the  excessive  use  of  credit  during  the  last  season.  If  we  have  a  good  crop, 
and  the  ardour  of  speculation  can  be  checked  so  as  to  allow  a  loss  which  I  know 
to  be  inevitable  to  fall  gradually  upon  us,  the  merchants  will  struggle  through  ; 
but  if  we  proceed  in  our  present  course  until  a  sudden  revulsion  takes  place,  the 
consequences  may  be  serious.  As  yet  the  revenue  comes  in  as  usual,  but  further 
anticipations  will  in  the  present  state  of  things  be  attended  with  difficulty.  * 

Various  opinions  obtain  respecting  the  treaty  ;  but  I  think  people  here  are 
more  temperate  than  in  some  other  places,  especially  at  Baltimore  and  at  the 
southward.  There  is  much  prejudice  which  will  be  dispelled  and  I  think  that 
the  country  cannot  be  much  excited. 


TO  JEDEDIAH  MORSE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  16th,  1795. 

The  treaty  is  the  chief  topic  of  conversation  with  politicians.  In  some  places 
the  public  opinion  is  uncandid  and  intemperate  ;  here  I  am  happy  to  find  that 
just  opinions  are  prevailing,  though  not  in  such  a  degree  as  I  could  wish.  I  find 
that  more  was  expected  than  was  reasonable  or  than  could  be  obtained.  We 
have  supposed  Britain  humble  and  disposed  to  make  concessions.  She  supposes 
herself  the  arbitress  of  the  ocean  and  possessing  good  prospects  of  being  able  to 
influence  the  commerce  of  the  world.  In  making  bargains  she  therefore  con 
tinues  to  demand  valuable  considerations  for  whatever  she  grants.  What  our 
merchants  want  is  a  free  trade  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  but  when  we  ask  for 
commercial  privileges  in  the  British  dominions,  the  question  occurs,  "  what  do 
you  propose  to  give  in  exchange  1"  The  truth  is,  Britian  is  proud  and  powerful 
on  that  element  where  she  is  our  rival.  We  are  at  present  defenceless,  with  no 
inconsiderable  portion- of  pride  on  our  part,  for  which  however,  we  ought  not  to 
be  blamed.  It  is  easy  to  see  the  difficulty  of  affording  satisfaction  to  parties  so 
circumstanced,  and  yet  a  treaty  must  embrace  the  interests  and  consent  of  both 
or  perpetual  collision  and  strife  must  be  expected.  The  treaty  is  in  my  opinion 
valuable,  as  it  proposes  an  adjustment  of  old  disputes  without  contention,  and  as 
it  affords  a  new  security  for  the  enjoyment  of  privileges  which  before  were  had 
at  the  pleasure  of  either  party.  In  some  respects  it  removes  the  causes  from 
which  variance  and  war  were  most  to  be  feared. 

The  present  is  a  momentous  period  to  Europe  and  perhaps  to  us.  The  last 
advices  left  it  uncertain  whether  the  war  would  languish  through  the  present 
season  and  end  the  next  winter,  or  whether  its  flames  would  spread  more  exten 
sively.  There  is  color  for  the  belief  that  Russia,  Austria  and  England,  may  be 
opposed  to  Sweden,  Prussia,  Denmark,  Holland,  France,  Spain  and  perhaps  the 
Irish.  In  this  case  the  condition  of  the  human  race  will  be  deplorable  ;  nothing 
but  desolation  and  famine  can  be  expected,  and  a  most  extreme  issue  to  the 
contest. 

The  present  war  has,  in  every  respect  been  more  terrible  than  ary  which  has 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  213 

been  waged  in  Europe  for  the  last  twelve  centuries.  The  most  alarming  des 
truction  of  useful  animals,  and  all  the  necessaries  of  life  have  marked  its  progress. 
In  France  the  people  are  wasting  with  famine,  and  I  expect  to  hear  that  the  same 
is  true  in  Holland ;  in  every  country  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Mediterranean  the 
scarcity  and  distress  is  unprecedented  in  modern  times,  and  yet  all  parties  expect 
relief  from  what  must  inevitably  increase  their  calamities.  It  is  strange  that  the 
contrast  between  our  situation  and  that  of  Europe  should  not  be  more  impressive 
on  this  country  than  is  the  case  ;  that  we  should  not  all  see  and  acknowledge 
the  truth.  Is  it  a  law  of  nature  that  man  cannot  benefit  by  the  experience  of 
others  ? 


FROM  WILLIAM  VANS  MURRAY. 

CAMBRIDGE,  E.  S.,  19th  July,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

You  were  so  obliging  as  to  express  something  like  a  wish  that  I  should  drop 
you  a  line,  and  as  you  must  naturally  wish  to  know  how  we  feel  about  the  treaty 
here,  I  seize  the  present  moment  to  ask  you  how  you  do,  and  to  say  that  from  all 
I  can  learn  or  hear  respecting  this  act,  it  meets  with  the  concurrence  of  all  men 
of  reflection.  Not  much  indeed  is  said  upon  the  subject ;  there  is  so  much  pros 
perity  and  such  high  prices  for  wheat  &c.,  that  public  objects,  unless  immediately 
relative  to  individual  concerns,  rarely  attract  attention.  The  rectitude  of  the 
people  here  and  their  confidence  in  the  rectitude  and  wisdom  of  the  Executive 
and  the  Senate  bade  them  justly  to  conclude  that  all  is  for  the  best. 

The  12th  article  I  see  is  suspended.  So  decisive  and  unanimous  a  rejection 
leaves  but  little  ground  to  defend  its  policy.  Nor  can  I  see  the  whole  of  Mr. 
Jay's  policy  in  the  sacrifice  of  the  carrying  trade  under  it.  However  I  have  at 
tempted  to  find  some  rationale  upon  which  he  grounded  this  article.  What  such 
a  man  does  in  a  wide  sphere  of  contract,  must  be  supported  by  some  plausible, 
if  not  solid  hypothesis.  It  has  struck  me  that  he  thought  if  we  were  let,  say  for 
three  years,  into  a  full  competition  with  Ireland  and  their  infant,  Upper  Canada, 
we  should  completely  possess  ourselves  of  the  West  India  trade  and  form  inflex 
ible  habits  of  dependence  upon  our  supplies,  which  at  the  end  of  the  term  might 
lead  to  better  conditions.  That  in  the  meantime  our  consumers  here  would  ob 
tain  West  India  articles  on  more  moderate  terms,  and  the  remitters  who  now 
remit  50,000,000  of  foreign  sugars  &c.,  find  remittances  in  the  home  articles  of 
export  which  would  unite  the  carrying  trade  and  export  of  our  own  raw  materi 
als  together.  That  the  reverse  of  this  presumes  a  greater  extent  of  mere  carry 
ing  than  is  in  proportion  to  the  other  branches  of  industry. 

In  fact,  considering  the  claims  of  the  United  States,  the  counter  claims,  right 
or  wrong,  of  Great  Britain,  the  indisposition  of  this  country  to  war  on  these 
contested  points  ;  the  situation  of  both  countries,  the  state  at  present  of  the  com 
mercial  balance  in  Europe,  and  what  we  have  obtained  and  avoided,  it  appears 
as  good  as  we  should  probably  have  obtained  after  a  seven  years  war.  France 
in  '61  and  '62  terminated  her  war  with  Great  Britain  as  to  her  "  reclaim  of 
prizes  taken  from  merchants  before  the  declaration  of  war,"  upon  worse  terms, 


214  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

as  the  parties  spoiled  were  sent  entirely  into  the  courts  of  Great  Britain  for  re 
dress,  nor  did  France  in  her  preliminary  overtures  ask  for  more  on  that  head. 
Our  tonnage  however,  a  great  item,  is  on  a  worse  footing  than  it  was,  and  indeed 
it  was  obvious  to  those  who  considered  Mr.  Madison's  propositions  that  when 
ever  a  reversion  by  treaty  took  place  of  the  footing  of  our  trade  with  Great 
Britain  and  we  were  placed  on  the  basis  of  reciprocity  we  must  feel  an  abate 
ment  of  our  advantages.  I  am  with  great  respect,  &c. 

W.  V.  MURRAY. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  July  20th,  1795. 
Sir, 

*  *  *  The  important  articles  of  the  treaty  relative  to  the  interior  of 
the  U.  States,  I  believe  are  well  established,  viz :  respecting  the  evacuation  of 
the  western  posts,  damages  for  impeding  the  collection  of  debts,  injuries  done  to 
our  commerce,  ascertaining  our  northern  points,  intercourse  with  Canada — 
inhibiting  confiscation,  etc.,  and  likewise  respecting  British  subjects  holding  real 
property.  *  *  *  As  to  the  British  carrying  off  the  negroes,  they  had 
good  right  to  do  so.  They  had  been  previously  manumitted  by  a  power  compe 
tent  to  effect  it,  and  could  not  therefore  be  considered  as  property,  and  this  with 
out  recurring  to  the  old  ideas  of  universal  equality.  Congress  during  the  war 
invited  the  European  soldiers  to  desert  the  British  service,  and  held  out  to  them 
an  inducement  for  the  purpose  ;  if  this  had  taken  effect,  and  had  the  United 
States  delivered  up  the  deserters  by  treaty,  it  would  have  been  infamous.  I 
always  wondered  that  Mr.  Jefferson  should  believe  that  the  former  treaty  had 
any  relation  to  the  negroes.  Had  the  British  carried  off  20,000,  instead  of  2000, 
it  would  have  been  well  for  America.  To  admit  ships  of  war  owned  by  a  nation 
at  war  with  one  with  whom  we  have  commercial  intercourse,  to  continue  ad  libi 
tum  in  our  ports,  may  embarrass  commerce,  but  this  I  suppose  is  allowed  to  the 
French,  and  perhaps  therefore  ought  to  be  admitted. 

I  can  claim  but  little  knowledge  of  commerce,  but  to  impose  any  restraint 
upon  ourselves,  as  to  the  manner  in  which  we  will  carry  on  our  trade  with 
nations  whom  the  treaty  does  not  immediately  respect,  as  the  twelfth  article  does, 
I  should  conceive  is  improper,  and  ought  not  to  be  admitted.  How  far  very 
specific  commercial  treaties  may  be  for  the  interest,  or  security  of  America  to 
adopt,  I  believe  is  very  questionable.  It  may  be  so  in  Europe  ;  a  country  divided 
into  a  great  number  of  distinct  commercial  jurisdictions,  but  a  great  variety  of 
stipulated  objects  afford  many  reasons  for  despots,  on  account  of  their  real  or 
pretended  violation.  To  establish  amity  with  nations  and  commerce,  consistent 
with  their  own  national  regulations,  is  perhaps  all  that  is  necessary  for  America, 
in  her  remote  situation,  to  exempt  herself  from  embarrassments  in  her  young, 
inexperienced,  and  very  growing  condition,  and  while  Europe  is  and  will  be 
rapidly  varying  their  national  condition  and  character. 

The  diplomatic  system  of  Europe,  has  never  had  but  the  most  feeble  effect 
when  opposed  to  the  views  of  interest  or  ambition.  The  nation  which  depends 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  215 

upon  treaty  for  its  security,  leans  upon  a  reed.  An  article  which  is  to  be  carried 
into  immediate  execution,  it  may  be  expected  will  be  performed  ;  there  is  such  a 
thing  as  individual  honesty,  but  there  is  no  national  character.  The  truth  of  this 
observation  has  been  exemplified  in  the  character  of  the  Executive,  and  the  evi 
dent  disposition  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Great  Britain  by  entering 
into  the  late  treaty,  has  recognised  our  national  character,  which  she  never 
intended  to  do.  She  hoped  events  would  give  her  an  opportunity  to  give  Ame 
rica  a  deadly  wound.  Their  administration  is  rascally,  though  the  nation  pos 
sesses  much  commercial  honour  ;  that  is  they  understand  their  own  interests. 

The  divisions  in  the  Senate  were  such  as  were  to  be  expected.  The  dissen 
tients  are  very  glad  the  treaty  is  so  far  agreed  to,  and  in  the  manner  it  has  been 
done,  with  a  rub  and  a  go,  as  the  farmers  say.  Rather  than  not  to  have  had  it 
pass,  they  would  have  directed  Robinson,  or  some  others,  to  have  made  out  the 
necessary  compliment.  The  importance  of  these  men  depends  upon  an  immu 
table  opposition.  Unfortunately  for  them,  the  people  of  the  United  States  are 
more  intelligent  and  less  vicious  than  the  people  of  Paris. 

I  have  heard  but  little  said  about  the  treaty  by  our  people.  There  are  some 
who  will  believe  that  we  ought  to  make  a  treaty  just  as  it  shall  best  suit  ourselves  ; 
but  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  Connecticut.  Our  people  are  calm  and  hard  at 
work.  My  observations  on  the  subject,  I  should  not  think  of  making  to  any  one 
but  yourself,  and  am  upon  the  whole  well  satisfied,  that  the  affair  stands  as  it 
does.  Many  very  important  objects  are  obtained  by  it.  I  believe  the  principal 
caution  which  ought  to  be  observed  is,  not  to  extend  treaties  further  than  what  is 
dictated  by  necessity,  or  other  than  such  as  are  founded  upon  the  broad  basis  of 
amity  only,  and  to  depend  upon  national  interests  to  effect  the  rest.  *  * 
Yours,  etc.,  O.  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  July  24th,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

On  my  return  from  France,  which  was  only  a  few  days  since,  I  had  the 
pleasure  to  meet  here  our  friend  Cabot,  and  your  very  acceptable  letter  of  the  3d 
of  June.  We  are  now  expecting  every  hour  the  arrival  of  some  one  to  tell  us 
what  is  the  fate  of  Mr.  Jay's  labours.  Few  doubts  would  be  entertained  of  the 
event  but  for  the  late  order  of  this  government  for  the  bringing  in  of  neutral  ships 
bound  to  France  with  provisions.  This  measure  has  given  great  offence  to  our 
people  here  and  on  the  continent ;  and  those  who  wish  for  a  good  understand 
ing  between  the  two  countries  dread  its  operation  on  your  minds,  especially 
when  combined  with  the  very  improper  conduct  of  Admiral  Murray  and  your 
Bermuda  neighbours.  I  not  only  hope,  but  trust,  that  the  impression  will 
not  be  so  strong  as  to  produce  any  thing  like  a  rupture,  but  I  sincerely  fear  that 
it  will  prevent  that  degree  oi  cordiality  which  was  to  have  been  hoped  for.  The 
promises  and  assurances  of  those  in  power  here  are,  that  all  possible  dispatch 
shall  be  used  in  the  settlement  of  claims  in  these  cases,  and  the  utmost  liberality 
in  payments.  But  a  court  of  Admiralty  is  in  all  countries  and  cases  tedious,  and 


216  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

the  forcible  arrangement  of  plans  of  business  offensive  ;  so  that  with  all  that  can 
be  done,  affronts  of  a  deep  and  lasting  nature  must  in  many  cases  be  expected. 

You  request  me  to  tell  you  what  I  have  seen,  It  is  not  easy,  my  dear  sir,  to 
describe  scenes  so  immense,  so  various,  and  so  fluctuating.  If  therefore  I  give 
you  two  or  three  prominent  features  of  the  vast  whole,  you  must  be  satisfied. 
The  state  of  cultivation  is  perhaps  one  of  the  most  interesting  points  at  the  pre 
sent  moment.  I  have  crossed  the  country  from  Havre  de  Grace  to  Basle  through 
Paris  by  one  road,  and  returned  by  another,  and  in  all  the  distance  I  see  nothing 
that  marks  a  neglect  of  agriculture,  or  a  want  of  hands  to  labour ;  on  the  con 
trary,  the  earth  is  covered  with  all  the  usual  variety  of  crops,  all  promising  abun 
dance,  if  the  approach  of  harvest  be  warm.  Up  to  the  time  that  I  left  the  coun 
try,  we  had  too  much  rain  and  cold,  which  have  extended  also  to  this  country. 
Another  circumstance  struck  me  forcibly  ;  I  mean  the  very  few  beggars  I  met 
with ;  formerly  whenever  a  carriage  stopped  to  change  horses  it  was  surrounded 
by  half  a  dozen  and  often  by  a  whole  one,  of  miserable  objects  who  assailed  you 
in  the  name  of  God,  and  whose  appearance  bore  but  too  forcible  a  testimony  to 
the  justice  of  their  fervent  applications.  I  have  now  passed  many,  very  many 
post  houses  without  meeting  a  single  mendicant.  This  and  some  other  obser 
vations  convince  me  that  the  condition  of  the  lowest  classes  of  society  is  im 
proved,  perhaps  as  much  as  that  of  the  rich  is  declined  ;  so  that  with  all  the 
horrid  scenes  which  have  passed,  and  all  the  accumulation  of  wretchedness  which 
has  overwhelmed  the  upper  orders  of  society,  I  am  disposed  to  believe  that  the 
sum  of  human  happiness  has  rather  increased  than  diminished.  This  to  be  sure 
is  no  apology  for  those  who  have  drenched  the  cities  in  blood,  and  we  can  only 
regard  them  as  we  would  a  pestilence,  as  horrid  instruments  in  the.  hand  of  Pro 
vidence  to  scourge,  and  ultimately  to  purify  the  corruption  of  men.  Again,  I 
have  seen  the  city  of  Paris  exhibit  an  example  of  patient  fortitude  which  I  did  not 
expect  from  such  a  mass  of  ignorant  and  profligate  people.  I  have  seen  them 
week  after  week  receive  the  miserable  pittance  of  two  ounces  of  bad  bread  to  a 
person  a  day  ;  and  support  this  privation  with  fewer  instances  of  riot,  impa 
tience  or  murmur  than  you  would  have  expected  from  a  race  of  philosophers. 
^  From  the  probable  plenty  of  provisions,  from  the  fortitude  which  I  have  seen 
the  people  display  when  under  the  pressure  of  real  want,  and  from  the  melioration 
which  has  certainly  taken  place  in  the  condition  of  the  mass  of  inhabitants,  I  in 
fer  that  the  nation  at  large  is  well  disposed  and  does  possess  both  the  powers  and 
the  will  to  support  the  general  principle  of  the  revolution  ;  that  is,  a  right  to 
choose  a  form  of  government  for  themselves.  And  although  the  constitution,  of 
which  I  sent  you  a  copy  the  other  day,  will  not  come  up  to  our  ideas  of  a  good 
one,  yet  I  believe  it  will  soon  be  brought  to  a  trial,  be  submitted  to  by  the  people, 
and  order  and  tranquillity  be  restored.  A  necessity  will  probably  soon  recur,  as  it 
did  with  us,  of  changing  and  improving  the  machine,  but  I  hope  that  will  be  ef 
fected  by  them  as  it  was  by  us  without  inducing  new  convulsions.  The  wretch 
edness  which  has  been  the  consequence  of  an  eternal  succession  of  factions  (and 
which  is  lamented  there  as  much  as  it  is  by  the  rest  of  mankind)  has  very  much 
eradicated  those  wild  and  extravagant  ideas  of  liberty  which  for  a  time  prevail 
ed,  while  the  pressure  of  external  war,  kept  up  by  royal  and  absolute  government, 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  217 

nurses  their  abhorrence  of  the  ancient  system.  I  trust  they  will  ere  long  find 
that  just  medium  of  national  freedom  which  can  alone  produce  and  preserve 
human  happiness. 

An  attempt,  is  now  making  on  the  western  coast  by  a  body  of  emigrants  in 
conjunction  with  the  Chouans  &c.,  supported  by  the  British  fleet ;  but  it  appears 
to  me  that  the  attempt  is  as  feeble  as  the  dream  of  an  infant.  Instead  of  being 
joined  by  vast  bodies  of  friends,  they  have  already  been  several  times  repressed  by 
the  few  troops  who  were  in  the  country,  and  we  are  informed  that  more  than  an 
hundred  thousand  of  the  troops  of  the  last  campaign  are  in  full  march  from  the 
eastern  and  northern  frontier  where  a  sort  of  armistice  seems  to  have  taken  place. 
Should  this  effort,  as  I  believe  it  will,  end  in  complete  defeat,  I  shall  hope  fo'r  a 
return  of  peace  next  winter.  France,  the  victorious,  is  fatigued  and  disposed  to 
peace  and  moderation,  and  I  see  no  hope  left  for  her  exhausted  enemies,  but  in 
her  own  dissolution,  which  I  do  not  imagine  will  operate  in  their  favour. 

We,  I  hope,  shall  continue  secure  in  our  distance  and  our  prudence,  to  be 
spectators  only  of  the  devastation  occasioned  by  this  great  political  tempest,  and 
in  our  prosperity  and  moderation,  give  to  the  world  an  example  of  the  genuine 
fruits  of  national  liberty  and  a  government  of  laws.  Yours  truly, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  26th,  1795. 

I  went  to  the  State  House  Yard  last  Saturday  for  the  purpose  of  observing  the 
proceedings.  There  were  not,  in  my  opinion,  fifteen  hundred  persons  present, 
and  one  half  of  this  number  took  no  part  in  what  was  done.  The  persons  who 
voted  were  of  the  ignorant  and  violent  class  of  the  community.  Doctor  Shippen 
was  chairman,  and  Dallas,  Pettit,  Swanwick,  Muhlenburgh,  McClenachan,  Bar 
ker  and  Judge  McKean,  ostensible  leaders,  who  were  mounted  on  a  stage.  The 
latter  was  introduced  late  in  the  meeting,  by  Dallas  and  Pettit.  A  memorial 
was  read  twice,  and  passed  as  the  sense  of  the  meeting,  without  opposition  or 
debate.  Hamilton  Rowan  a  was  introduced  or  named  by  McClenachan,  and  re 
ceived  with  three  cheers.  The  treaty  was  thrown  to  the  populace,  who  placed 
it  upon  a  pole  ;  a  company  of  about  three  hundred  then  proceeded  to  the  French 
Minister's  house, before  which  some  ceremony  was  performed.  The  mob  then 
went  before  Mr,  Hammond's  house  and  burnt  the  treaty  with  huzzas  and  accla 
mations  ;  the  same  was  done  before  Mr.  Bond's  and  Mr.  Bingham's  houses. 
Some  glass  was  broken  by  the  mob,  of  Mr.  Bingham's  house.  In  all  this  farce, 
McClenachan  is  said  to  have  been  a  leader.  The  French  Minister  denied  him 
self  to  the  mob,  and  has,  I  believe,  conducted  himself  with  strict  propriety.  Keen 
sensations  are  excited  in  the  city  at  this  villainous  conduct.  I  cannot  speak  with 
certainty  of  the  opinion  of  the  city  as  to  the  treaty,  but  I  am  confident  that  their 

tt  Hnmi'ton  Rowan  was  one  of  the  country.  The  indecency  of  his  appear- 
Uni  ed  Irishmen,  and  had  but  recently  ance  on  such  an  occasion  needs  no 
fled  from  the  persecutions  of  his  own  comment. 

VOL.    I.  19 


218  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8.. 

feelings  are  temperate,  and  that  they  feel  entire  confidence  in  the  President,  and 
will  support  his  decision. 


TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  26th,  1795. 

On  Saturday  we  had  a  treaty  meeting  which  the  lying  Bache  calls  a  general 
and  numerous  meeting.  I  went  to  the  place  for  the  purpose  of  making  observa 
tions  in  company  with  some  of  the  public  officers.  There  might  be  fifteen  hun 
dred  persons  in  the  yard,  but  I  think  not  more.  About  half  the  number  went 
from  curiosity  and  took  no  part.  The  actors  generally  were  an  ignorant  rnob,  of 
that  class  which  is  most  disaffected  and  violent.  Doctor  Shippen  was  chairman  ; 
Dallas,  Swanwick,  Pettit,  Muhlenberg,  McClenachan,  Barker,  &c.,  &c.  Poor 
old  Judge  McKean  was  introduced  late  in  the  meeting  by  Dallas  and  Pettit. 
These  chaps  were  mounted  on  a  stage  for  the  amusement  of  the  company.  A 
memorial  to  the  President  against  the  treaty  was  read  twice  and  passed  without 
opposition  or  debate.  Cheers  and  swinging  of  hats  were  the  indications  of  ap 
probation  in  which  the  rogues  and  fools  both  on  and  off  the  stage  joined.  Blair 
McClenachan,  I  believe,  introduced  the  Irish  patriot,  Hamilton  Rowan,  to  the 
company,  at  least  his  name  was  mentioned  and  they  swung  their  hats  ;  even  the 
poor  old  judge  swung  his,  I  presume,  because  he  expected  the  honor  of  soon  hav 
ing  the  fellow  to  hang  for  some  roguery  in  this  country.  Old  Blair  then  threw 
the  treaty  to  the  mob  and  advised  them  to  "  kick  it  to  hell."  The  mob  did  what 
was  perhaps  as  well,  they  put  the  paper  on  a  pole  and  proceeded  to  the  French 
Minister's  house,  where  they  performed  some  ceremony.  The  treaty  was  more 
over  burned  before  Mr.  Hammond's,  Mr.  Bond's,  and  Mr.  Bingham's  houses. 
Some  of  Mr.  Bingham's  windows  were  broken  and  Viscount  Noasilles  somewhat 
hurt  by  attempting  to  ride  over  the  mob.  McClenachan  was  an  actor,  as  is 
said,  in  this  burning  farce,  accompanied  by  two  or  three  hundred  persons. 

The  city  feels  keen  sensations  at  this  rascally  business,  which  will  however  do 
no  harm,  except  when  the  affair  is  misrepresented.  A  plan  is  evidently  laid  to 
burn  the  treaty  in  all  the  great  towns  and  something  of  the  kind  will  perhaps  be 
done  in  the  country.  The  reason  of  the  people  will  however  prevail. 

The  French  Minister  did  not  encourage  what  was  done,  he  is  I  believe  an 
amiable  and  honest  man. 

The  French  Minister  was  not  at  that  time  understood* 


FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  July  28,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

We  have  some  cause  to  suspect,  though  not  enough  to  believe,  that  our 
Jacobins  meditate  serious  mischief  to  certain  individuals.  It  happens  that  the 
militia  of  this  city  from  the  complexion  of  its  officers  in  general,  cannot  be  de- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  219 

pended  on,  and  it  will  be  difficult  for  some  time  to  organize  a  competent  armed 
substitute.  In  this  situation  our  eyes  turn  as  a  resource  in  a  sudden  emergency, 
upon  the  military  now  in  the  forts,  but  these  we  are  told  are  under  marching 
orders.  Pray  converse  confidentially  with  the  Secretary  at  War,  and  engage 
him  to  suspend  the  march.  Matters  in  eight  or  ten  days  will  explain  themselves 
How  are  things  truly  in  Philadelphia  ?  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  the 
President  before  he  left  Philadelphia,  had  concluded  to  ratify  the  treaty  accord 
ing  to  the  advice  of  the  Senate.  Has  any  thing  finally  been  done,  or  are  we 
where  we  were  ?  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  28,  1795. 

You  see  that  attempts  are  made  to  stir  up  a  flame,  and  convulse  the  country 
respecting  the  treaty.  Though  the  actors  hitherto  are  known  to  be  a  factious 
set  of  men,  and  their  followers  generally  a  contemptible  mob,  yet  from  the  syste 
matical  manner  in  which  they  have  proceeded,  and  some  curious  facts  which  have 
recently  come  to  my  knowledge,  I  cannot  but  suspect  foul  play  by  persons  not 
generally  suspected. 

Every  thing  is  conducted  in  a  mysterious  and  strange  manner,  by  a  certain 
character  here,*  and  to  my  astonishment  I  am  recently  told,  that  John  Rutledge 
has  had  a  tender  of  the  office  of  Chief- Justice.  By  the  favour  of  heaven  the 
commission  is  not  issued,  and  now  I  presume  it  will  not  be,  but  how  near  ruin 
and  disgrace  has  the  country  been !  Cannot  you  come  and  attend  the  Supreme 
Court,  for  a  few  days  the  next  week  ?  A  bed  at  my  house  is  at  your  command. 
If  you  cannot,  pray  drop  me  a  line. 

Will  you  reply  briefly  to  a  few  questions  I  lately  stated,  I  care  not  how  briefly. 
Your  ideas  upon  a  system  matured  essentially  by  you,  will  enable  me  to  proceed 
with  less  hesitation.  Indeed,  I  need  some  help.  There  is  no  comptroller  here 
as  yet,  and  now  I  have  suffered  an  irreparable  loss  by  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Kane,  to  be  assistant  cashier  of  the  bank. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  30th,  1795. 

I  have  your  letter  of  the  28th.  I  will  see  the  Secretary  of  War  this  morning, 
and  you  may  rely  upon  it  that  the  movement  will  be  suspended. 

The  true  state  of  things  in  this  city  is,  that  the  treaty  was  at  first  unpopular  ; 
the  expectations  of  vain,  sanguine  men,  who  considered  this  country  as  all  power 
ful,  and  entitled  to  dictate,  were  not  satisfied.  Every  engine  of  faction  was  suc 
cessfully  set  at  work.  At  present  there  is  more  temper  and  moderation.  The 
truth  begins  to  prevail.  I  think  we  shall  have  no  dangerous  riots,  but  one.month 
will  determine  the  fate  of  our  country,  so  far  as  depends  on  ourselves.  The 
extreme  hazards  of  foreign  war  I  do  not  take  into  account. 

a  The  Secretary  of  State, 


220  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

I  dare  not  write,  and  hardly  dare  think  of  what  I  know  and  believe,  respecting 
a  certain  character,  whose  situation  gives  him  a  decided  influence.  There  has 
as  yet,  nothing  more  passed  between  the  government  and  Mr.  Hammond,  than  a 
verbal  conference,  in  which  the  President's  opinion  respecting  the  merits  of  the 
treaty  has  been  declared  to  be  like  that  of  the  Senate.  No  written  memorial  has 
passed,  nor  have  any  measures  as  relative  to  the  ratification  been  adopted.  The 
ratification  of  the  President  has  moreover  been  connected  with  the  repeal  of  some 
unknown  order,  respecting  vessels  bound  with  provisions  to  France,  though  this 
was  a  condition  improperly  prescribed  in  my  opinion,  yet  the  circumstance 
might  have  been  mentioned  in  a  manner  which  would  not  be  offensive,  and  have 
assumed  the  form  of  a  prudent  precaution  on  the  part  of  the  President.  But  what 
must  the  British  government  think  of  the  United  States,  when  they  find  the  treaty 
clogged  with  one  condition  by  the  Senate,  with  another  by  the  President,  no 
answer  given  in  a  precise  form  after  forty  days,  no  minister  in  that  country  to 
take  up  negociations  proposed  by  ourselves,  the  country  rising  into  a  flame,  their 
minister's  house  insulted  by  a  mob,  their  flag  dragged  through  the  streets  as  in 
Charleston,  and  burnt  before  the  doors  of  their  consul,  a  driveller  and  a  fool 
appointed  Chief-Justice  ?  Can  they  believe  that  we  desire  peace  1  I  shall  take 
immediate  measures  with  two  of  my  colleagues  this  very  day.  They  are  firm 
and  honest  men.  We  will  if  possible,  to  use  a  French  phrase,  "  save  our  coun 
try."  You  must  not  think  we  have  been  to  blame  for  the  delay.  We  have 
constantly  been  amused  by  R.,  who  has  said  that  the  President  was  determined 
to  ratify.  The  precise  state  of  the  business  has  never  been  communicated  tili 
within  a  few  days  ;  the  affairs  of  his  department  are  solely  conducted  by  himself. 
Feel  no  concern,  however,  for  I  see  a  clue  which  will  conduct  us  through  every 
labyrinth,  except  that  of  war.  On  that  point  we  must  take  our  chance.  It 
would  be  well  if  you,  or  Mr.  King  or  Gov.  Jay,  could  be  here  some  time  next 
week,  provided  too  much  speculation  would  not  be  excited. 

FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  July  30,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

We  promise  ourselves  faction  will  not  gain  eventually  many  proselytes  in  New. 
England,  from  its  attack  on  the  treaty.  The  President's  answer  to  the  address 
ers  is  celebrated  here  among  the  wisest  of  his  acts,,  and  goes  far  to  check  the 
arts  of  gainsayers.  Upon  the  weak  and  unwary  it  is  like  a  text  to  a  divine  from 
holy  writ,  in  the  cause  of  truth. 

Mr.  Bradford's  death  is  much  regretted,  both  on  account  of  his  personal  worth, 
and  the  loss  of  a  valuable  officer  and  friend  of  the  government ;  well  fitted  to  do 
good  in  Pennsylvania,  where  there  is  a  dearth  of  such  characters.  Mr.  Ran 
dolph's  resignation  occasions  some  surprise,  but  no  lamentations  ;  many  of  the 
warmest  advocates  for  the  present  measures,  are  hurt  by  Mr.  Rutledge's  appoint 
ment,  and  are  unable  to  account  for  it,  but  impute  it  to  want  of  information  of  his 
hostility  to  the  government,  or  some  hidden  cause  which  justifies  the  measure. 
We  shall  be  loth  to  find  faction  is  to  be  courted  at  so  great  a  sacrifice  of  consist- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  221 

ency.      Mr.  Davis  is  in  town  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  and  I  hope  you  will 
find  him  to  be  the  right  man.  *  *  * 

Your  friend,  CHAUNCEY-  GOODRICH. 


FROM  BENJAMIN  GOODHUE. 

SALEM,  August  1st,  1795. 
My  Dear  Friend, 

I  cannot  refrain  while  the  enemies  of  our  peace  and  happiness  are  so  peculiarly 
busy,  to  drop  you  a  few  lines  respecting  the  state  of  things  in  this  quarter.  The 
Boston  Jacobins,  ready  cocked  and  primed,  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  promulga 
ted  raised  an  hue  and  cry,  called  hastily  a  town  meeting,  and  aided  by  that  spirit 
of  irritation  which  exists  against  Great  Britain,  without  reading  the  treaty,  con 
demned  it  in  lots,  and  such  an  air  of  terrorism  was  assumed,  as  deterred  those 
who  wish  for  examination  and  order  in  society,  either  from  being  present  at  the 
meeting,  or  if  present,  opposing  their  predetermined  intentions,  and  though 
they  may  have  received  a  degree  of  consolation,  from  being  able  to  kindle  and 
propagate  the  flame  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  yet  their  mortification  must 
be  as  great,  at  not  being  able  to  get  either  the  other  great  commercial  towns  in 
the  state,  or  the  agricultural  interest  to  be  infected  with  their  mania.  Indeed, 
from  my  observations,  both  the  merchants  and  farmers  generally  approve  of  the 
treaty  as  they  become  acquainted  with  it,  and  I  have  it  from  good  authority 
that  it  is  the  case  even  in  Boston  with  a  very  large  proportion  of  their  merchants, 
and  is  becoming  more  and  more  the  case,  as  their  passions  subside,  and  the  sub 
ject  is  investigated  and  understood.  You  may  depend  on  it,  that  it  will  not  be 
in  the  power,  either  of  the  inconsiderate  or  the  determinately  vicious,  to  shake 
the  great  body,  either  of  the  merchants,  or  the  yeomanry  of  our  country,  from 
their  attachment  to  order,  or  a  reverence  for  their  own  government.  They  feel 
the  sweets  of  peace,  and  it  will  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  war  hawks  to  change 
their  sentiments  for  anarchy  or  war.  Your  affectionate, 

B.  GOODHUE. 


TO  NOAH  WEBSTER. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  1,  1795. 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  30th  ultimo,  and  I  thank  you  for  your  remarks. 
Various  causes  prevented  me  from  forming  any  opinion  upon  the  treaty,  until 
after  the  rising  of  the  Senate.  I  have  since  that  time  carefully  examined  it,  and 
compared  it  with  other  treaties,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  it  is  as  favourable  as  could 
be  obtained,  or  as  we  had  a  right  under  all  circumstances  to  expect;  perhaps 
when  the  nature  of  our  government  and  the  defenceless  state  of  our  commerce 
are  calmly  considered,  it  may  be  affirmed  that  it  is  as  favourable  as  we  ought  to 
wish.  It  is  a  much  more  doubtful  point  than  is  commonly  imagined,  whether  it 
be  for  the  true  interest  of  this  country  to  attain  what  is  the  object  of  universal 
avidity,  a  free  and  unlimited  commerce  in  our  own  vessels  with  the  world.  That 

1   19* 


222  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

degree  of  commerce  which  is  necessary  to  keep  us  informed  of  the  demands  of 
foreign  nations,  and  to  prevent  them  from  setting  a  price  both  upon  what  we  sell 
and  what  we  buy,  is  indispensable.  But  I  am  not  clear,  that  we  ought  at  this 
time  to  wish  to  scatter  our  wealth  and  our  citizens  over  every  part  of  the  world, 
and  thus  expose  both  to  the  caprice  and  injustice  of  even  weak  nations.  The 
state  of  things  which  we  desire  cannot  be  rendered  safe  without  a  powerful  navy, 
and  this  we  do  not  possess,  and  cannot  soon  obtain.  It  is  a  solemn  truth  that 
the  United  States  are  ill  capable  of  offensive  or  exterior  exertions  ;  we  can  defend 
our  country,  and  we  can  do  little  more.  It  would  be  impolitic  however,  at  the 
present  moment,  to  attack  existing  prejudices  on  the  subject  of  commerce.  The 
vain  opinions  which  now  prevail  will  be  gradually  renounced.  I  therefore  approve 
of  the  principle  on  which  I  find  it  proposed  to  defend  the  treaty,  though  I  believe 
that  still  stronger  ground  might  be  taken,  if  the  people  were  in  a  state  of  mind  to 
hear  offensive,  yet  interesting  truths. 

For  various  reasons  which  you  will  hereafter  know  and  approve,  I  will  only 
say  in  answer  to  a  part  of  your  letter,  that  you  may  feel  a  perfect  confidence  and 
security  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Executive — do  not  therefore  despond,  but  con 
tinue  to  enlighten  the  public  and  defend  the  treaty.  With  respect  to  the  future 
fortunes  of  our  country,  I  can  make  no  conjectures  that  will  be  useful  to  you.  A 
very  short  period  will  discover  what  we  are  to  expect.  We  have  every  thing  to 
hope  from  the  virtue  and  reason  of  one  part  of  the  community,  and  every  thing  to 
fear  from  the  vice  and  turbulence  of  another.  It  is  however  certain  that  the 
great  sections  of  the  United  States  will  not  long  continue  to  be  agitated  as  they 
have  been.  We  must  and  shall  come  to  some  explanation  with  each  other. 


FROM  WILLIAM  VANS  MURRAY. 

CAMBRIDGE,  E.  S.,  MD.,  7th  Aug.,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

About  a  month  since  I  did  myself  the  pleasure  of  dropping  a  line  to  you,  but 
as  it  went  by  the  way  of  the  Baltimore  post  it  may  have  miscarried.  I  am  anx 
ious  for  a  line  from  you  as  I  am  sure  you  would  give  me  some  materials  upon 
the  treaty  which  would  help  me  to  sustain  attacks  that  now  seem  to  thicken 
every  day.  They  come  from  such  of  our  citizens  as  go  to  and  return  here  from 
Baltimore.  As  to  the  mass  of  the  people  here,  the  men  of  sense  and  men  of 
property,  they  wait  with  firm  confidence  in  the  President,  that  he  will  act  for  the 
best.  Yet  their  bias  is  against  some  of  the  articles,  particularly  the  3d,  giving 
the  British  merchant  free  entrance  and  trade  among  the  Indian  tribes  within  the 
limits  of  the  United  States,  and,  indeed,  the  whole  here  rather  lean  against  the 
treaty.  They  allow,  however,  with  a  candour  that  has  always  distinguished  the 
people  of  this  peninsula,  that  the  impression  of  dislike  may  not  be  found  to  be 
correct,  had  they  the  information  necessary  to  a  fair  judgment  which  the  Senate 
had  and  the  President  has.  The  advocates  for  war,  though  very  few,  have  cer 
tainly  increased  since  the  discussion  has  taken  place.  I  never  in  my  life  wished 
for  the  benefit  of  an  hour's  conversation  with  you  as  on  this  business  ;  for  you 
must  have  grounded  reasons  flowing  from  systems,  whereas  I  can  do  little  more 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON. 

than  support  the  thing  politically,  and  talk  wide  upon  what  we  have  probably 
avoided.  Mr.  Hamilton  might  still  do  great  good  by  giving  the  public  his 
luminous  pen.  There  is  an  accommodation  of  facts,  public  documents,  conver 
sation,  and  knowledge,  in  great  capitols  and  at  the  seat  of  government,  that 
places  any  great  transaction  and  its  relations  in  a  point  of  light  which  no  indus 
try  of  study  in  a  remote  part  of  country  life  can  ever  attain.  Faction  from 
thence  shoots  its  poisoned  arrows,  and  from  thence  also  ought  truth  to  exert  its 
arm. 

In  this  country,  unless  this  light  is  poured  upon  us  in  the  most  remote  places, 
the  friends  of  government  and  order  will  stagger  about  in  the  dark  too  frequent 
ly.  The  rallying  point  must  come  from  those  whose  station  in  the  government 
places  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  best  system  in  their  power. 

That  the  President  should  be  so  harrassed  by  the  tumultuous  proceedings  of 
different  towns  is  what  every  good  citizen  must  lament.  I  suspect  he  will  take 
a  middle  course,  unless  he  has  before  this  time  signed  the  treaty ;  that  is,  send 
the  business  back  to  negociate  time  away.  Whatever  you  are  pleased  to  com 
municate  shall  be  considered  as  strictly  confidential,  and  I  shall  be  much  obliged 
by  a  few  lines.  I  am,  with  sincere  esteem,  &c., 

W.  V.  MURRAY. 


TO  BENJAMIN  GOODHUE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  8th,  1795. 

I  have  received  two  letters  from  you,  dated  the  1st  instant.  It  gives  me  the 
most  sincere  pleasure  that  New  England  remains  firm  and  composed.  If  the 
extravagances  which  are  fashionable  in  the  other  parts  of -our  country  were  to 
extend  to  the  northern  states,  our  liberties  would  soon  be  lost. 

Circumstances  of  which  I  will  shortly  inform  you,  prevent  me  from  being  ex 
plicit  as  to  the  present  state  of  the  treaty.  Rely  upon  it,  however,  that  all  will 
go  right,  unless  events  uncontrollable  by  human  foresight  occur  to  blast  our 
prospects. 

I  have  been  oppressed  with  an  unsupportable  load  of  business  ;  but  I  hope  Mr. 
Davis  will  soon  come  on  to  assist  me.  I  shall  engage  lodgings  for  you  in  season  ; 
nothing  can  be  done  at  present.  You  shall  hear  from  me  soon. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  Aug.  10,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  letter  by  Saturday's  post.  The  one  you  enquire  about 
was  received. 

I  incline  very  much  to  the  opinion  that  this  will  be  the  proper  course  of  con 
duct  in  reference  to  the  order  to  seize  our  vessels  with  provisions,  viz :  to  send 
to  our  agent  the  treaty  ratified,  as  advised  by  the  Senate,  with  this  instruction — 
that  if  the  order  for  seizing  provisions  is  in  force  when  he  receives  it,  he  is  to  in- 


224  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

form  the  British  Minister  that  he  has  the  treaty  ratified,  but  that  he  is  instructed 
not  to  exchange  the  ratification  till  that  order  is  rescinded,  since  the  United 
States  cannot  even  give  an  implied  sanction  to  the  principle.  At  the  same  time 
a  remonstrance  ought  to  go  from  this  country,  well  considered  and  well  digested, 
even  to  a  word,  to  be  delivered  against  the  principle  of  the  order.  My  reasons 
for  this  opinion  are  summarily  these  : 

1.  That  in  fact  we  are  too  much  interested  in  the  exemption  of  provisions  from 
seizure  to  give  even  an  implied  sanction  to  the  contrary  pretension. 

2.  That  the  exchange  of  ratifications  pending  such  an  order,  would  give  colour 
to  an  abusive  construction  of  the   XVIIIth   article  of  the  treaty,  as  though  it 
admitted  of  the  seizure  of  provisions. 

3.  That  this  would  give  cause  of  umbrage  to  France,  because  it  would  be 
more  than  merely  to  refrain  from  resisting  by  force  an  innovation  injurious  to 
her,  but  it  would  be  to  give  a  sanction  to  it  in  the  midst  of  a  war. 

4.  It  would  be  thus  construed  in  our  country,  and  would  destroy  confidence 
in  the  government. 

5.  It  would  be  scarcely  reputable  to  a  nation  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  a  power 
to  heal  past  controversies,  at  the  very  moment  of  new  and  existing  violation  of 
its  rights.     Yours  truly, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

If  an  order  had  existed  and  has  been  rescinded,  the  remonstrance  ought  still 
to  be  presented  after  the  exchange  of  ratifications,  as  a  protest  against  the  prin 
ciple,  &c. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  10,  1795. 

The  treaty  has  received  a  most  violent  opposition  from  a  certain  party  in  most 
of  our  great  towns,  but  in  the  southern  states  the  opposition  is  pretty  general. 
What  the  result  will  be  of  this  combination,  is  somewhat  difficult  to  predict. 
As  I  know  that  the  treaty  is  the  best  that  could  be  obtained,  and  that  the  true 
interests  of  the  United  States  require  that  it  should  go  into  effect,  my  conduct 
and  opinion  will  in  no  degree  be  affected  by  the  clamour  which  has  been  excited. 

The  villainous  artifices  by  which  this  ferment  has  been  excited,  will  be  soon 
unveiled,  and  I  presume  that  the  good  sense  of  the  people  will  once  more  tri 
umph  over  faction.  I  am,  however,  almost  discouraged  with  respect  to  the 
southern  states  ;  the  effect  of  the  slave  system  has  been  such  that  I  fear  our  gov 
ernment  will  never  operate  with  efficacy.  Faction,  dependence,  pride,  and  tur 
bulence,  are  too  general  characteristics  of  the  different  states,  to  admit  of  that 
sobriety  and  order  upon  which  this  government  is  predicated.  Indeed,  we  must 
of  necessity  soon  come  to  a  sober  explanation  with  that  people  and  know  upon 
what  we  are  to  depend.  It  is  impossible  to  continue  long  in  our  present  state. 

I  find  that  it  is  true  that  John  Rutledge  has  been  invited  to  be  Chief- Justice, 
but  he  is  not  commissioned  and  I  must  presume  he  will  not  be  after  his  late  con 
duct.  The  President  will  be  here  shortly. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  225 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BOSTON,  August  13th,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  Chamber  of  Commerce  here  has  held  a  meeting  on  the  subject  of  the 
treaty,  and  with  a  remarkable  unanimity  approved  it.  They  also  passed  a  vote 
reprobating  the  attempts  everywhere  made  to  excite  clamour  and  discontent. 
The  proceedings  are  to  be  transmitted  to  the  President.  At  Salem  the  respect 
able  people  are  acquiescent,  and  many  of  them  approve,  but  they  think  it  unad- 
visable  to  act.  At  Newburyport  the  principal  merchants  are  also  well  satisfied, 
and  some  steps  have  been  taken  to  bring  them  to  express  their  opinion,  but  I  am 
not  yet  informed  of  the  success.  On  the  whole,  it  maybe  safely  pronounced  that 
the  sober  and  discreet  part  of  even  our  seaports,  and  still  more  of  our  country 
towns,  feel  a  great  anxiety  lest  the  treaty  should  by  any  means  miscarry.  It  is 
with  no  less  chagrin  than  astonishment  that  I  learn  this  day  that  the  consumma 
tion  of  the  business  has  been  delayed  by  popular  clamour.  If  delay  should  ter 
minate  in  refusal,  we  are  ruined.  The  present  system  will  have  finished  its 
destiny.  Yours  faithfully, 

G.  CABOT. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  15,  1795. 

The  President  has  decided  that  the  treaty  shall  be  ratified  and  transmitted  for 
exchange  immediately,  and  in  my  opinion  he  has  decided  right.  I  regret  that 
this  was  not  done  long  since,  as  I  presume  much  of  the  party  spirit  which  has 
been  excited  would  have  been  prevented. 

A  government  like  ours  can  rarely  take  a  middle  course  on  any  point  which 
interests  the  public  feelings.  Delay,  for  whatever  reason,  would  be  construed 
into  a  dislike  of  the  treaty  itself,  and  this  opinion  diffusing  among  the  people 
would  generate  the  most  inveterate  factions.  Circumstances  have  happened 
tending  to  excite  a  distrust  of  the  sincerity  of  this  government  in  the  British 
cabinet,  which  can  be  no  otherwise  explained  than  by  a  ratification. 

FROM  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH, 

WINDSOR,  Aug.  15, 1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  this  moment  favoured  with  your  obliging  letter  of  the  8th.  If  the  Presi 
dent  decides  wrong,  or  does  not  decide  soon,  his  good  fortune  will  forsake  him. 
N.  E.  is  tolerably  quiet,  and  will  be  more  so  as  the  subject  becomes  more  under 
stood  ;  but  I  am  to  be  responsible  only  for  Connecticut.  That  E.  R.  should  not 
act  at  all,  is  less  surprising  than  that  J.  R.  should  act  like  the  devil*  I  wait  for 

»    Edward  and  John  Rutledge. 


226  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

the  unravelling,  when  more  is  to  be  known,  and  am  in  the  meantime,  and  at  all 
times,  very  sincerely  your  friend, 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

You  will  learn  from  others  that  Mrs.  Wolcott  is  well,  and  that  the  Connecticut 
lands  are  sold  to  everybody  for  1,200,000  dollars  on  five  years  credit,  two  without 
interest. 


WINDSOR,  August  20,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

Accept  my  thanks  for  your  letter  of  the  15th.  I  am  glad  the  President  has 
done  at  last,  what  I  am  unwilling  to  believe  he  ever  hesitated  about,  and  the  delay 
of  which  has  not  been  without  hazard  and  some  mischief.  The  crisis  admits 
not  of  the  appearance  of  indecision,  and  much  less,  of  steering  any  course  but 
one.  There  is  less  reason  to  be  anxious  for  the  eastern  quarter,  than  there  was 
some  time  since.  The  attempts  of  a  few  lawyers,  taking  their  tone  from  New 
Haven,  to  agitate  this  State,  has  been  unsuccessful  and  must  be  abandoned. 
Rhode  Island  and  Vermont,  I  apprehend  to  be  out  of  danger ;  tho'  my  informa 
tion  is  not  so  full  •  as  might  be  wished.  The  current  I  believe  to  be  turning  in 
Massachusetts,  tho'  you  may  perhaps  hear  of  some  more  obscene  town  meetings. 
The  declaration  of  the  Boston  merchants,  and  the  President's  letter  to  the  select 
men,  are  good  dampers,  and  together  with  nble  defences  now  circulating,  will 
produce  an  effect.  As  I  hear  nothing  from  New  Hampshire  except  the  first  im 
pression  at  Portsmouth,  I  infer  that  Brother  Langdon's  argument  and  explanation, 
that  "'tis  a  damned  thing  made  to  plague  the  French,"  has  by  repetition,  lost  its 
power.  This  is  all  I  can  tell  you  about  New  England  ;  and  I  very  much  wish 
you,  when  you  have  leisure,  to  tell  me  how  virulent  the  opposition  is  in  all  the 
States  south  of  this,  and  what  effects  are  to  be  expected  from  it.  It  is  not  wholly 
owing  to  laziness,  that  nothing  more  formal  has  been  here  wrote  on  the  side  of 
the  treaty.  We  thought  it  best  only  to  stand  prepared  for  defence,  if  an  attack 
should  be  here  made,  which  has  not  yet  been  the  case  ;  and  in  the  meantime 
perhaps,  to  scrape  and  squib  a  little,  just  to  keep  the  humour  the  right  way,  and 
to  see  to  the  publishing  of  what  is  well  wrote  elsewhere. 

With  regard  to  Mr.  Rutledge,  it  certainly  was  difficult,  after  he  had  come,  not 
to  commission  him.  If  the  evil  is  without  remedy,  we  must  as  in  other  cases, 
make  the  best  of  it.  Believe  not,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  have  feelings  on  this  occa 
sion  which  are  not  common  to  all  well-disposed  friends  of  the  Government 
Governor  Huntington  was  here  yesterday,  on  his  way  to  Dartmouth,  and  loves 
peace  so  well,  that  to  make  sure  of  it,  he  wishes  we  had  taken  the  12th  Article 
too.  Finding  him  disposed  to  take  credit,  I  furnished  him  with  what  stock  I 
could,  for  retailing. 

We  are  to  have  the  pleasure  of  Mrs.  Wolcott's  company  next  week,  to  taste  a 
water-melon  ;  and  when  I  see  her,  if  at  no  other  time,  you  certainly  will  be  re 
membered  by,  Your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

QLIV.  ELLSWORTH. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  227 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  Aug.  24,  1795. 

In  answer  to  your  question,  it  may  be  said  with-  confidence,  that  New  Eng 
land  will  be  calm  and  steady,  and  that  the  National  Government  will  lose  nothing 
in  the  present  storm,  that  depends  upon  her.  It  is  however,  a  lamentable  truth, 
that  the  first  impressions  upon  good  men  were  so  erroneous,  as  to  give  every  en 
couragement  to  faction.  This  delusion  was  indeed  momentary,  and  having  soon 
been  dissipated  by  reason  and  information,  has  been  succeeded  by  a  greater  anx 
iety  for  the  success  of  the  negotiation  with  Britain,  than  has  appeared  upon  any 
other  occasion  since  the  establishment  of  the  present  government.  It  was  in  this 
state  of  the  public  mind,  that  the  President's  letter  appeared,  and  gave  universal 
satisfaction  to  the  true  friends  of  order  in  all  parts  of  our  country.  Even  faction 
and  anarchy  have  acknowledged  the  merit  of  this  letter.  It  is  a  remarkable 
proof  of  the  instability,  or  rather,  the  versatility  of  popular  opinions,  that  some 
of  those  men  who  execrated  the  twenty  senators  for  advising  a  ratification  on 
any  terms,  are  already  beginning  to  censure  them  for  having  cavilled  at  the  12th 
Article,  and  thus  put  at  hazard  such  important  benefits  as  the  treaty  would  secure 
to  this  country.  I  am  satisfied  if  the  business  should  not  finally  be  closed,  this 
sentiment  will  extend  very  far,  and  even  if  all  the  rest  of  the  treaty  should  take 
effect,  if  no  new  agreements  can  be  made  on  the  subject  of  the  12th  Article,  and 
France  should,  as  she  will  whenever  able,  establish  her  colony  monopoly,  we  shall 
be  condemned  for  refusing  this  partial  benefit. 

Mr.  Davis  will  be  with  you  in  a  day  or  two  after  this  letter,  and  can  inform 
you  of  every  thing  passing  here.  With  unfeigned  respect  and  unaffected  attach 
ment,  I  remain  your  faithful  friend, 

GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  August  25th,  1795. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  expect  that  Mr.  Davis  will  set  off  by  to-morrow's  stage  and  be  the  bearer  of 
this  letter.  In  addition  to  what  you  already  know  of  this  gentleman,  it  must  be 
grateful  to  you  to  be  informed,  that  those  persons  who  are  most  intimately  ac 
quainted  with  his  merits,  unite  in  opinion  that  he  will  prove  a  most  valuable 
acquisition  to  the  government,  inasmuch  as  he  possesses  every  essential  qualifica 
tion  for  the  office  to  which  he  is  appointed,  in  an  eminent  degree.  The  testimony 
of  this,  since  my  return  from  Philadelphia  has  been  so  abundant,  that  I  could 
wish  it  were  mentioned  to  the  President. 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  assure  Mr.  Davis,  that  the  inconveniences  incidental 
to  a  new  situation,  would  be  alleviated  by  every  act  of  kindness  and  attention 
from  you  which  friendship  would  suggest,  and  have  no  doubt  you  will  be  com 
pensated  by  the  effectual  aid  and  support  his  labours  will  afford,  after  time  shall 
have  familiarized  the  duties  of  his  office.  Your  faithful  friend, 

GEORGE  CABOT. 


228  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

FROM  WILLIAM  VANS  MURRAY. 

CAMBRIDGE,  (Md.)  29  Aug.,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

You  have  my  cordial  thanks  for  your  kind  and  polite  attention  to  my  letters  ; 
and  though  I  wished  extremely  to  have  a  line  from  you,  I  was  aware  of  your 
engagements.  I  do  not  wish  to  add  so  much  to  your  occupations  as  a  new  cor 
respondence  would  do,  nor  do  I  expect  it,  and  I  write  now  merely  to  thank  you 
for  the  past,  and  at  the  same  time  to  tell  you  what  will  give  you  pleasure  ;  that 
since  my  last,  a  better  understanding  of  the  treaty  has  certainly  produced  a  great 
change  in  the  opinions  of  those  who  had  rashly  and  without  examination,  felt  a 
strong  bias  against  it.  We  could  now  get  a  very  strong  address  upon  this  sub 
ject  in  favour  of  the  conduct  of  the  Government.  I  have  had  thoughts  of  it, 
and  can  only  be  restrained  by  a  doubt  upon  the  policy  of  accustoming  the  citi 
zens  to  this  kind  of  work.  We  addressed  upon  the  neutrality,  as  did  others. 
Some  time  after,  when  much  perverted  use  was  made  of  this  on  the  club  discus 
sion  last  winter,  many  of  our  best  men  in  Congress  began  to  doubt  the  sound 
ness  of  our  former  policy. 

The  papers  which  you  so  obligingly  sent  me,  I  received  last  night.  I  had 
seen  Curtius,  to  whom  I  confess  myself  much  indebted  for  the  promptness  of  his 
excellent  remarks,  and  I  had  seen  the  numbers  of  Camillus.  It  struck  me  the 
1st  and  3d  Nos.  were  by  Col.  H.  Yes  Sir,  the  people  were  surprised  into  dis 
like.  A  sober  examination  of  the  mutual  claims,  and  the  dates  of  infraction, 
have  removed  most  of  the  objections.  A  candid  examination  of  the  treaties, 
from  that  of  Munster  to  this  day,  will  satisfy,  and  has  satisfied  most,  that  our 
treaty  is  as  good  as  Great  Britain  has  given  to  any  other  power  ;  better  than  she 
has  given  to  any  other  nation,  now  in  practice,  and  better  than  we  enjoy  with 
any  other  nation. 

As  to  the  old  Dutch  principle  of  free  bottoms,  free  goods,  it  appears  to  me  not 
worth  contending  for,  nor  would  I  give  Great  Britain  £500  to  insert  it  in  our  treaty. 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  my  surprise,  allowed  (to  Mr.  Hammond)  that  she  had  never 
granted  it  except  to  Holland  in  1668  and  France  in  1786.  She  had  granted  it 
five  times.  To  Sweden  in  1661,  to  Holland  in  1668,  to  France  in  1677,  to 
France  in  1713,  and  to  France  in  1786  ;  and  yet,  according  to  the  history  of  the 
principle,  neither  she,  nor  France,  nor  Holland  have  ever,  in  a  single  case,  grati 
fied  the  letter  or  the  spirit  of  the  principle,  the  moment  the  casus  fosdius  arose. 
He  only  who  credits  the  expectations  of  a  millennium,  can  be  the  dupe  of  an  en 
gagement  that  presumes  a  power  of  restraint  and  pure  rectitude  of  conduct, 
incompatible  with  the  state  of  human  affairs.  Of  course  it  has  appeared  to  my 
undiplomatic  eyes,  (say  Mr.  Pinckney  of  S.  C.  what  he  please)  that  this  point 
which  has  created  great  inquietude,  is  not  worth  any  contention.  It  is  not  worth 
one  month's  right  of  fishing  on  the  Banks,  as  there  has  never  been  any  nation 
yet  that  complied  with  it,  not  one — and  whatever  nation  agrees  to  it  with  us, 
does  it  for  some  substantial  equivalent,  and  does  it  delusively. 

The  President's  answer,  per  invoice  and  fa/  copy,  to  the  Philadelphia  addresses, 
pleases  me  extremely.  It  is  dry,  husky,  and  characteristic  of  that  swelling  of 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  229 

the  throat  that  always  accompanies  contempt.  We  are  so  late  in  obtaining 
papers,  that  we  have  just  received  the  papers  of  that  time.  Inclosed,  I  send  you 
a  little  country  paper  which  has  a  very  limited  circulation  once  a  week  about 
here.  In  it  I  have,  as  is  my  custom,  paragraphed  a  little  to  keep  us  quiet,  as  you 
may  see  by  its  marks.  I  mean  next  week  to  ride  through  the  district  I  repre 
sent,  and  exercise  my  apostolic  powers  to  the  great  end  of  the  mission,  peace 
and  confidence.  I  am  with  great  esteem,  &c. 

WM.  V.  MURRAY. 


FROM  FISHER   AMES. 

DEDHAM,  Sept.  2d,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  returned  yesterday  from  a  tour  to  Newport.  I  hope  by  exercise  and  the 
coolness  of  the  approaching  season,  to  be  able  to  attend  Congress.  At  present, 
though  I  am  not  sick,  I  have  such  puny  health  as  to  disqualify  me  for  much  exer 
tion.  As  there  was  a  burning  in  effigy  at  Newport  a  short  time  before  my  arri 
val,  I  was  curious  to  learn  how  far  it  might  be  deemed  an  evidence  of  the  anti- 
government  spirit  of  the  citizens.  The  account  I  received  was  this. 

A  few  young  men  who  had  lost  property  by  British  captures,  were  incensed 
against  the  treaty  and  Mr.  Jay,  and  thought  proper  to  show  their  resentment  by 
burning  him  in  effigy  ;  but  not  more  than  a  dozen  men  followed  the  figure  in  the 
principal  streets,  where  my  informants  observed  them.  Troops  of  boys  however, 
with  fifes  and  drums,  helped  to  lengthen  the  line  of  march.  On  the  whole,  no 
mob  ever  drew  so  few  of  the  inhabitants  from  mere  curiosity,  to  follow  the  exhi 
bition.  On  the  contrary,  the  non-attendance  of  the  citizens,  may  be  admitted  as 
a  proof  of  strong  disapprobation  of  the  measure.  The  anti-treaty  men  were 
ashamed  of  the  business,  and  considered  it  as  making  their  weakness  as  strong 
as  their  violence.  It  will  have  the  effect,  by  outraging  the  feelings  of  those  who 
abhor  all  excesses,  to  turn  the  public  mind  more  forcibly  than  it  would  otherwise 
go,  from  the  views  of  the  seditious.  At  Providence,  the  anti-federal  party  is 
very  inconsiderable,  and  I  was  happy  to  see  in  that  State,  symptoms  of  a  just 
pride  in  their  present  state,  as  contrasted  with  their  former  turbulence  and  the 
folly  of  Boston.  I  made  conversation  at  all  the  country  taverns,  and  I  think  the 
yeomanry  are  yet  right.  They  say  the  men  in  the  government  know  best  what 
to  do,  and  the  President  will  not  see  the  country  wronged,  much  less  wrong  it 
himself.  As  a  speculative  question,  the  country  folks  do  not  pretend  to  under 
stand  it,  their  approbation  is  not  therefore  given  ;  but  their  dislike  of  the  proceed 
ings  in  the  seaports,  is  extorting  it.  Some  opinions  are  general  and  well  estab 
lished  ;  admiration  of  our  Constitution  and  government,  exultation  in  the  happy 
effects  manifested  in  the  general  prosperity,  aversion  to  war  and  land-taxes,  con 
fidence  in,  and  almost  adoration  of  the  President,  and  a  steady  resolution  to 
support  the  government.  Yet  with  these  right  opinions,  are  sown  many  wrong 
ones  which  come  from  the  Chronicle,  and  the  parties  that  uphold  that  perfidious 
gazette.  On  the  whole,  it  depends  I  think,  on  the  spirit  and  firmness  of  the  gov 
ernment  itself,  to  keep  the  country  right.  The  towns  will  often,  perhaps  three 

VOL.  I.  20 


230  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  8. 

times  out  of  four,  yield  to  the  sudden  fury  of  a  party.  Some  time  ago  I  almost 
despaired.  The  President  we  were  told,  had  gone  to  Mount  Vernon,  leaving  the 
treaty  unratified,  and,  said  Webster's  Herald,  it  will  not  be  ratified  until  farther 
negotiations  are  made.  Had  that  been  the  case,  the  friends  of  order  would  have 
been  in  despair.  Now  the  contest  lies  between  the  mobbers  and  the  government, 
and  if  there  should  be  no  want  of  spirit,  the  eventual  triumph  of  the  latter  may 
be  expected. 

My  information  respecting  the  state  of  opinion  in  Newport  &c.,may  not  merit 
much  attention,  but  I  have  thought  it  not  improper  to  trouble  you  with  it.  The  mob 
men  seem  resolved  to  go  to  extremities,  perhaps  because  their  French  paymasters 
require  it  of  them.  Any  regular  system  of  government  in  the  U.  S.  will  be  an  ob 
stacle  to  the  success  of  the  unvaried  plan  of  controlling  our  affairs  by  means  of  our 
rabble.  Therefore  we  may  look  for  French  patronage  of  the  disorganizes  here, 
while  they  seriously  endeavour  to  set  up  order  in  their  own  country.  I  have  been 
highly  gratified  by  your  answer  to  my  letter,  but  I  do  assure  you,  I  do  not  ask  it  of 
you  to  reply  to  this.  I  excuse  my  breaking  in  upon  your  hurry  of  office  only  in 
that  way.  I  hope  my  countryman,  Davis,  will  sustain  in  office,  the  reputation 
he  bore  out  of  it.  He  was  ever  esteemed  a  man  of  genius  and  worth. 

Congress  will  draw  all  eyes  upon  its  proceedings.  The  south  glows  with  more 
than  torrid  heat,  if  we  may  believe  their  gazettes.  But  what  have  we  to  legis 
late  upon  regarding  the  treaty  ?  The  clamourers  will  originate  motions  to  draw 
it  into  question  if  they  can  find  support.  The  Senate  must,  as  usual,  pull  up 
the  bridge,  and  stop  the  march  of  the  party.  Inter  nos,  I  fear  Dayton  will  take 
fire  at  the  clause  which  prohibits  confiscations.  His  lead  would  be  followed  by 
others  whom  Giles  &  Co.  could  not  otherwise  influence.  I  am  with  esteem,  cor 
dially  yours, 

FISHER  AMES. 

P.  S.  The  President's  answer  to  Boston  is  greatly  extolled,  and  I  believe  has 
done  more  towards  calming  the  country,  than  all  the  good  pieces  published  in 
Webster  and  the  Sentinel.  The  resignation  of  Randolph  excites  surprise,  the 
death  of  Bradford,  the  Attorney  General,  as  report  says,  my  deep  regret. 

FROM  WILLIAM  SMITH. 

CHARLESTONS.  C.,  Sept.  8th,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

*  *  *  The  news  of  the  President's  ratification  of  the  treaty  has  produced 
less  irritation  here  than  I  anticipated  from  the  violent  manner  in  which  the  sub 
ject  was  first  considered.  The  first  thing  which  gave  a  check  to  the  popular  cur 
rent  was  a  pamphlet  attributed  to  me,  entitled  "  A  candid  examination  of  the 
report  of  the  committee,'*  which  by  proving  that  the  committee,  were  greatly 
misinformed  and  that 'the  treaty  did  not  contain  so  many  obnoxious  features  as 
was  at  first  believed,  induced  a  considerable  change  of  sentiment  among  the 
moderate,  and  prepared  their  minds  to  read  with  attention  and  candour  Camillus 
and  Curtius.  The  violent  are  ashamed  to  avow  their  errors,  ignorance  and  pre 
judice,  but  all  dispassionate  and  reasonable  men  are  quiet  and  tolerably  contented 


1795.]          v  OF  WASHINGTON.  231 

with  the  treaty  which  I  am  persuaded  will  become  more  agreeable  as  it  is  more 
understood.  The  promulgation  of  Mr.  Pinckney's  sentiments  by  his  letter  to 
Mr.  Randolph,  and  Mr.  Jay's  letter  has  given  great  satisfaction  to  some,  and 
overwhelmed  others  with  shame  and  confusion.  These  last  were  displeased 
with  Mr.  Jay's  appointment  because  it  superseded  Mr.  Pinckney,  and  they  were 
resolved  beforehand  to  reprobate  this  treaty.  Neither  General  Pinckney  nor 
General  Washington,11  who  were  elected  on  the  committee,  attended.  The  first 
has  behaved  with  great  delicacy  and  caution,  and  has  said  little  about  the  treaty  ; 
the  last  has  expressed  himself  pretty  well  satisfied.  Mr.  Rutledge  is  arrived. 
His  conduct  on  that  occasion  must  have  surprised  his  friends.  I  believe  he  sin 
cerely  repents  it.  His  brother  E.  R.,  still  remains  violent  as  was  to  be  expected  ; 
he  has  a  most  unconquerable  aversion  to  the  British  nation,  which  was  not  a 
little  increased  by  the  late  election  which  he  foolishly  attributed  to  an  influence 
from  that  quarter.  With  much  esteem,  &c., 

WM.  SMITH. 

I  have  received  a  letter  from  Senator  Martin,  of  North  Carolina,  approving 
the  treaty  as  ratified,  though  he  was  one  of  the  virtuous  minority. 

a  William  Washington. 


CHAPTER    IX. 


SUMMER    OF    1795,    CONTINUED. 


In  speaking  of  the  considerations  attending  the  course 
to  be  pursued  with  the  British  Treaty,  a  circumstance 
has  been  referred  to  which  was  supposed  to  have  had 
some  influence  upon  its  fate.  This  was  the  detection  of 
part  of  the  private  correspondence  of  the  late  French  Min 
ister.  The  mode  in  which  it  was  obtained  may  best  be 
given  in  the  words  of  Wolcott's  own  notes. 

NOTES  RELATIVE  TO  FAUCHET'S  LETTER. 

The  first  circumstance  connected  with  the  discovery  of  M.  Fauchet's  letter,  now 
in  the  possession  of  the  President,  in  which  I  was  concerned,  was  an  invitation 
from  Mr.  Hammond,  the  British  Minister,  to  dine  with  him  on  Sunday  the  26th 
day  of  July,  which  invitation  I  accepted.  At  the  time  appointed  I  found  the 
company  to  consist  of  Mr.  Hammond's  family,  Mr.  Strickland,  an  English  gen 
tleman,  Mr.  Thornton  the  late  Secretary  to  the  British  legation,  and  Mr.  An 
drew  Allen,  of  Philadelphia. 

Before  dinner  Mr.  Hammond  took  me  apart  and  informed  me  that  he  had 
just  received  despatches  from  Lord  Grenville,  transmitting  certain  letters  from 
M.  Fauchet  to  the  French  government,  which  had  been  intercepted.  The  his 
tory  of  these  letters  as  related  by  Mr.  Hammond,  was  that  they  were  thrown 
overboard  from  a  French  packet,  named  the  Jean  Bart,  on  the  approach  of  an 
English  vessel,  but  were  recovered  by  an  Englishman  who  plunged  into  the 
water  after  them. 

After  dinner  Mr.  Hammond,  in  a  private  room  read  to  me  in  English,  the 
letter,  upon  which  I  observed  that  the  information,  however  new  and  surprising 
to  me,  was  attended  with  circumstances  which  could  not  fail  to  establish  a  be 
lief  that  something  highly  improper  had  been  proposed  by  Mr.  Randolph,  and 
that  I  considered  the  information  as  highly  interesting.  At  the  same  time  I  re 
marked  that  a  discovery  of  such  magnitude  could  not  be  permitted  to  remain 


1795.]  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  233 

with  me,  and  that  it  could  not  be  communicated  unless  I  was  put  in  possession 
of  the  document  necessary  to  support  my  allegations. 

After  considerable  conversation  at  that  time,  and  at  one  subsequent  interview, 
it  was  agreed  between  Mr.  Hammond  and  myself,  that  the  original  letter  should 
be  delivered  to  me,  upon  condition  that  I  should  give  to  Mr.  Hammond  a  copy 
with  rny  attestation  of  having  received  the  original,  and  that  it  was  my  true  and 
sincere  belief,  founded  on  an  acquaintance  with  M.  Fauchet's  handwriting,  that 
the  said  letter  was  genuine.  With  this  condition  I  complied,  and  accordingly 
on  the  28th  of  July  I  received  the  letter  and  certified  a  copy  which  had  been  pre 
pared  by  Mr.  Thornton. 

On  the  morning  of  July  28th,  I  presented  the  said  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  and  informed  him  of  the  foregoing  circumstances,  who  approved  of  thesteps 
I  had  taken,  and  it  was  agreed  by  us  that,  considering  the  absence  of  the  Presi 
dent,  the  letter  ought  to  be  shown  to  the  Attorney  General  as  soon  as  possible. 

On  the  29th  of  July,  the  Secretary  of  War  and  myself  visited  the  Attorney 
General  at  his  house  in  the  country  and  explained  the  subject  fully.  It  was  then 
agreed  that  a  letter  should  be  written  to  the  President,  requesting  him  to  return 
to  Philadelphia.  This  was*done  by  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  31st  of  July, 
in  consequence  of  a  special  application  by  the  Secretary  of  War  and  myself  for 
that  purpose.  On  Thursday  the  llth  qf  August,  the  President  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  and  and  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  I  presented  M.  Fauchet's 
letter,  before  mentioned,  with  a  translation  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  him, 
narrating  the  facts  before  stated. 

The  despatch,  the  contents  of  which  were  deemed 
so  important,  was  dated  the  31st  October,  1794,  addressed 
to  the  commissioners  of  foreign  nations,  and  entitled, 
"  Private  Correspondence  of  the  Minister  on  Politics,  No. 
10."  It  was  a  key  to  former  despatches,  treating  of  the 
insurrection  in  Pennsylvania,  to  which  MM.  Petry  and 
La  Forest  had  been  privy.  These  it  appears  were  con 
fined  to  a  bare  recital  of  facts,  the  minister  reserving  for 
his  private  communications,  his  comments  and  certain  in 
formation  of  a  delicate  nature.  The  source  of  this  infor- 
mation  was  the  Secretary  of  State.  "  The  precious  con 
fessions  of  Mr.  Randolph  alone,"  to  quote  the  words  of  M. 
Fauchet,  "  throw  a  satisfactory  light  upon  all  that  comes 
to  pass." 

The  light  that  these  confessions  shed,  not  only  upon 
the  character  of  passing  events,  but  upon  his  own,  will  be 
seen  by  a  review  of  the  paper. 

20* 


234  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

In  speaking  of  the  causes  which  had  led  to  the  insur 
rection  in  Pennsylvania,  M.  Fauchet  very  justly  consid 
ered  them,  as  lying  deeper  than  the  mere  question  of  ex 
cise.  It  was  "  indubitably  connected  with  a  general 
explosion,  for  some  time  prepared  in  the  public  mind  ;  but 
which  this  local  and  precipitate  eruption  would  cause  to 
miscarry,  or  at  least  check  for  a  long  time."  The  ele 
ments  of  this  explosion  he  found  in  "  the  primitive  divi 
sions  of  opinion,  as  to  the  political  form  of  the  state,  and 
the  limits  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole  over  each  state 
individually  sovereign."  "  These  first  divisions,"  he  says, 
"  of  a  nature  to  be  destroyed  by  time,  might  now  have 
completely  disappeared,  if  the  system  of  finances,  which 
had  its  birth  place  in  the  cradle  of  the  constitution,  had 
not  renewed  their  vigor  under  various  forms."  The  dis- 
tastefulness  of  the  system  to  some  classes  is  next  briefly 
sketched,  and  a  tendency  to  a  monarchical  division  of 
orders  is  charged  upon  it.  Passing  over  the  intermediate 
steps  in  the  growth  of  opposition,  he  arrives  at  the  situa 
tion  in  which  the  French  revolution  had  placed  things  and 
parties.  And  here  the  first  circumstance  which  struck 
M.  Fauchet  was,  that  "  the  anti-federalists  disembarrass 
themselves  of  an  insignificant  denomination,  and  take  that 
of  patriots  and  republicans.  Their  adversaries  become 
aristocrats,  notwithstanding  their  efforts  to  preserve  the 
advantageous  illusion  of  ancient  names."  The  sagacity 
of  the  minister  forsaw  in  this  movement  a  great  step  to 
wards  their  ultimate  success,  and  we  in  later  times  have 
likewise  had  occasion  to  know  that  there  is  something  in 
names.  The  opposition  did  not  stop  here.  They  attack 
ed  the  treasurer,  and  the  inquiry  into  his  conduct,  though 
fruitless,  is  noticed  as  their  first  victory.  "  In  the  mean 
time  popular  societies  are  formed ;  political  ideas  con 
centre  themselves."  "  A  conceit  of  declarations  and 
censures  against  the  government  arises,  at  which  the  latter 
is  even  itself  astonished."  "  Such,"  continues  the  minis- 


1795.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  235 

ter,  "  was  the  situation  of  things  toward  the  close  of  the 
last,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  year."  He  passes 
over  the  discontents  produced,  they  had  "  been  sent  at 
different  periods  and  in  detail."  They  however  are  stated 
to  have  been  created  by  "  the  imbecility  of  the  govern 
ment  towards  Great  Britain,"  "  the  coldness  towards  the 
French  Republic,"  the  system  of  finance,  "  in  a  word  the 
immoral  and  impolitic  modes  of  taxation." 

This  last  point,  the  excise,  was  "  the  principal  com 
plaint  of  the  western  people,  and  the  ostensible  motive  of 
their  movements."  Their  lands  were  fertile  and  produc 
tive,  but  deprived  of  the  means  of  exchanging  their  fruits, 
they  converted  the  excess  of  their  produce  "  into  liquors 
imperfectly  fabricated;"  the  excise  "struck  at  this  consoling 
transformation."  Other  matters  which  especially  affected 
the  western  settlers  are  mentioned,  as  the  interdiction  by 
Spain  of  the  Mississippi  navigation,  and  the  mode  of  sale 
of  the  western  lands.  "  These  complaints  were  system 
atizing  by  the  conversations  of  influential  men,  who  retired 
into  those  wild  countries,  and  who  from  principle,  or  by  a 
series  of  particular  heart  burnings,  animated  discontents 
already  too  near  to  effervescence.  At  last  the  local  explo 
sion  is  effected.  The  western  people  calculated  on  being 
supported  by  some  distinguished  characters  in  the  east, 
and  even  imagined  that  they  had  in  the  bosom  of  the 
government  some  abettors,  who  might  share  in  their  griev 
ances  or  their  principles."  "  From  what  I  have  detailed 
above,"  he  adds,  "  those  men  might  indeed  be  supposed 
numerous." 

The  tone  of  the  sessions  of  1793  and  1794,  the  tendency 
of  Jeffersons's  last  report,  of  Madison's  resolutions,  and  the 
pamphlet  production  of  senator  Taylor  of  Virginia,  are 
mentioned  as  showing  the  predilections,  which  in  the 
opinion  of  M.  Fauchet  at  least,  those  "  distinguished 
characters"  entertained.  In  the  language  of  Mr.  Taylor, 
quoted  in  the  (Despatch,  cither  a  revolution  or  a  civil  war, 


236  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

must  be  the  result  of  the  decrepid  state  of  affairs  produced 
by  the  financiering  system.  "  The  first  was  preparing  ; 
the  government  which  had  foreseen  it  reproduced  under 
various  forms,  the  demand  of  a  disposable  force,  which 
might  put  it  in  a  respectable  state  of  defence.  Defeated 
in  this  measure,  who  can  aver  that  it  may  not  have  hastened 
the  local  eruption,  in  order  to  make  an  advantageous 
division,  and  to  lay  the  more  general  storm  which  it  saw 
gathering  ?  Am  I  not,"  said  the  minister,  "  authorized  in 
forming  this  conjecture,  from  the  conversation  which  the 
Secretary  of  State  had  with  me  and  Le  Blanca  alone,  an 
account  of  which  you  have  in  my  despatch,  No.  3  ?" 

This  charge  is  supported  by  a  reference  to  the  supple 
mentary  excise  act,  which  authorized  coercive  measures 
to  enforce  obedience  to  the  first,  and  by  the  suits  com 
menced  against  refractory  distillers.  The  despatch  con 
tinues  :  "  Doubtless  the  natural  consequences  from  a  con 
duct  so  decisive  and  harsh  were  expected ;  and  before 
these  were  manifested,  the  means  of  repression  had  been 
prepared ;  this  was  undoubtedly  what  Mr.  Randolph 
meant  in  telling  me  THAT  UNDER  PRETEXT  OF  GIVING 

ENERGY  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT,  IT  WAS  INTENDED  TO  INTRO 
DUCE  ABSOLUTE  POWER,  AND  TO  MISLEAD  THE  PRESIDENT 
INTO  PATHS  WHICH  WOULD  CONDUCT  HIM  TO  UNPOPULARITY." 

That  such  was  the  motive  of  the  government  is  further 
argued,  from  the  alleged  disproportion  of  the  force  em 
ployed,  to  the  object  to  be  effected,  an  allegation  loudly 
made  at  the  time,  and  that  too  by  those  who  knew  the 
contrary  to  be  the  fact.  The  military  part  of  the  suppres 
sion  is  imputed  to  Hamilton,  who  also  had  magnified  the 
danger,  alarming  the  citizens  "  for  the  fate  of  the  consti 
tution  while  in  reality  it  threatened  only  the  ministers." 
The  pacific  measures  are  attributed  to  Mr.  Randolph. 

So  far  M.  Fauchet  as  to  the  causes  of  the  "  explosion," 

a  M.  Fauchet's  Secretary. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  237 

and  the  secret  views  of  the  two  parties.  The  succeeding 
paragraphs  are  of  sufficient  importance  to  quote  entire. 

"  In  the  meantime,  although  there  was  a  certainty  of  having  an  army,  yet  it 
was  necessary  to  assure  themselves  of  cooperation,  among  the  men  whose  patri 
otic  reputation  might  influence  their  party,  and  whose  lukewarmness,  or  want  of 
energy  in  the  existing  conjunctures,  might  compromit  the  success  of  their  plans. 
Of  all  the  governors  whose  duty  it  was  to  appear  at  the  head  of  the  requisitions, 
the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  *  alone  enjoyed  the  name  of  republican.  His 
opinions  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  of  his  systems,  were  known  to  be 
unfavourable.  The  Secretary  of  this  State b  possessed  great  influence  in  the 
popular  society  of  Philadelphia,  which  in  its  turn  influenced  those  of  other  states  ; 
of  course  he  merited  attention.  It  appears  therefore,  that  these  men  with  others 
unknown  to  me,  all  having  without  doubt  Randolph  at  their  head,  were  balancing 
to  decide  on  their  party.  Two  or  three  days  before  the  proclamation  was  pub 
lished,  and  of  course  before  the  cabinet  had  resolved  on  its  measures,  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  came  to  see  me  with  an  air  of  great  eagerness,  and  made  to  me  the  over 
tures  of  which  I  have  given  you  an  account  in  my  No.  6.  Thus  with  some  thou 
sands  of  dollars,  the.  republic  could  have  decided  on  civil  war  or  on  peace  !  THUS 

THE  CONSCIENCES  OF  THE  PRETENDED  PATRIOTS  OF  AMERICA,  ALREADY  HAVE  THEIR. 
PRICES  !  IT  IS  VERY  TRUE  THAT  THE  CERTAINTY  OF  THESE  CONCLUSIONS,  PAINFUL  TO 
BE  DRAWN,  WILL  FOREVER  EXIST  IN  OUR  ARCHIVES  !  WHAT  WILL  BE  THE  OLD  AGE 
OF  THIS  GOVERNMENT  IF  IT  IS  THUS  EARLY  DECREPID  ! 

Such,  citizen,  is  the  evident  consequence  of  the  system  of  finances  conceived 
by  Mr.  Hamilton.  He  has  made  of  a  whole  nation  a  stock  jobbing,  speculating, 
selfish  people.  Riches  alone  here  fix  consideration  ;  and  as  no  one  likes  to  be 
despised,  they  are  universally  sought  after.  Nevertheless  this  depravity  has  not 
yet  embraced  the  mass  of  the  people.  The  effects  of  this  pernicious  system  have 
as  yet  but  slightly  touched  them.  Still  there  are  patriots  of  whom  I  delight  to 
entertain  an  idea  worthy  of  that  imposing  title.  Consult  MONROE,  he  is  of  this 
number ;  he  had  apprised  me  of  the  men,  whom  the  current  of  events  had  drag 
ged  along,  as  bodies  devoid  of  weight.  His  friend  MADISON  is  also  an  honest 
man.  JEFFERSON  on  whom  the  patriots  cast  their  eyes  to  succeed  the  President, 
had  foreseen  these  crises  ;  he  prudently  retired  in  order  to  avoid  making  a  figure 
against  his  inclination  in  scenes,  the  secret  of  which  will  soon  or  late  be  brought 
to  light. 

As  soon  as  it  was  decided  that  the  French  republic  purchased  no  men  to  do 
their  duty,  there  were  to  be  seen  individuals,  about  whose  conduct  the  govern 
ment  could  at  least  form  uneasy  conjectures,  giving  themselves  up  with  a  scanda 
lous  ostentation  to  its  views,  and  even  seconding  its  declarations.  The  popular 
societies  soon  emitted  resolutions  stamped  with  the  same  spirit,  and  who  although 
they  may  have  been  advised  by  a  love  of  order,  might  nevertheless  have  omitted, 
or  uttered  them  with  less  solemnity.  Then  were  seen  coming  from  the  very 
men  whom  we  have  been  accustomed  to  regard,  as  having  little  friendship  for  the 

a  Mifflin.  b  Dallas. 


238  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

system  of  the  treasurer,  harangues  without  end,  in  order  to  give  a  new  direction 
to  the  public  mind.  The  militia,  however,  manifest  some  repugnance,  particular 
ly  in  Pennsylvania,  for  the  service  to  which  they  were  called.  Several  officers 
resign,  at  last  by  excursions  or  harangues,  incomplete  requisitions  are  obtained, 
and  scattered  volunteer  corps  from  different  parts  make  up  the  deficiency.  How 
much  more  interesting  than  the  changeable  men  whom  I  have  painted  above, 
were  those  plain  citizens  who  answered  the  solicitations  which  were  made  to  them, 
to  join  the  volunteers. 

If  we  are  required  we  will  march,  because  we  do  not  wish  not  to  have  a 
government,  but  to  arm  ourselves  as  volunteers,  would  be  in  appearance  subscrib 
ing  implicitly  to  the  excise  system  we  reprobate. 

What  I  have  said  above,  authorizes  our  resting  on  the  opinion,  become  in- 
contestible,  that  in  the  crisis  for  restoring  order,  the  true  question  was  the  des 
truction  or  the  triumph  of  the  treasurer's  plans,"  a 

M.  Fauchet  next  unfolded  his  views  of  the  result  at 
tained  by  these  manoeuvres  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  in  thus  bring 
ing  good  (to  himself)  out  of  evil,  viz :  that  the  skilful 
direction  given  by  him  to  the  insurrection,  would  actually 
strengthen  his  position,  and  that  his  personal  presence 
with  the  army  "  must  attach  it  more  than  ever  to  his 
party."  The  remainder  of  the  despatch  was  occupied 
with  further  imputations  on  the  conduct  and  motives  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  remaining  with  the  army, 
and  sundry  philosophical  speculations  on  the  probable 
result  of  the  affair. 

Such  was  the  celebrated  despatch  of  Fauchet,  a  paper 
which,  as  respects  the  motives  of  opposition  to  the  Wash 
ington  administration  and  the  origin  of  the  rebellion,  pre 
sents  in  many  respects,  a  shrewd  and  penetrating,  although 
a  partial  view.  The  direct  causes  of  dissatisfaction  and 
of  resistance  among  the  whiskey  distillers  of  the  western 
parts  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  were  simple  enough. 
Wild  and  lawless  as  the  inhabitants  of  frontier  countries 
are  apt  to  be,  removed  from  the  strong  influences  which 
exist  in  a  thickly  settled  and  educated  population,  where 
the  observance  of  the  laws  is  habitual,  because  justice  is 

aThe   foregoing  extracts  are  taken    pamphlet  published  by  Mr.   Randolph, 
from  Mr.  Pickering's  translation.      The    mentioned  below, 
paper  will  also  be  found  at  length  in  the 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  239 

always  at  hand,  and  where  the  restraints  of  society  and 
of  religion  would  alone  enforce  them,  a  tax  directly  felt, 
however  beneficial  or  necessary  to  the  community,  was 
naturally  a  source  of  irritation.  But  this  irritation  would 
have  subsided  as  time  and  reason  accustomed  them  to  its 
burden,  if  the  intrigues  of  others,  interested  in  rendering 
the  measures  of  the  administration  unpopular,  had  not 
nursed  it  into  strength  and  vigor.  The  malcontents  did 
indeed,  suppose  that  they  would  be  "  supported  by  some 
distinguished  characters  in  the  east,"  that  they  had  "  even 
in  the  bosom  of  the  government  some  abettors,  who  might 
share  in  their  grievances  or  their  principles."  The  feder 
alists  as  we  have  seen,  entertained  the  same  suspicions, 
and  subsequent  events  and  disclosures  have  left  little  room 
to  doubt  that  the  expectations  of  the  first  and  the  fears  of 
the  latter,  did  not  rest  on  mere  supposition,  or  Fauchet 
reason  on  shrewd  conjecture  alone.  Be  this  as  it  may, 
the  result  shows  that  the  vigorous  means  adopted  for  the 
suppression  of  the  movement,  was  the  true  policy  of  the 
administration,  and  prevented  a  local  outbreak  from  be 
coming,  in  the  hands  of  a  faction,  "  a  revolution  or  a  civil 
war."  Whether  the  outbreak  was  stimulated  by  the 
administration  for  the  purpose  of  strangling  that  in  the 
cradle  which  it  could  not  master  in  its  strength,  as  M. 
Fauchet  supposes,  the  written  history  of  the  rebellion,  as 
well  as  Washington's  own  character,  affords  an  opportu 
nity  of  judging. 

The  possession  of  this  paper  was  interesting  as  disclo 
sing  the  kind  of  observation  to  which  we  were  subjected 
from  abroad,  the  views  entertained  by  France  of  the  sit 
uation  of  parties  here,  and  the  use  she  was  disposed  to 
make  of  their  existence.  It  was  also  of  deep  importance 
in  showing  the  relations  between  a  high  officer  of  our 
own  government  and  the  confidential  agent  of  another. 
The  reference  to  the  "precious  confessions"  which  Fauchet 
had  not  trusted  to  his  secret  associates,  the  conversation 


240  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

of  the  Secretary  with  himself  and  Le  Blanc,  on  which  he 
founded  the  conjecture  that  the  government  privately 
instigated  the  rebellion,  and  which  had  been  detailed 
in  the  secret  despatch  No.  3 ;  the  information  given  him 
of  the  intention  to  raise  up  a  throne  for  Washington 
on  the  foundation  of  ruined  popularity ;  and  finally,  the 
"  overtures"  of  which  he  had  given  an  account  in  No.  6, 
and  the  fatal  inferences  of  his  own  comments  upon 
them,  (comments  as  emphatic  as  the  parting  words  of  Ju- 
gurtha)  could,  uncontradicted,  leave  no  doubt  that  venal 
ity  was  not  confined  to  Roman  Senators. 

In  consequence  of  the  request,  as  before  stated,  Wash 
ington  hastened  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  ar 
rived  on  the  llth  of  August,  and  Wolcott  immediately 
communicated  to  him  the  letter  and  the  circumstances 
under  which  he  received  it.  No  immediate  action  was 
had  until  the  subject  of  the  treaty  was  disposed  of.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  President,  as  he  could  not  adjudge 
Mr.  Randolph  guilty  unheard,  appears  in  no  wise  to  have 
altered  his  manner  towards  him.  On  this  account  he  was 
afterwards  charged  by  the  latter  with  hypocrisy.  The 
subject  of  ratification  was  again  brought  before  the  coun 
cil  the  day  after  Washington's  return.  The  Secretary  of 
State  alone  maintained,  that  during  the  existence  of  the 
provision  order,  and  the  war  between  France  and  Eng 
land,  the  ratification  ought  not  to  take  place.  The  other 
members  were  in  favor  of  an  unconditional  ratification, 
except  as  to  the  12th  Article,  to  be  transmitted  with  a 
memorial  against  the  order,  and  this  course  was  adopted 
by  the  President  and  executed  on  the  14th.  It  appears 
from  a  letter  to  Mr.  Randolph  of  the  22d  July,a  that  this 
had  been  his  determination  prior  to  his  receiving  Fauch- 
et's  despatch.  The  final  catastrophe  was  still  delayed 
by  the  necessity  of  having  the  same  countersign  to  the 

ft  See  the  letter  in  Spark's  Writings  of  Washington,  XL  p.  35. 


1795.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  241 

copies  as  to  the  original*.     On  the  19th  a  cabinet  council 
was  held,  and  the  dispatch  for  the  first  time  placed  in  Mr. 
Randolph's  hands.     The  President  had  previously  sub 
mitted    through     Wolcott,   several    questions    as    to    the 
manner  in  which  its  contents  should  be  made  known  to 
him.     These,  together  with  an  account  of  the  interview, 
will  appear  from  the  letter  to  Judge  Marshall,  given  be 
low.     Mr.  Randolph  on  the  same  day  tendered  his  resig 
nation.     M.  Fauchet  was  at  this  time  on  the  eve  of  de 
parture  for  France,  and  Mr.  Randolph  proceeded  to  New 
port  from  whence  he  was  to  sail,  and  there  had  an  interview 
with  him.     The  result  of  it  was  the  transmission  by  the 
late  minister  to  his  successor  at  Philadelphia,  of  a  species 
of  certificate,  which  together  with   extracts  from  Nos.  3 
and  6,  was  by  M.  Adet  delivered  to  Randolph.     A  copy 
of    No.   10   had  already  been  furnished  him  by  the  Pre 
sident's  order,  as  well  as  information  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  it  was  obtained15.     These  other  papers  will  be  no 
ticed  in  order.     For  the  present,  the  affair  was  not  divulged 
by  the  Cabinet. 

The  following  letter  to  Marshall  was  written  on  the  9th 
of  June  1806,  in  consequence  of  a  request  of  the  latter 
to  be  furnished  with  information  how  far  Washington's 
disposition  to  ratify  the  treaty  was  affected  by  the  know 
ledge  of  Fauchet's  dispatch.  The  question  has  since 
been  set  at  rest  by  the  publication  of  Washington's  letters. 

TO  JOHN  MARSHALL. 

I  received  in  due  season,  your  highly  esteemed  favour  of  April  21st,  in  which 
you  refer  to  an  assertion  which  has  been  frequently  made  "  that  General  Wash 
ington  was  disposed  to  withhold  his  ratification  of  the  treaty  negotiated  by  Mr. 
Jay,  until  the  intercepted  letter  of  M.  Fauchet  was  placed  in  his  hands,"  and  in 
which  you  request  me  to  give  you  the  details  of  that  transaction.  I  consider  it 
my  duty  to  comply  with  your  request,  and  take  the  liberty  to  assure  you  that  a 

a  See  Washington's  letter  to  Randolph  *  For  Washington's  reply,  see  "  Vindi- 
of  Sept.  27th,  1795,  in  Randolph's  "  Vin-  cati _>n,"  p.  20.  See  also,  Washington  to 
dication  of  his  resignation,"  p.  20.  O.  Wolcott,  Oct.  2d,  1795,  infra. 

VOL.    I.  21 


242  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

variety  of  very  pressing  avocations,  and  the  necessity  I  have  been  under  of  con 
sulting  my  papers,  have  been  the  only  causes  which  have  delayed  rny  reply  to 
this  period. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  policy  of  instituting  any  negociation  with  Great  Bri 
tain  was  severely  censured  from  the  time  this  measure  was  first  resolved  on,  and 
that  unusual  exertions  were  made  to  prejudice  the  public  mind  against  every  re 
sult  which  could  be  reasonably  expected.  You  are  also  fully  apprised  that  when 
the  treaty  was  laid  before  the  Senate,  the  President,  although  he  was  not  well 
satisfied  with  several  of  its  provisions,  determined  that  he  would  ratify  it,  if  so 
advised  by  that  body.  As  the  advisory  act  of  the  Senate  was  passed  on  the  24th 
of  June,  and  the  ratification  did  not  take  place  till  about  the  middle  of  August, 
the  object  of  this  letter  is  to  assign  the  causes  which  in  my  opinion,  occasioned  the 
delay. 

The  first  measure  of  the  President  in  relation  to  the  treaty  after  the  close  of 
the  session,  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge,  was  a  direction  to  Mr.  Randolph 
to  communicate  it  to  the  French  Minister. 

Soon  after,  the  following  questions  were  agitated,  upon  which  the  President 
required  the  opinions  of  the  heads  of  departments  in  writing.  "  1st.  Is,  or  is 
not  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the  24th  of  June  intended  to  be  the  final  act 
of  that  body,  or  do  they  expect  that  the  new  article  which  is  proposed  shall  be 
submitted  to  them  before  the  treaty  takes  effect  1  2d.  Does,  or  does  not  the 
constitution  permit  the  President  to  ratify  the  treaty  without  submitting  the  new 
article,  after  it  shall  have  been  agreed  to  by  the  British  King,  to  the  Senate  for 
their  further  advice  and  consent  ]"  The  report  which  I  delivered  was  dated  the 
30th  of  June,  but  the  discussions  occasioned  by  these  questions  and  by  the  con 
sideration  of  the  reply  which  was  directed  to  be  given  to  the  objections  of  the 
French  Minister  against  the  treaty  were  not  terminated  before  the  5th  of  July. 

By  this  time,  artful  and  well  digested  publications  appeared  in  the  newspapers- 
The  public  passions  were  considerably  excited  against  the  treaty,  and  it  was 
easy  to  perceive  that  an  extensive  and  concerted  opposition  was  formed.  In 
this  state  of  things,  inofficial  information  was  received  that  an  order  had  been 
issued  by  the  British  government  authorizing  the  capture  of  American  vessels 
laden  with  provisions  and  bound  to  France. 

It  was  contended  that  this  information  ought  to  induce  the  President  to  sus 
pend  the  act  of  ratification. 

Three  opinions  were  communicated  to  the  President.  1st.  That  he  should 
suspend  the  ratification  until  he  was  informed  of  the  existence  of  the  order,  and 
in  case  it  was  found  to  exist,  that  he  should  refuse  a  ratification  until  the  order 
was  revoked.  2d.  To  ratify  the  treaty  in  the  mode  advised  by  the  Senate,  but 
at  the  same  time  to  prepare  a  note  to  accompany  the  exchange  of  ratification, 
declaring  that  nothing  in  the  treaty  could,  in  the  opinion  of  the  President,  justify 
such  an  order  for  detaining  provision  vessels  as  was  reported  to  be  in  existence. 
The  principles  of  the  advocates  of  this  opinion  will  be  found  in  a  letter  from 
Col.  Pickering  to  Mr.  Monroe,  dated  the  12th  September,  1795.  3d.  The  Pre 
sident  ought  to  ratify  the  treaty  as  advised  by  the  Senate,  and  transmit  it  to  an 
American  minister  in  London  with  an  instruction  not  to  exchange  the  ratifica- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  243 

tions  till  the  provision  order  was  rescinded  ;  or  if  the  order  had  existed  but  was 
revoked  at  the  time,  then  to  accompany  the  ratification  with  a  remonstrance 
against  the  principle  on  which  the  order  was  supposed  to  be  founded. 

The  first  opinion  was  supported  by  Mr.  Randolph ;  the  second  by  the  other 
Secretaries  and  Attorney-General ;  the  third  was  suggested  by  Mr.  Hamilton.* 

When  the  President  discovered  that  a  diversity  of  opinion  existed  as  to  the 
course  which  he  ought  to  pursue,  he  directed  Mr.  Randolph  to  prepare  draughts 
of  instructions  for  the  minister  or  agent  who  might  be  designated  for  London, 
and  a  memorial  or  note  for  the  British  Minister,  which  after  being  presented  to 
the  other  Secretaries  and  Attorney-General  were  to  be  transmitted,  accompanied 
with  their  observations  thereon,  to  Mount  Vernon.  ,  .. 

After  the  President's  departure  from  Philadelphia,  the  public  ferment  increased. 
In  one  instance,  at  least,  as  I  was  informed  by  the  author  himself,  a  series  of  pub 
lications  in  opposition  to  the  treaty,  and  addressed  directly  to  the  President,  were 
instigated  by  Mr.  Randolph.  Owing  to  indisposition  or  some  other  cause,  but 
little  progress  was  made  in  preparing  the  instructions  and  memorial,  and  intima 
tions  were  circulated  that  the  President  was  disposed  to  withhold  his  ratification. 

The  first  intimation  I  received  of  the  existence  of  Fauchet's  letter,  was  from 
Mr.  Hammond,  on  the  26th  of  July  ;  but  it  was  not  till  the  28th  that  I  could 
persuade  him  to  deliver  me  the  original  letter,  without  possessing  which  I  did 
not  consider  it  prudent  to  speak  on  the  subject  to  any  person  whatever.  On 
the  evening  of  the  28th,  I  communicated  Fauchet's  letter  to  Col.  Pickering, 
and  it  was  concluded  between  us  to  show  it  to  Mr.  Bradford,  the  Attorney- 
General,  who  was  then  at  his  seat  in  the  country.  We  consulted  with  Mr. 
Bradford  on  the  29th,  and  it  was  agreed  to  request  the  President  to  return  to 
Philadelphia.  The  letter  expressing  this  wish  was  written  the  31st.  The  Presi 
dent  arrived  the  llth  of  August,  when  I  immediately  placed  Fauchet's  letter  in 
his  hands,  mentioning  at  the  same  time  the  circumstances  under  which  I  re 
ceived  it. 

The  consideration  of  all  questions  of  a  general  nature  was  necessarily  sus 
pended  until  that  which  affected  Mr.  Randolph  could  be  disposed  of.  That  you 
may  judge  for  yourself  of  the  President's  impressions,  I  shall  transcribe  a  note 
in  his  handwriting  which  he  delivered  to  me  and  which  has  constantly  remained 
in  my  possession. 

"  At  what  time  should  Mr.  F's  letter  be  made  known  to  Mr.  R.  ? 

"  What  will  be  the  best  mode  of  doing  it  ? — In  presence  of  the  Secretaries 
and  Attorney-General. 

"  If  the  explanations  given  by  the  latter  are  not  satisfactory,  whether,  besides 
removal,  are  any  other  measures  proper  to  be  taken,  and  what  ? 

"  Would  an  application  to  Mr.  A.  to  see  the  paragraphs  in  Nos.  3  and  6,  al 
luded  to  in  Fauchet's  letter,  be  proper  1  These  might  condemn  or  acquit  un 
equivocally.  And  if  innocent,  whether  R.  will  not  apply  for  them  if  I  do  not '? 

"  If  upon  the  investigation  of  this  subject,  it  should  appear  less  dark  than  at 

a  See  his  letter  of  Aug.  10,  1795,  infra. 


244  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

present,  but  not  so  clear  as  to  restore  confidence,  in  what  light,  and  on  what 
ground  is  the  removal  to  appear  before  the  public  1 

"  What  immediate  steps  are  necessary  to  be  taken  as  soon  as  the  removal  of 
R.  is  resolved  on,  if  that  should  be  the  case,  with  respect  to  the  archives  in 
that  office  ] 

"  If  the  letter  of  F.  is  the  only  evidence  and  that  thought  sufficient  to  the  re 
moval,  what  would  be  the  consequence  of  giving  the  letter  to  the  public  without 
any  comments,  as  the  ground  on  which  the  measure  of  the  Executive  respecting 
the  removal  is  founded  ?  It  would  speak  for  itself;  a  part,  without  the  whole, 
might  be  charged  with  unfairness.  The  public  would  expect  reasons  for  the 
sudden  removal  of  so  high  an  officer,  and  it  will  be  found  not  easy  to  avoid  say 
ing  too  little  or  too  much  upon  such  an  occasion,  as  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that 
the  removed  officer  will  acquiesce  without  attempting  a  justification,  or  at  least 
to  do  away  by  explanation'  the  sting  of  the  letter  of  accusation  ;  unless  he  was 
let  down  easily,  to  do  which  I  see  no  way  ;  for  if  he  is  guilty  of  what  is  charged, 
he  merits  no  favour,  and  if  he  is  not,  he  will  accept  of  none  ;  and  it  is  not  diffi 
cult  to  perceive  what  turn  he  and  his  friends  will  give  to  the  act,  namely,  that 
his  friendship  for  the  French  nation,  and  his  opposition  to  a  complete  ratification 
have  been  the  cause." 

The  two  first  of  these  questions  were  decided  by  the  President,  uninfluenced, 
as  far  as  my  knowledge  and  belief  extends,  by  any  suggestions  from  the  officers 
of  government.  He  was  greatly  dissatisfied  that  the  instructions  and  memorial 
had  not  been  prepared  and  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  Secretaries  and 
Attorney-General  that  their  reports  might  be  formed,  and  he  peremptorily  re 
solved  that  whether  Mr.  Randolph  was  innocent  or  culpable,  he  would  require  of 
him  the  performance  of  a  service  which  was  .his  official  duty,  and  which  ought 
to  have  been  long  before  completed. 

It  was  my  earnest  wish  to  be  excused  from  being  present  at  the  interview, 
when  Fauchet's  letter  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Randolph.  The  President,  however, 
determined  otherwise,  and  inserted  his  decision  on  the  note  I  have  transcribed. 
He  observed,  that  Fauchet's  letter  had  necessarily  excited  suspicions :  that  it 
was  proper  that  the  officers  of  government,  equally  with  himself,  should  possess 
the  same  opportunities  of  having  those  suspicions  removed  or  established  ;  and 
that  notwithstanding  the  long  connection  which  had  subsisted  between  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  and  himself,  he  was  persuaded  that  any  explanations  that  would  satisfy  his 
own  mind  would  also  be  satisfactory  to  the  officers  of  the  government.  After 
mature  consideration  it  was  considered  to  be  improper  to  make  any  application 
to  Mr.  Adet ;  that  it  was  improbable  that  Mr.  Adet  would  permit  his  records  to 
be  inspected  ;  that  neither  Fauchet's  dispatch  nor  any  certificate  of  the  French 
Minister  could  be  regarded  as  conclusive  evidence  in  favour  of  or  against  Mr. 
Randolph.  That  Mr.  Randolph's  conduct  at  the  time  an  explanation  was  re 
quired  would  probably  furnish  the  best  mea.ns  of  discovering  his  true  situation 
and  of  duly  estimating  the  defence  he  might  make. 

When  the  letter  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Randolph,  the  President  requested  him 
to  read  it  and  to  make  such  observations  thereon  as  he  thought  proper.  He 
silently  perused  it  with  composure  till  he  arrived  at  the  passage  which  refers  to 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  245 

his  "  precious  confessions,"  when  his  embarrassment  was  manifest.  After  a  short 
hesitation,  he  proceeded  to  look  over  the  letter  with  great  attention.  When  the 
perusal  was  completed,  he  said  with  a  smile  which  I  thought  forced,  "  Yes,  sir, 
I  will  explain  what  I  know."  He  then  commenced  reading  the  letter  by  para 
graphs,  and  though  a  great  part  of  it  contained  nothing  interesting  to  himself, 
yet  he  commented  on  every  part.  His  remarks  were  very  desultory,  and  it  was 
evident  that  he  was  considering  what  explanations  he  should  give  of  the  most 
material  passages.  As  he  was  not  interrupted,  it  was,  however,  impossible  to 
speak  with  precision  on  one  subject  while  his  reflections  were  employed  on  other 
subjects.  When  he  arrived  at  the  passage  in  which  Fauchet  refers  to  the  over 
tures  mentioned  in  No.  6,  and  the  "  tariff"  which  regulated  the  consciences  of 
certain  "  pretended  patriots,"  his  conduct  was  very  remarkable.  He  expressed 
no  strong  emotion,  no  resentment  against  Fauchet.  He  declared  that  he  could 
not  certainly  tell  what  was  intended  by  such  remarks.  He  said  that  he  indeed 
recollected  having  been  informed  that  Mr.  Hammond  and  other  persons  in  New 
York,  were  contriving  measures  to  destroy  Governor  Clinton,  the  French  Min 
ister,  and  himself,  and  that  he  had  inquired  of  Mr.  Fauchet  whether  he  could  not 
by  his  flour  contractors  provide  the  means  of  defeating  their  machinations.  He 
asserted,  however,  that  he  had  never  received  or  proposed  to  receive  money  for 
his  own  use  or  that  of  any  other  person,  and  had  never  made  any  improper  com 
munications  of  the  measures  of  government. 

One  question  only  was  put  to  Mr.  Randolph,  namely,  how  he  intended  to  be 
understood  when  he  represented  Mr.  Hammond  as  contriving  to  destroy  Gover 
nor  Clinton,  Mr.  Fauchet,  and  himself?  His  answer  was,  that  their  influence 
and  popularity  were  to  be  destroyed. 

Mr.  Randolph  retired  for  a  short  time,  but  he  must  have  felt  that  neither  the 
manner  nor  the  matter  of  his  explanations  could  afford  any  degree  of  satisfac 
tion.  The  result  was  a  proposal  by  Mr.  Randolph  of  an  immediate  resignation, 
which  he  promised  to  communicate  in  writing.  Mr. -Randolph  has  represented 
that  his  proposal  to  resign  was  accompanied  by  expressions  of  resentment  at  the 
treatment  he  had  received.  Although  his  letter  of  resignation  places  the  affair 
on  this  ground,  yet  my  impressions  of  what  happened  during  the  personal  inter 
view  are  very  different. 

The  circumstances  which  I  have  narrated,  will  show  how  the  President  was 
employed  from  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  Senate  in  June,  till  he  ratified  the 
treaty  in  August.  That  his  first  determination  was  to  ratify,  is  certain,  and  that 
he  ever  changed  this  determination  has  never  been  proved.  The  provision  order 
of  the  British  government  certainly  presented  a  question  of  some  difficulty,  and 
different  opinions  were  entertained  of  the  manner  in  which  it  ought  to  influence 
the  President's  measures.  This  question  was  under  consideration  when  the  Pre 
sident  left  Philadelphia.  It  was  his  established  and  well-known  practice  to  re 
serve  his  sentiments  on  questions  of  importance  till  as  late  a  period  as  was  con 
venient  before  his  formal  decisions  were  to  be  made.  It  was  Mr.  Randolph's 
duty  to  prepare  the  papers  which  were  to  bring  the  questions  relating  to  the  treaty 
to  a  final  issue,  and  this  duty  was  delayed  by  him  longer  than  was  expected.  A 
letter  from  the  President  to  Mr.  Randolph,  dated  July  22d,  may  be  understood 

21* 


246  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

to  convey  an  idea  that  the  treaty  would  not  be  ratified  while  the  provision  order 
was  supposed  to  be  in  existence  ;  but  this  is  not  the  necessary,  nor  perhaps  even 
the  most  natural  interpretation  of  that  letter.  The  President  knew  that  this 
would  be  Mr.  Randolph's  advice,  and  he  might  not  think  it  proper  to  controul 
that  opinion  at  that  time.  The  object  of  the  letter  was  to  prevent  the  increase 
of  popular  passion,  by  causing  it  to  be  known  that  so  far  as  respected  the  merits 
of  the  treaty  he  had  determined  to  pursue  the  advice  of  the  Senate,  and  from 
respect  to  Mr.  Randolph  he  might  feel  inclined  to  leave  every  collateral  question 
open  to  discussion.  Such,  certainly  was  the  manner  in  which  the  subject  was 
treated  by  him  after  his  return  to  Philadelphia.  I  have  no  knowledge  what  ver 
bal  communications  were  authorized  by  the  President,  or  were  actually  made  by 
Mr.  Randolph  to  Mr.  Hammond.  I  regret  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  write 
this  letter  sooner,  and  I  assure  you  that  I  will  ever  execute  your  commands  in 
the  best  manner  in  my  power. 

The  President  shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  this  affair 
returned  to  Mount  Vernon. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  26th,  1795. 

This  city  is  anxiously  waiting  for  Mr.  Randolph's  explanation  ;  various  re 
ports,  much  to  his  prejudice  are  in  circulation.  These  are  occasioned  by  com 
munications  from  Mr.  Hammond's  family  connections  (as  is  supposed)  or  by 
Mr.  R's.  conversations,  which  are  calculated  to  create  surmises.  I  believe  him 
to  be  very  desperate  and  malignant  in  his  feelings,  and  that  he  will  accomplish 
all  the  mischief  in  his  power.  Mr.  Dallas,  is  doubtless,  prime  councillor  and 
confidant.  It  is  reported  that  Mr.  R.  has  said  that  a  communication  was  made 
to  Mr.  Adet,  that  the  treaty  would  not  be  ratified,  unless  the  British  revoked 
any  order  which  might  exist  for  intercepting  our  provision  vessels  destined  for 
France,  and  that  the  President's  ratification  is  a  violation  of  this  promise.  If 
this  is  a  fact,  it  proves  that  a  regard  for  truth  and  candour  is  renounced.  It  is 
fortunate  however,  that  the  most  direct  proof  exists  that  Mr.  Randolph  has  re 
peatedly  admitted  that  the  ratification  was  not  inconsistent  with  any  prior  en 
gagement  of  the  President.  What  unauthorized  declarations  may  have  been 
made  to  Mr.  Adet,  no  person  can  conjecture  ;  the  most  indiscreet  and  improper 
would  not  be  incredible.  There  have  been  several  riots  in  Boston  among  the 
lower  classes  of  people.  The  spirit  was  not  suppressed  at  the  date  of  my  last 
advices.  The  great  body  of  the  people  are  firm  and  steady,  though  I  perceive 
that  a  spirit  of  enquiry  is  extending  with  no  small  anxiety  to  discover  the  cause 
of  these  commotions.  It  is  doubtless  an  enigma,  that  men  who  are  governed 
more  by  sudden  impulses  than  by  reason,  should  become  riotous,  without  any 
appar  r.t  cause,  or  definite  object  in  view.  I  firmly  believe  that  these  things  will 
be  shortly  explained  to  the  utter  confusion  of  their  abettors  and  instigators. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  247 

TO  JEDEDIAH  MORSE. 

PHILA.,  Sept.  26th,  1795. 

I  have  to  acknowledge  and  thank  you  for  your  obliging  letter  of  the  10th  inst. 
The  arrangement  you  mention  would  give  me  infinite  pleasure  and  I  doubt  not 
would  be  advantageous  to  the  public.  It  has  been  brought  under  consideration, 
but  what  will  be  the  result  cannot  be  known.  In  our  affairs  there  are  many  re 
lations  which  separately  considered  appear  unimportant,  yet  in  the  aggregate 
possess  great  influence.  No  decision  has  come  to  my  knowledge. 

The  temper  of  the  country  is  doubtless  as  you  suppose  it  to  be  ;  but  our  affairs 
are  not  exempt  from  considerable  danger.  I  have  no  doubt  that  there  exists  a 
general  combination  to  involve  the  United  States  in  trouble,  and  though  the 
numbers  who  are  united  in  this  design  are  inconsiderable,  yet  by  their  union 
and  the  address  with  which  they  manage  every  public  discontent,  they  may  pos 
sibly  prevail. 

I  doubt  not  that  men  of  reflection  with  you,  are  anxions  to  investigate  the  real 
source  of  those  agitations  which  successively  happen  in  our  great  towns.  It  is 
certain  that  they  do  not  proceed  from  public  misfortunes  or  from  a  sense  of  ac 
tual  oppression.  What  do  these  things  portend  1 

The  abrupt  resignation  of  Mr.  Randolph,  his  journey  to  Rhode  Island,  a  letter 
which  he  has  published  to  the  President,  and  the  reports  which  are  here  circula 
ting,  and  which  may  reach  you,  will,  I  am  confident,  strongly  excite  the  public 
curiosity.  It  is  not  the  time  for  me,  in  point  of  propriety,  to  say  more  on  the 
subject  than  that  nothing  ought  to  be  taken  for  granted  against  those  who  remain 
in  office.  Mr.  Randolph's  letter  will  be  understood  to  intimate  that  something 
is  amiss,  and  that  he  says  he  is  on  the  right  side.  Some  others  are  on  the  wrong 
or  his  suggestions  are  unfounded.  Time  will  discover  how  these  matters  are, 
and  truth  will,  I  presume,  prevail. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA  September  26th,  1795. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  20th,  and  regret  the  cause  which  deprived 
me  of  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 

Nothing  is  known  of  the  authors  to  whom  you  allude.  The  "  features  of  the 
treaty"  were,  doubtless,  painted  by  Dallas.*  Doctors  Logan  and  Lieb,  Bache, 
Beckley,  T.  L.  Shippen,  are  much  suspected.  S.  Sayre,  of  New  Jersey,  is,  I 
understand  very  violent.  Perhaps  the  avowed  intemperance  of  these  men 
against  the  government  is  the  only  evidence  against  them.  I  can  furnish  no 
direct  proof. 

Mr.  Randolph  has  published  a  preface  which  you  have  seen  ;  this  is  the  opening 
of  a  new  and  very  extraordinary  campaign.  Perhaps  you  know  something  of 

»  The  authorship  was  denied  by  Mr.  Dallas. 


248  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

the  cause  of  his  hostility.  I  consider  Mr.  R.  as  perfectly  desperate  and  malig 
nant.  He  will  do  all  the  mischief  in  his  power.  His  long  acquaintance  with 
our  affairs,  the  predominating  influence  which  he  possessed  in  those  which  con 
cerned  his  own  department,  and  his  skill  in  misrepresentation,  furnish  him  with 
important  advantages.  Dallas  is  councillor  in  all  his  councils,  and  will  of  course 
prune  away  many  indiscretions  and  render  a  bad  case  as  plausible  as  the  nature 
of  it  will  admit.  I  rely,  however,  upon  the  sense  and  virtue  of  the  public  and 
trust  that  the  truth  will  prevail. 

The  public  affairs  are  certainly  in  a  critical  state.  I  do  not  clearly  see  how 
those  of  the  Treasury  are  to  be  managed.  Our  foreign  resources  are  dried  up, 
our  domestic  are  deeply  anticipated  ;  at  least  as  respects  the  bank.  Banks  are 
multiplying  like  mushrooms.  The  prices  of  all  our  exports  are  enhanced  by  paper 
negociations  and  unfounded  projects,  so  that  no  foreign  market  will  indemnify  the 
shippers  ;  our  commerce  is  harrassed  by  the  war  and  our  internal  revenue  un 
productive  of  the  expected  sums,  owing  to  prejudice,  combination  and  the  want  of 
competent  officers.  Usury  absorbs  much  of  that  capital  which  might  be  calcula 
ted  upon  as  a  resource,  if  visionary  speculations  could  be  destroyed. 

You  know,  however,  that  I  shall  do  the  best  in  my  power,  and  that  intima 
tions  from  you  will  always  be  thankfully  received. 


TO  FREDERICK  WOLCOTT, 

PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  29,  179;5. 

The  resignation  of  Mr.  Randolph  and  certain  subsequent  appearances,  will 
have  interested  the  public  curiosity  on  that  subject.  I  cannot  with  propriety  write 
you  a  history  of  the  affair,  though  1  wish  to  do  it.  The  reports  of  infidelity  to 
the  United  States  which  are  circulated,  are  not  entirely  true.  Yet  it  is  true  that 
I  have  lost  all  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  Mr.  R.  and  believe  that  but  for  a  for 
tunate  discovery,  our  affairs  would  have  been  ruined  by  him. 

There  is  much  bluster  about  the  virtue  of  this  country,  but  it  has  little  influence 
with  many  who  make  the  profession  of  it.  Young  as  this  country  is,  and  virtuous 
as  it  is  inferred  to  be  from  this  circumstance,  we  have  as  wicked  men  among  us 
as  are  to  be  found  in  any  other.  Faction  has  received  an  organization  as  syste 
matical,  and  acquired  a  malignity  as  inveterate,  as  in  much  older  countries,  and 
unless  the  people  can  be  soon  undeceived,  they  wyill  find  themselves  in  a  bad 
predicament. 

Mr.  Randolph  is  soon  to  publish  a  vindication  of  his  conduct.  This  will  open 
a  scene  which  will  be  interesting,  and  the  result  will  show  what  we  have  to  hope 
or  to  fear  from  party  spirit. 

It  is  a  principle  with  me  never  to  fear  or  despond,  and  on  this  ground  I  predict 
that  every  thing  will  prove  fortunate  for  our  country,  even  the  machinations  of 
its  enemies. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  249 

FROM  WILLIAM  VANS  MURRAY. 

CAMBRIDGE,  E.  S  ,  Md.,  2d  Oct.,  1795. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  favour  of  the  25th  September,  which  I 
just  now  received.  Mr.  R's.  affair  has  struck  me  exceedingly.  The  report  here 
was  that  he  had  given  Fauchet  a  hint  about  French  guineas,  a  thing  I  cannot  be 
lieve  ;  but  it  must  be  explained.  So  much  has  been  said,  that  much  must  be 
written  to  explain.  Indeed  I  am  quite  in  the  dark,  further  than  the  mere  report 
to  which  I  allude,  for  from  R's.  prefatory  note  to  Brown  the  printer,  nothing  can 
be  collected.  I  assure  you  it  is  not  understood  here  that  you,  or  any  of  the  ad 
ministration  are  implicated.  F.  always  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  melancholy,  bil 
ious  man. 

The  General  Court  for  the  eastern  shore  of  this  State,  were  lately  convened  at 
Easton.  At  this  court  were  a  great  collection  of  very  respectable  men  from  the  eight 
counties  of  the  E.  S.  as  well  as  some  from  the  Western  Shore.  The  treaty  occa 
sionally  became  the  topic.  I  do  assure  you  that  by  nine-tenths  of  the  gentlemen 
collected  from  all  the  counties  the  treaty  was  approved,  and  the  fiat  of  our  good 
President  the  order  of  the  day.  I  dined  with  the  Judges,  Attorney  General,  Mr. 
Pinkney,  a  member  of  the  council,  a  remarkably  eloquent  young  man,  and  some 
others,  and  the  whole  tide  of  talk  and  of  toasts  was  with  the  government  and  the 
treaty,  and  an  execration  of  the  Jacobin  principles. 

I  most  seriously  however,  see  the  temper  of  the  Southern  States  swelling  into 
gall  and  mischief.  This  will  vent  itself  in  violent  declamatory  speeches  in  Con 
gress.  It  will  particularly  show  itself  on  the  question  of  appropriating  a  sum  pro 
visionally  for  the  drafts  of  the  Commissioners  under  the  treaty.  You  see  I  do 
not  despair  of  a  majority  even  on  that  question.  They  will  have  a  majority  on 
most  questions,  but  this  majority  is  composed  of  different  materials.  Ten  or 
twelve  of  them  will  shrink  from  the  precipice  of  war,  when  they  are  brought  up 
to  it.  Firmness  in  the  Executive  will  most  assuredly  save  us  fcom  internal  con 
vulsions.  Our  country  is  unfortunately  formed  for  the  preparatory  steps  to  civil 
war  and  confusion,  through  the  licentiousness  of  the  press.  But  there  are  great 
causes,  I  hope,  in  operation,  which  will  counteract  this  evil  tendency.  The  peo 
ple  in  towns  may  mob  and  rouse,  but  I  do  believe  those  in  the  country  cannot 
soon  be  brought  to  the  service  of  sedition.  It  will  be  all  talk  and  writing. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT.  • 

MOUNT  VERNON,  2d  Oct.,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  26th  ultimo  was  received  yesterday.  It  is  not  wonderful 
that  Mr.  Randolph's  late  conduct,  and  the  publication  of  his  letter  to  me,  should 
have  excited  an  anxious  curiosity  to  know  what  his  explanations  will  be  ;  but  it 
is  wonderful  that  so  much  time  should  be  required  to  give  birth  to  them. 

a  Vide  Sparks'  Writings  of  Washington,  XI.  p.  76 


250  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

Embarrassed,  as  it  is  to  be  apprehended  he  is,  in  this  business,  his  object  I  con 
ceive  must  be  to  gain  time,  to  puzzle  and  to  try  if  he  cannot  discover  inconsis 
tencies  in  the  conduct  of  others  relative  to  it.  On  no  other  ground  can  I  account 
for  his  letter  to  me  dated  the  21st  ult.,  which  with  his  other  two  of  the  15th,  and 
my  reply  to  the  whole,  I  herewith  inclose  for  the  information  of  yourself  and 
Col.  Pickering  only. 

His  letters  of  the  15th  received  no  acknowledgement ;  and  at  first  I  hesitated 
whether  to  give  any  to  that  of  the  21st.  After  a  while,  I  thought  of  referring 
him  to  you  for  information  on  those  points  which  it  was  evidently  as  much  or 
more  in  your  power  than  in  mine  to  give  him  ;  but  finally,  I  conceived  it  most 
eligible  to  furnish  him  with  no  pretexts,  and  therefore  wrote  what  you  will  see 
in  the  copy.  I  did  it,  because  if  delay  was  his  object,  it  would  be  promoted  by 
my  silence,  and  because,  (which  probably  would  have  answered  his  purposes  still 
better)  it  might  have  afforded  him  some  ground  for  saying  he  was  doomed  to  be 
a  victim,  and  with  a  view  to  accomplish  it,  the  means  to  his  vindication  were  de 
nied  or  withheld.  These  reasons,  added  to  a  disposition  to  do  him  all  manner  of 
justice,  induced  me  to  give  him  concise  answers  to  all  his  queries  as  far  as  the 
means  were  within  my  power,  although  fully  convinced  in  my  own  mind  of  the 
insidious  tendency  of  them.  Whether  similar  enquiries  have  been  made  of  you, 
or  of  Col.  Pickering,  or  both,  by  him,  I  know  not.  If  they  have,  to  see  if  he 
could  not  involve  inconsistencies  in  the  answers  has  been  his  aim.  And  to  know 
what  kind  of  superstructure  he  might  build  on  the  information  he  has  obtained, 
if  any,  from  M.  Fauchet,  it  was  necessary  to  ascertain  in  the  first  place,  whether 
the  government  was  in  possession  of  any  part  of  that  gentleman's  letters  num 
bered  3  and  6,  by  which  this  superstructure  might  be  endangered.  I  was  on  the 
point  once,  of  hinting  to  him  that  I  hoped  nothing  in  his  vindication  would  ren 
der  it  necessary  to  publish  the  whole  of  M.  Fau chefs  letter,  but  on  second 
thoughts  declined  it,  lest  he  should  consider  it  as  a  threat,  and  make  an  improper 
use  of  it. 

As  I  shall  be  in  Philadelphia  shortly,  I  will  not  add  on  this  subject ;  but  from 
you,  if  anything  more  transpires,  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear.  The  present  enclo 
sures  may  remain  in  your  hands  until  I  return  to  the  city.  With  very  great 
esteem  and  regard,  I  am  dear  sir,  always  yours, 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 

The  substance  of  Washington's  reply  to  Randolph,  is 
sufficiently  given  in  the  following : a 


FROM  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  October  2,  1795. 
Sir, 

I  yesterday  received  from  the  President  a  letter  dated  on  the  27th  of  Septem 
ber,  1795,  containing  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  21st,  the  following  clauses  : 

a  The  letter  itself  will  be  found  in  Sparks'  Writings  of  Washington,  XI.  p.  75. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  251 

"  It  is  not  in  my  power  to  inform  you  at  what  time  Mr.  Hammond  put  the  in 
tercepted  letter  of  Mr.  Fauchet  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Wolcott.  I  had  no  inti 
mation  of  the  existence  of  such  a  letter,  until  after  my  arrival  in  Philadelphia, 
the  llth  of  August.  When  Lord  Grenville  first  obtained  that  letter,  and  when 
the  British  Minister  here  received  it  from  him,  are  facts  with  which  I  am  entirely 
unacquainted. 

"  I  have  never  seen,  in  whole  or  in  part,  Mr.  Fauchet's  despatches,  numbered 
three  and  six  ;  nor  do  I  possess  any  document  or  knowledge  of  papers  which 
have  affinity  to  the  subject  in  question." 

As  the  British  Minister  conveyed  through  your  hands  this  business  to  the  Pre 
sident,  I  hold  myself  authorized  to  inquire  from  you  into  some  material  facts,  as 
they  probably  rest  in  your  knowledge.  These  are,  as  to  the  time  when  Mr. 
Hammond  put  the  letter  into  your  hands  ;  as  to  Lord  Grenville,  Mr.  Hammond, 
or  yourself,  having  seen  or  been  possessed  of  Nos.  3  and  6,  or  either  of  them,  in 
or  out  of  cipher  ;  and  as  to  there  being  any  other  paper  connected  with  this  af 
fair  which  may  be  brought  up  in  my  absence.  If  you  have  heard  the  time  about 
which  Lord  Grenville  first  obtained  the  letter,  and  when  the  British  Minister  here 
received  it  from  him,  information  of  it  will  tend  to  elucidate  some  other  points. 
I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 


TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  October  2d,  1795. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  and  readily  reply  to  your  enquiries. 
Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  to  which  you  allude,  was  delivered  to  me  by  Mr.  Ham 
mond,  on  the  28th  of  July,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  llth  of  August  I  presented 
it  to  the  President. 

I  have  never  seen  or  been  possessed  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letters,  numbered  3  or  6, 
or  either  of  them,  in  or  out  of  cypher,  and  I  have  no  knowledge  whether  they,  or 
either  of  them  have  been  seen  by  Lord  Grenville,  or  Mr.  Hammond.  It  is  im 
possible  for  me  to  say,  whether  any  other  document  may  be  hereafter  brought 
into  view  as  connected  with  the  subject  in  question.  Perhaps  something  will 
depend  upon  the  manner  in  which  the  discussion  of  this  affair  may  be  managed 
on  your  part,  as  it  may  render  an  inquiry  after  other  papers  necessary.  You  may 
be  assured  however,  that  nothing  has  been  at  any  time  concealed  by  me  to  your 
prejudice.  The  letter  which  I  received  from  Mr.  Hammond  was,  as  I  have  been 
informed,  taken  from  the  "  Jean  Bart,"  a  French  vessel.  I  do  not  know  the  time 
when  it  was  received  by  Lord  Grenville,  or  Mr.  Hammond.  It  rests  in  my 
memory  however,  that  Mr.  Hammond  informed  me  that  the  letter  had  been 
received  by  him  but  a  short  time  before  it  was  presented  to  me,  but  of  this  fact 
I  am  not  certain.  I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant. 


252  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

FROM  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  8th,  1795. 
Sir, 

You  mistook  me  if  you  supposed  that  I  meant  to  propound  to  you  any  ques 
tion,  the  answer  to  which  might  prevent  the  appearance  of  any  paper  whatever. 
I  know  that  this  must  depend  upon  the  head  of  the  Executive,  and  I  put  at  de 
fiance  all  papers  which  now  are,  or  hereafter  may  be  seen.  I  only  wished  to 
learn  before  my  departure  for  Virginia,  whether  anything  more  than  the  letter 
No.  10,  had  been  used  in  Mr.  Hammond's  machination,  so  as  to  be  able  to  pre 
pare  how  to  repel  it. 

It  is  material  however  to  understand  what  observations,  or  message  from  Mr. 
Hammond  or  his  government,  accompanied  the  communication  of  the  letter  to 
you,  in  order  that  they  might  be  transmitted  to  the  President,  for  if  I  am  to  judge 
from  some  hints  which  have  been  given  in  the  public  prints,  and  from  other  data, 
I  have  reason  to  conclude  that  Mr.  Hammond  was  particularly  instructed  upon 
the  occasion.  In  short,  candor  entitles  me  to  expect  that  you  will  not  hesitate  to 
give  me  this  information.  I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 

TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  8th,  1795. 

Notwithstanding  I  am  convinced  that  a  knowledge  of  the  minute  circumstan 
ces  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  this  date  cannot  be  material  to  your  defence,  and 
though  you  have  already  been  particularly  informed  of  the  manner  in  which  M. 
Fauchet's  letter  was  conveyed  to  the  President ;  yet  I  mean  not  to  incur  the 
imputation  of  wanting  candor  by  forbearing  a  reply  to  your  enquiry. 

When  the  existence  of  the  intercepted  letter  was  first  mentioned  to  me  by  Mr. 
Hammond,  he  did  not  intimate  or  request  that  its  contents  might  be  communica 
ted  to  the  President.  It  was  my  own  suggestion  that  the  letter  ought  to  be  deli 
vered  to  me  for  that  purpose.  To  this  Mr.  Hammond  finally  assented,  upon  the 
condition  that  a  copy  certified  by  me  should  remain  in  his  hands.  My  motive 
for  wishing  to  obtain  the  original  letter,  will  readily  be  discerned :  without  pos 
sessing  it,  I  could  not  safely  venture  to  make  any  representation  of  its  contents, 
and  I  felt  no  disposition  to  be  the  secret  depository  of  facts,  affecting  not  only 
your  character,  but  also  the  public  interests. 

The  nature  of  your  inquiries  on  this  subject,  leads  me  to  assure  you,  that  I  am 
not  conversant  in  the  secrets  of  foreign  ministers,  and  that  I  cannot  say  whether 
Mr.  Hammond  was,  or  was  not  "  particularly  instructed,"  to  communicate  M. 
Fauchet's  letter  to  the  President.  No  such  instruction  was  communicated  tome. 
I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant. 

On  the  same  day  with  the  preceding  to  Wolcott,  Mr, 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  253 

Randolph  wrote  to  the  President,  that  his  defence  was 
only  delayed  by  waiting  permission  to  publish  his  letter  of 
the  22d  July,  and  his  "  consent  that  the  whole  of  the  affair, 
however  confidential  and  delicate,  be  exhibited  to  the 
world."  This  letter  did  not  immediately  reach  the  Pre 
sident,  having  crossed  him  on  his  route  to  Philadelphia  ; 
but  on  the  10th,  and  before  it  could  in  any  event  have  been 
received,  Mr.  Randolph  published  an  extract  from  it  in 
the  Philadelphia  Gazette,  accompanied  by  the  following 
note  to  the  editor. 

"  Sir,  the  letter  from  which  the  enclosed  is  an  extract, 
relates  principally  to  the  requisition  of  a  particular  paper. 
My  only  view  at  present  is,  to  show  my  fellow  citizens  what 
is  the  state  of  my  vindication." 

This  object  could  doubtless  have  been  accomplished,  if 
it  had  been  the  only  one,  in  a  more  direct  and  candid 
manner,  but  amidst  so  much  that  is  worse,  this  is  of  little 
importance.  On  the  21st,  Washington  wrote  that  he  had 
received  his  letter  but  the  day  before,  and  in  reply,  to  use 
his  own  words,  gave  him  "  full  liberty  to  publish  an}r,  and 
every  private  and  confidential  letter  he  had  ever  written 
him  ;  nay  more,  every  word  he  ever  uttered  to  him,  or  in 
his  presence,  from  whence  he  could  derive  any  advantage 
in  his  vindication."  a 


FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

^NEW  YORK,  October  3,  1795. 

I  have  received  your  letter,  and  thank  you  for  the  information.  As  to  Ran 
dolph  I  shall  be  surprised  at  nothing,  but  if  the  facts  come  out,  his  personal  influ 
ence  is  at  all  events  damned.  No  colouring  will  remove  unfavourable  impres 
sions.  To  do  mischief  he  must  work  in  the  dark. 

What  you  say  respecting  your  own  department  disquiets  me,  for  I  think  we 
shall  for  the  present  weather  all  storms  but  those  from  real  deficiencies  in  our 
public  engagements.  Not  knowing  details,  I  can  suggest  nothing,  except  this 
general  observation,  that  if  the  means  heretofore  provided,  are  seriously  likely  to 

a  Sparks'  Writings  of  Washington,  XL  p.  85 
VOL.    I.  22 


254  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9 . 

prove  inadequate,  Congress  ought  to  be  told  so,  in  order  to  a  further  provision, 
It  was  a  maxim  in  my  mind,  executive  arrangements  should  not  fail  for  want  of 
a  full  disclosure  to  the  legislature.  Then  if  adequate  provision  be  not  made  the 
responsibility  is  theirs.  The  worst  evil  we  can  struggle  with  is,  inefficiency  in 
the  measures  of  government. 

If  I  remember  right,  it  never  appeared  that  Fauchet  had  any  power  to  make 
a  commercial  treaty  with  us,  and  the  late  Attorney  General  (Bradford)  informed 
me  that  Adet  had  power  only  to  treat,  none  to  conclude.  How  are  those  things? 
I  ask  for  special  reasons. 

What  is  the  object  of  the  despatch  boat  from  France  1  Nothing  menacing  I 
hope.  Mrs.  Hamilton  joins  me  in  affectionate  compliments  to  Mrs.  Wolcott. 
Adieu,  yours,  with  esteem, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

The  subject  of  British  claims,  provided  for  in  the  new 
treaty,  which  afterwards  became  a  matter  of  serious  differ 
ence  between  the  two  countries,  came  up  incidentally 
this  summer,  and  will  be  found  treated  in  the  two  follow 
ing  letters. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  October  6,  1795. 

1  will  in  a  few  days  inform  you  of  the  facts  upon  which  my  former  letter  was 
predicated. 

The  enclosed  case  of  the  Betsey,  Capt.  Furlong,  excites  much  alarm  here,  and 
I  think  with  reason.  The  same  principles  will  extirpate  nine-tenths  of  our 
claims  for  spoliations,  and  lead  to  new  assaults  up:n  our  commerce. 

I  wish  to  know  your  opinion  of  the  mode  of  proceeding  under  the  7th  article 
of  our  treaty  with  England.  Must  all  cases  go  through  a  process  of  litigation 
before  the  English  courts,  before  they  are  submitted  to  commissioners?  If  so,  for 
what  purpose  ?  Is  the  legality  or  illegality,  the  regularity  or  irregularity  of  a 
capture,  to  be  determined  solely  in  those  courts,  or  will  the  commissioners  take 
up  claims  de  novo  ?  This  is  an  interesting  question,  for  there  is  now  little  doubt 
but  that  the  commissioners  of  appeals  will  affirm  most  of  the  judgments  of  con 
demnation. 

My  doubt  on  this  subject  principally  arises  from  finding  that  the  6th  article 
provides  for  the  British  debts,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  7th  provides  for  the 
spoliation  cases,  and  moreover  defines  the  cases  to  be  those  where  relief  cannot  be 
had  in  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings.  Now  it.  appears  to  me  that  it 
would  be  a  very  dilatory,  expensive  and  unnecessary  process,  to  compel  an  Eng 
lishman  to  travel  through  our  courts,  merely  to  ascertain  that  they  could  not  do 
him  justice,  and  to  prepare  his  case  for  the  commissioners.  The  same  objections 
exist  against  a  similar  operation  in  the  British  Courts  of  Admiralty.  Is  it  not 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  255 

therefore  the  meaning  of  the  treaty,  that  the  commissioners  shall  settle  both 
descriptions  of  claims  and  award  compensation,  according  to  principles  of  equity  1 
And  if  this  is  the  case,  why  is  Mr.  Bayard  trying  questions  which  are  decided 
against  him  at  an  expense,  which  he  estimates  may  amount  to  £75,000  sterling? 

I  must  own  I  do  not  see  through  this  business,  and  though  you  may  think  it 
strange,  I  beg  you  to  remember  that  I  knew  nothing  concerning  the  treaty  till 
lately,  and  cannot  devote  much  time  to  it  without  sacrificing  objects  more  imme 
diately  in  the  line  of  my  duty. 

The  fact  is  that  the  old  doctrines  of  inalienable  allegiance,  and  that  neutrals 
may  not  in  time  of  war  carry  on  a  commerce  inhibited  in  time  of  peace  ;  also 
the  new  doctrine  that  places  can  be  blockaded  by  proclamation,  are  to  be  ad 
duced  against  the  United  States,  and  from  present  appearances  they  will  gov 
ern  the  courts  of  admiralty.  The  effect  which  these  principles  will  have,  I  need 
not  state  to  you.  If  all  this  subject  cannot  be  taken  up  by  commissioners  and 
compromised  equitably,  the  discussion  of  the  claims  will  work  infinite  mischief. 
I  wish  therefore  to  see  some  way  in  which  Mr.  Bayard's  agency  at  the  British 
Courts  might  be  arrested. 

M.  Fauchet  made  no  overtures  relative  to  a  treaty  of  any  kind.  M.  Adet 
says  he  is  authorized  to  digest  a  new  treaty  of  commerce  and  a  new  consular 
convention,  but  not  to  conclude.  Mr.  Randolph  agreed  to  meet  him  on  this 
ground,  but  nothing  has  been  done  that  I  know  of. 

I  know  nothing  of  despatches.  The  French  minister  is  reserved  ;  he  thinks 
more  than  he  expresses,  and  his  expressions  breathe  something  of  dissatisfaction. 
We  are  I  think  in  no  very  good  way,  but  must  make  the  best  of  circumstances. 

What  you  say  of  efficiency  is  true  ;  but  there  are  no  materials  to  be  efficient 
with.  Col.  Pickering  and  myself  are  perfectly  agreed,  and  he  is  as  firm,  indus 
trious  and  intelligent,  as  any  body  could  wish.  There  is,  however,  a  mass  of 
business,  and  few  of  that  class  of  men  in  the  public  service  who  understand  de 
tails,  and  endeavour  to  keep  things  in  order.  Even  our  able  clerks  cannot  be 
retained  ;  several  have  actually  gone.  / 


FROM  TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

October  6th,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

Mr.  Taylor  informs  me  that  M.  Fauchet  never  to  his  knowledge  made  even 
any  overtures  relative  to  a  treaty  of  any  kind.  I  have  cast  my  eye  over  those 
of  M.  Adet,  by  which  it  appears  that  he  is  authorized  to  "  digest "  with  the 
American  government  a  new  treaty  of  commerce  and  a  new  consular  conven 
tion  ;  but  not  to  conclude  any  thing.  Mr.  Randolph  agreed  to  meet  him  on 
this  ground.  If  the  articles  digested  should  meet  the  approbation  of  the  respec 
tive  governments,  they  might  give  full  powers  to  constitute  of  those  articles  the 
proposed  new  treaties.  Sincerely  yours, 

T.  PICKERING. 


256  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PmLA.,Oct.  13th,  1795. 


Mr.  Randolph's  affair  must  have  an  odd  complexion  with  the  public.  As  he 
is  in  the  shade,  I  have  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  not  to  anticipate  his  vindication  by  any 
censures.  But  I  may  say  to  you  in  confidence,  that  I  consider  him  as  a  lost  and 
desperate  man,  who  will  endeavour  to  effect  all  the  mischief  possible. 

As  his  situation  has  been  of  the  most  confidential  kind,  he  will  be  able  to  re 
veal  every  weakness,  error  or  inconsistency  of  the  government,  and  thus  impair 
confidence  and  excite  faction.  You  know  the  world  and  characters  too  well 
not  to  be  sensible  that  many  things  depend  for  their  reputation  upon  secrecy.  It 
ought  to  be  sufficient  that  affairs  go  on  well,  and  are  finally  settled  right.  The  bad 
logic  which  has  produced  a  true  result  need  not  be  exposed. 

Mr.  R.,  I  have  no  doubt  has  been  unfaithful  to  the  government,  and  has  actu 
ally  made  treasonable  or  corrupt  overtures  to  the  late  French  Minister.  The 
stories  which  are  circulating  are  not  true,  but  it  is  hard  to  say  that  the  truth  is 
not  as  much  to  his  disadvantage.  Goodrich  may  inform  you  more  than  I  can 
commit  to  paper.  R's.  plan  will  be  to  raise  a  cloud  about  the  treaty,  &c  ,  un 
der  an  expectation  that  he  can  hide  himself  behind  it.  I  hope  that  the  truth 
will  come  out ;  indeed  it  shall  be  told  by  me  if  any  false  statements  are  made  on 
his  part. 

I  regret  this  affair  exceedingly,  as  I  see  that  it  will  excite  the  people  and 
may  possibly  take  a  turn  injurious  to  the  true  interests  of  the  country.  At  any 
rate  it  will  prove  a  test  of  patriotism  and  discernment,  and  we  shall  know  what 
we  are  to  expect. 


Some  important  changes  in  the  cabinet  became  neces 
sary  in  consequence  of  Mr.  Randolph's  resignation.  The 
office  of  Secretary  of  State  was  at  first  offered  to  PATRICK 
HENRY.  Of  him  Marshall  says  :  "He  had  led  the  oppo 
sition  to  the  constitution  in  Virginia,  but  after  its  adoption, 
his  hostility  had  in  some  measure  subsided.  He  was  truly 
the  personal  friend  of  the  President  and  had  lately  man 
ifested  a  temper  not  inimical  to  the  administration."  The 
offer  of  so  responsible  an  office  to  a  person  who  occupied 
this,  at  best  neutral  position,  was  a  new  proof  of  the  im 
partiality  of  the  President  in  his  selection  of  officers,  and 
the  tone  of  the  letter  in  which  it  was  conveyed,  is  alone 
sufficient  to  refute  the  calumnies  heaped  upon  the  chief 
magistrate.  "  My  ardent  desire  is,"  he  said,  "  and  rny 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  257 

aim  has  been  (as  far  as  depended  upon  the  executive  de 
partment)  to  comply  strictly  with  all  our  foreign  and  do 
mestic  engagements ;  but  to  keep  the  United  States  free 
from  political  connections  with  every  other  country ;  to 
see  them  independent  of  all,  and  under  the  influence  of 
none.  In  a  word  I  want  an  American  character ;  that 
the  powers  of  Europe  may  be  convinced  we  act  for  our 
selves  and  not  for  others."  Patrick  Henry  was  however 
prevented  by  private  considerations  from  occupying  this 
office.a  It  was  likewise  offered  to  Mr.  Patterson,  Mr. 
King,  Gen.  C.  C.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Thomas  Johnson  of 
Maryland.  In  the  interim  the  duties  were  performed  by 
Col.  Pickering. 

Mr.  Bradford,  the  Attorney  General,  who   had  died  in 
August,  was  replaced  by  CHARLES  LEE,  of  Virginia. 


In  order  to  preserve  the  connection  of  the  foregoing 
narration,  one  occurrence  has  been  passed  over  which 
now  requires  notice. 

Among  the  many  personal  attacks  upon  Washington 
which  came  forth  from  time  to  time,  was  an  article  in  the 
Aurora,  signed  "A  Calm  Observer,"  which  appeared  to 
wards  the  end  of  October.  The  paper  was  addressed 
indeed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  was  levelled 
at  the  President  himself,  whom  it  charged  with  having 
constantly  overdrawn  his  salary,  Hamilton  and  Wolcott 
being  implicated  as  conniving  at  the  fraud  in  violation  of 
the  laws  and  of  their  oaths.  The  charge  was  supported 
by  statements  specifying  the  times  at  which,  as  was 
averred,  the  overdrafts  had  taken  place,  and  conveying 
the  idea  that  they  were  now  serious  in  amount.  The 
"  Calm  Observer"  thus  concluded  his  malignant  and  des-- 
picable  libel : 

a  Vide  V.  Marsh,  all,  note. 

22* 


258  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9 

"  What  will  posterity  say  to  the  man  who  has  acted  in 
the  manner  I  have  stated,  after  having  thus  solemnly  ad 
dressed  the  legislature  of  his  country  :  *  When  I  was  first 
honored  with  a  call  into  the  service  of  my  country,  then 
on  the  eve  of  an  arduous  struggle  for  its  liberties,  the  light 
in  which  I  contemplated  my  duty,  required  that  I  should 
renounce  every  pecuniary  compensation.  From  this  reso 
lution  I  have  in  no  instance  departed ;  and  being  still  un 
der  the  impressions  which  produced  it,  I  mast  decline,  as 
inapplicable  to  myself,  any  share  in  the  personal  emolu 
ments  which  may  be  indispensably  included  in  a  perma 
nent  salary,  and  must  accordingly  pray  that  the  pecuniary 
estimates  for  the  station  in  which  I  am  placed,  may,  dur 
ing  my  continuance  in  it,  be  limited  to  such  actual  expen 
ditures  as  the  public  good  may  be  thought  to  require/ 
WlLL  NOT  THE  WORLD  BE  LED  TO  CONCLUDE  THAT  THE 
MASK  OF  POLITICAL  HYPOCRISY  HAS  BEEN  ALIKE  WORN  BY 
A  CAESAR,  A  CROMWELL,  AND  A  WASHINGTON?" 

Congress  had  annually  appropriated  the  sum  of  $25,000 
for  the  President's  salary,  which,  by  the  act  of  Sept.  24th, 
1789,  was  fixed  at  that  sum,  payable  quarterly  out  of  the 
treasury.  Now  it  so  happened  tha.t  the  President,  in  ac 
cordance  with  his  expressed  intention,  had  never  per 
sonally  drawn  any  monies  from  the  treasury  ;  but  his  pri 
vate  Secretary,  as  they  were  from  time  to  time  wanted, 
drew  the  amount  required.  The  sums  thus  advanced 
had  never  exceeded  the  sums  previously  appropriated  by 
law,  though  they  had  sometimes  exceeded,  as  they  some 
times  fell  short  of  the  sums  actually  due  for  past  services  ; 
but  the  treasury  had  never  been  in  advance  for  the  Presi 
dent  at  any  time  to  the  amount  of  a  quarter's  salary,  and 
on  the  first  day  of  the  month  in  which  the  attack  ap 
peared,  there  was  actually  due  him  over  $800  beyond 
the  advances  made.  The  whole  basis  on  which  the  at 
tack  was  made,  was  fictitious,  and  the  question  simply 
resolved  itself  into  this,  viz  :  whether  it  was  lawful  to  an- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  259 

ticipate  the  whole  or  any  part  of  the  salary  of  the  quar 
ter.  The  same  practice  existed,  and  necessarily,  in  other 
matters,  especially  in  the  payment  of  members  of  Con 
gress,  where  a  gross  sum  was  at  once  paid  to  the  Speaker 
to  be  disbursed  from  time  to  time,  and  for  which  he  was 
afterwards  to  account.  The  sums  thus  advanced,  with 
the  times  of  the  advances,  had  been  always  rendered  to 
Congress  and  printed  with  the  annual  accounts  of  the 
treasury ;  thus  the  practice  was  public,  and  its  legality 
had  never  been  doubted. 

The  day  after  the  appearance  of  this  attack,  Wolcott 
addressed  the  following  letter : 

TO  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  AURORA. 

PHILADELPHIA,  October  24. 
Mr.  Bache, 

I  have  read  in  your  paper  of  the  23d  instant,  an  indecent  invective  addressed 
to  me,  under  the  signature  of  "  A  Calm  Observer,"  the  object  of  which  is  to  im 
press  an  opinion  on  the  public  mind  that  the  President  has  received  from  the 
treasury  greater  sums  than  were  authorized  by  law.  As  connected  with  the 
main  design  of  calumniating  the  Executive,  the  writer  has,  however,  adduced 
against  my  predecessor  and  myself,  the  serious  charges — of  having  violated  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  by  issuing  monies  for  which  there  was  no  ap 
propriation — of  having  violated  the  law  establishing  the  treasury  department 
which  directs  that  no  warrants  on  the  Treasurer  shall  be  signed  by  the  Secretary 
or  countersigned  by  the  Comptroller  unless  pursuant  to  some  appropriation — of 
having  violated  the  oath  prescribed  for  the  officers  of  the  treasury. 

In  respect  to  the  President,  it  is  proper  to  say  that  it  has  been  well  understood 
at  the  treasury,  that  the  monies  appropriated  for  his  compensation  were  applied 
solely  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  household,  of  which  a  regular  account  has 
been  kept  by  his  private  Secretary.  The  advances  from  the  treasury  have  here 
tofore  been  uniformly  made  on  the  application,  and  in  the  name  of  some  one  of 
the  private  secretaries,  except  in  a  single  instance,  lately,  when  the  present  Se 
cretary  was  absent.  The  special  order  of  the  President  for  monies  to  defray  the 
current  expenses  of  his  household  has  never  been  deemed  necessary. 

If,  therefore,  there  has  been  an  error  in  advancing  monies,  the  President  is  not 
responsible  for  it ;  he  is  merely  accountable  in  a  pecuniary  view  for  the  act  of 
his  agent;  as  a  matter  affecting  personal  character  he  is  in  no  manner  concerned. 

The  responsibility  for  whatever  is  complained  of  by  the  "  Calm  Observer," 
therefore  rests  entirely  upon  the  treasury  department,  and  I  readily  assume  it  to 
myself.  At  the  same  time,  I  affirm,  notwithstanding  what  is  asserted  to  the 
contrary,  that  not  one  dollar  has  been  advanced  at  any  time  for  which  there  was 


260  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

not  an  existing  appropriation  by  law  ;  and  it  is  my  belief,  that  nothing  in  the 
least  degree  contrary  to  law  has  been  practised  in  respect  to  the  time  and  man 
ner  of  making  the  advances. 

Candid  men  will  believe  this  to  be  a  sincere  declaration  when  they  are  told 
that  the  course  of  conduct  which  is  now  censured  has  prevailed  ever  since  the 
treasury  department  was  established,  and  that  the  accounts  which  exhibit  the 
evidence  of  this  conduct  have  been  regularly  laid  before  Congress,  and  have  been 
printed  and  disseminated  throughout  the  United  States.  It  is  not  credible  that 
the  officers  of  the  treasury  have  knowingly  violated  the  law,  and  at  the  same 
time  have  published  the  evidence  of  their  guilt. 

Mr.  Bache,  such  has  been  the  virulence  of  the  attacks  in  your  paper  against 
public  measures  and  the  characters  of  men,  who,  until  they  held  public  ap 
pointments,  were  thought  to  deserve  the  confidence  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
that  I  believe  a  common  opinion  prevails  that  some  decisive  explanation  is  ne 
cessary;  that  it  is  time  it  was  known  whether  the  public  officers  deserve  all,  or 
any  part  of  the  abuse  which  you  publish ;  or  whether  there  exists  a  confederacy 
whose  nefarious  object  it  is,  by  calumny  and  misrepresentations,  to  induce  the 
people  to  believe  that  those  who  manage  their  public  concerns  are  utterly  desti 
tute  of  integrity.  I  accede  to  this  opinion — I  invite  the  explanation  as  it  re 
spects  myself — I  wish  that  it  may  embrace  the  accusers  of  government — I  await 
the  consequences  of  the  charges  which  you  have  published,  that  I  have  violated 
the  constitution  and  laws  of  my  country,  and  the  oath  of  office  which  I  have 
taken.  I  shall  not  avoid  an  investigation  of  my  public  conduct,  and  hope  not 
long  to  regret  that  slander  can  be  published  in  your  paper  with  impunity. 

To  this  an  abusive  rejoinder  was  made,  terming  it  an 
evasion.  Wolcott's  assumption  of  the  responsibility  was 
rejected,  and  the  writer  renewed  his  attack  upon  the 
President  who  was  evidently  his  real  mark.  The  charge 
of  evasion  the  Secretary  repudiated  in  a  brief  note,  aver 
ring  that  the  estimates  presented  to  Congress,  and  which 
they  had  sanctioned  by  appropriation^ ,  contained  specific 
sums  for  the  compensation  of  the  President  which  had 
at  no  time  been  exceeded.  Here,  although  the  attack 
was  continued,  he  would  have  left  the  matter,  but  Mr. 
Hamilton  seeing  that  a  good  opportunity  was  afforded  by 
exposing  this,  to  crush  the  other  slanders  upon  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  party,  and  desirous  of  vindicating  the  cor 
rectness  of  his  conduct,  had  already  determined  to  reply 
to  the  original  article  in  his  own  name.  He  thereupon 
wrote  to  Wolcott  requesting  copies  of  the  official  papers 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  261 

requisite  to  refute  the  statement.  They  were  at  once 
forwarded,  and  he  published  a  defence,  which,  demon 
strating  the  falsehood  of  the  anonymous  writer  and  the 
legality  of  the  advances  really  made,  silenced  alike 
clamor  and  suspicion. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  26th,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  observed  in  the  Aurora,  a  piece  under  the  signature  of  "  a  Calm  Ob 
server,"  which  I  think  merits  attention.  It  is  my  design  to  reply  to  it  with  my 
name,  but  for  this  I  wish  to  be  furnished  as  soon  as  possible,  with  the  accounts  of 
the  President,  and  of  the  appropriation  for  him  as  it  stands  in  the  Secretary's 
office,  the  Comptroller's,  and  the  account  rendered  to  Congress,  and  also  the  ac 
count  of  appropriations  for  this  object.  Of  one  point  I  am  sure,  that  we  never 
exceeded  the  appropriations,  though  we  may  have  anticipated  the  service.  Add 
any  remarks  you  may  judge  useful.  The  sooner  the  better. 


NEW  YORK,  October  27,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wish  the  statement  requested  in  my  letter  of  yesterday,  may  contain  each 
particular  payment,  not  aggregate  for  periods.  It  runs  in  my  mind  that  once, 
there  being  no  appropriation,  I  procured  an  informal  advance  for  the  President 
from  the  Bank ;  if  this  is  so  let  me  know  the  time  and  particulars.  If  the  account 
has  been  wound  up  to  an  exact  adjustment  since  the  period  noticed  by  the  Calm 
Observer,  it  may  be  useful  to  carry  it  down  to  that  period.  I  should  like  to  have 
a  note  of  other  instances  of  advances  on  account  of  salaries.  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHIL.,  Oct.  29,  1795. 

I  send  you  abstracts  of  all  the  payments  to  the  President  to  the  present  time. 
It  is  a  fact,  that  more  money  has  been  at  times  advanced  than  was  due  for  ser 
vice,  but  never  a  dollar  for  which  there  was  no  appropriation. 

The  villainy  of  the  suggestion  against  the  President,  has  induced  me  to  reply 
to  the  Calm  Observer  on  the  26th  and  28th.  You  will  see  what  I  have  said,  and 
the  enclosed  papers  will  enable  you  to  add  anything  which  you  think  proper.  I 
have  not  time  to-day  to  ascertain  whether  any  advance  by  the  bank  was  ever 
granted.  You  know  that  the  compensation  to  both  houses  of  Congress  had 
been  paid  in  advance  frequently. 


262  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  Oct.  30,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  yesterday  for  a  statement  of  the  advances  and  appropriations  for 
the  Department  of  State.  I  am  very  anxious  that  Fancliet's  whole  letter  should 
appear  just  as  it  is.  Strange  whispers  are  in  circulation  of  a  nature  foreign  to 
truth,  and  implicating  honest  men  with  rascals.  Is  it  to  come  out  ?  Can't  you 
send  me  a  copy?  I  will  observe  any  conditions  you  may  annex. 

The  secret  journals  and  other  files  of  the  Department  of  State,  will  disclose 
the  following  facts — that  during  the  war  a  Commission  to  negotiate  a  Treaty 
of  Commerce  with  Great  Britain,  was  given  to  Mr.  Adams  and  afterwards  re 
voked  ;  that  our  Commissioners  for  making  peace  were  instructed  to  take,  no 
step  whatever,  without  a  previous  consultation  with  the  French  Ministry,  though 
there  was  at  the  time,  reason  to  believe  that  France  wished  us  to  make  peace  or 
treat  with  Great  Britain  without  an  acknowledgement  of  our  independence  ;  that 
she  favoured  a  sacrifice  to  Spain  of  our  pretensions  to  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  a  relinquishment  of  a  participation  in  the  fisheries. 

It  will  appear  that  instructions  were  actually  given  to  Mr.  Jay,  to  yield  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to  Spain,  in  consideration  of  an  acknowledgement 
of  our  independence  ;  that  Mr.  Jay  made  a  proposal  accordingly,  but  clogged  it 
with  some  condition  or  qualification  to  bring  back  to  Congress,  before  a  final  con 
clusion  and  expostulation  with  Congress  against  the  measure. 

It  will  appear  that  this  was  affected  by  a  southern  party,  who  would  also  have 
excluded  the  fisheries  from  being  an  ultimatum,  in  which  they  were  opposed  by 
the  North,  who  equally  contended  for  the  Mississippi  and  fisheries. 

It  will  appear  that  Chancellor  Livingston  as  Secretary  of  State,  reported  a 
censure  upon  our  Commissioners  for  breaking  their  instructions  in  the  negotiation 
for  peace. 

It  will  appear  that  shortly  after  the  arrival  in  this  country  of  the  preliminary 
articles,  I  made  a  motion  in  Congress  to  renew  the  commission  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  Congress  with  Great  Britain — that  a  committee  was  appointed  to  pre 
pare  one  with  instructions,  of  which  Mr.  Madison  was  one,  and  that  the  com 
mittee  never  reported.  Thus  stand  the  facts  in  my  memory.  It  is  very  desira 
ble,  now  that  a  free  access  to  the  files  of  the  Department  can  give  the  evidence, 
to  examine  them  accurately,  noting  times,  places,  circumstances,  actors,  &c.  I 
want  this  very  much  for  a  public  use,  in  my  opinion  essential.  It  would  also  be 
useful  to  have  a  copy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  letter  to  Congress  concerning  the  transfer 
of  the  French  debt  to  private  money-lenders,  on  which  the  Report  of  the  Board 
of  the  Treasury  was  founded.  Yours  truly, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  Nov.  12.  This  letter  by  accident,  has  lain  in  my  desk  since  it  was 
written.  I  send  it  still. 

Bache's  paper  of  the  llth  has  a  "Valerius"  which  I  think  gives  an  opportunity 
of  oversetting  him.  The  leading  ideas  may  be, 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  263 

1st.  He  discloses  the  object  of  the  party  to  place  Mr.  Jefferson  in  contrast  with 
the   President. 

2.  He  discloses  the  further  object — an  intimate  and  close  alliance  with  France, 
subjecting  us  to  the  vortex  of  European  politics — and  attributes  it  to  Mr.  Jefferson. 

3.  He  misrepresents  totally,  Mr.  Jefferson's  returning  from  France. 
A  solid  answer  to  the  paper  with  facts,  would  do  great  good. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov  2d,  1795. 

I  enclose  a  statement  of  the  President's  account  quarterly,  which  shows  that 
he  has  not  been  in  advance  a  quarter's  salary  at  any  time. 

You  will  see  that  the  Aurora  denies  that  the  members  of  Congress  have  ever 
received  monies  which  were  not  earned,  and  refers  to  a  letter  of  mine  to  prove 
the  fact.  I  never  wrote  a  letter  on  the  subject  except  to  the  Speakers,  Muhlen- 
berg  and  Trumbull,  in  answer  to  an  application  from  them  on  this  point : 
"  Whether  any  advances  that  had  been  made  to  members  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  beyond  their  real  pay,  had  been  afterwards  accounted  for  in  their 
subsequent  accounts  in  a  succeeding  session?" 

To  this  I  answered  to  the  following  effect : 

"  It  is  certain  that  the  Speakers  of  the  House  have  in  no  instance,  advanced 
monies  beyond  the  compensation  claimed  by  the  members  as  actually  due.  Of 
course  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  designed  in  any  case,  that  monies  advan 
ced  in  one  session,  should  be  accounted  for  by  services  to  be  rendered  in  another. 

"  In  the  accounts  of  the  2d  session  of  the  1st  Congress,  two  errors  were  disco 
vered  of  six  dollars  each,  and  one  other  of  eighty-four  dollars,  which  sums  were 
overpaid  in  consequence  of  miscalculations.  These  sums  were  audited  by  the 
members  who  received  the  monies  in  the  succeeding  session,  in  consequence  of 
notes  which  were  placed  in  the  pay-books,  by  the  clerks  who  made  the  exam 
ination. 

"  A  few  other  errors  of  a  trivial  nature,  have  at  different  times  been  noted  as 
errors  by  the  clerks,  but  whether  they  have  been  explained  by  the  members,  or 
accounted  for,  does  not  appear  from  the  pay-books.  The  foregoing  three  cases 
are  all  that  I  can  find  which  fall  within  the  inquiries  contained  in  your  letter." 

The  plain  meaning  of  my  letter  is,  that  it  was  not  the  practice  to  advance 
during  a  session  more  than  was  earned  in  that  session.  Further,  I  never  meant, 
or  examined  the  books  to  ascertain.  I  shall  do  it  now.  The  reference  to  this 
letter  proves,  either  that  Muhlenberg  is  party  to  this  business,  or  what  is  more 
likely,  that  my  letter  was  lodged  in  the  clerk's  office,  and  that  Beckley  and  Ran 
dolph  are  the  authors  of  this  attack.  Nothing  to  the  purpose  can  be  gained 
from  the  accounts  of  the  Secretary  of  the  State,  but  you  will  find  them  enclosed. 


264  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Nov.  9th,  1795. 
Sir, 

*  *  *  *  The  last  session  of  our  Legislature  was  perfectly  tran 
quil.  No  apparent  faction  exists  in  the  State.  But  few  of  the  late  incendiaries 
are  elected.  This  State  is  very  well  disposed  to  support  the  national  govern 
ment,  and  holds  in  great  contempt  those  who  wish  to  disturb  it.  The  name  of 
a  democrat  is  despised.  The  conduct  of  Boston  has  made,  as  I  am  told,  but 
very  little  impression  upon  Massachusetts.  Its  folly  has  only  excited  a  mobbish 
disposition  in  that  town,  by  which  the  peace  of  it  is  frequently  disturbed. 

The  conduct  of  Mr.  Randolph  makes  a  part  of  the  conversation  with  almost 
all  with  whom  I  associate.  As  the  public  has  no  official  account  of  his  conduct, 
probably  therefore  many  things  are  said  of  him  which  are  not  true  ;  but  it  is 
observed,  that  more  than  two  months  have  elapsed  since  his  character  has  been 
publicly  branded  with  infamy,  and  that  he  has  taken  no  step  to  vindicate  it,  ex 
cept  by  publishing  a  couple  of  mysterious,  or  rather  as  they  are  considered,  insid 
ious  letters  to  the  President,  by  which  it  is  supposed  he  wishes  to  implicate  his 
character  with  his  own  ;  but  this  attempt  will  be  in  vain  ;  it  can  convey  nothing 
but  the  evidence  of  his  own  folly,  ingratitude  and  wickedness.  Mr.  Ran 
dolph's  long  silence  must  be  construed  into  an  evidence  of  his  guilt,  and  indeed 
this  is  what  I  do  not  find  that  any  one  doubts.  A  full  disclosure  of  this  mysteri 
ous  business  will,  I  trust,  develope  a  plan,  which  I  doubt  not  has  been  long  since 
laid,  to  throw  this  country  into  the  utmost  disorder.  Happy  will  it  be,  shall  it 
utterly  disgrace  those  vile  men,  and  fully  check  the  intended  mischief.  But  I 
fear  we  have  but  little  reason  to  flatter  ourselves  with  a  durable  tranquillity. 
We  have  fondly  believed  that  mankind  were  wiser  and  better  than  they  were  in 
former  ages,  but  of  this,  I  believe  we  have  no  certain  evidence.  We  are  making 
experiments,  but  they  will  probably  terminate  as  others  have  done. 

I  find  that  you  are  officially  attacked,  which  I  but  very  little  regret,  as  I  have 
the  most  undoubted  confidence  you  will  be  able  to  vindicate  yourself,  and  as  you 
are  implicated  with  the  most  respectable  company.  The  President  is  the  object 
which  all  these  people  aim  their  shafts  at,  hoping  that  if  they  cannot  affect  the 
public  confidence,  which  I  plight  myself  they  never  can,  that  they  shall  be  able 
to  induce  him  to  resign,  by  giving  him  constant  disturbance.  This  I  devoutly 
hope  will  not  be  the  case.  It  would  be  an  event  which  every  friend  to  order  and 
good  government  would  deprecate  in  the  extreme.  Can  Mr.  Randolph  be  the 
"  Calm  Observer  1"  If  so,  he  is  fallen,  indeed,  and  no  one  will  enquire  whether 
he  is  most  to  be  despised  for  his  folly  or  his  baseness.  The  next  Congress  will, 
I  think,  exhibit  a  noisy  scene,  and  the  turpitude  of  a  Machiavelian  policy. 

France  is  attempting  a  political  settlement.  If  she  succeeds,  which  I  believe 
is  doubtful,  it  will  be  but  of  short  duration.  *  *  *  * 

I  am,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  265 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  15,  1795. 
Dear  Sir, 

At  length  I  am  able  to  send  you  the  explanation  I  mentioned  to  you.  The 
papers  upon  which  it  is  founded  are  returned,  that  you  may  compare,  and  if  ne 
cessary,  correct.  You  may,  by  altering  the  body  or  by  a  note,  rectify  any 
inaccuracy. 

You  will  observe  marks  in  the  margin  which  will  require  particular  attention. 
(A)  Let  the  distance,  if  not  so  now,  be  rightly  stated.  (B)  Insert  the  most  usual 
sum  or  sums.  I  think  it  was  10,000  to  Senate,  20,000  to  House  of  Representa 
tives.  (C)  If  you  think  it  best,  you  may  leave  out  here  and  afterwards,  all  that 
concerns  the  instruction  referring  the  commencement  of  the  compensation  to  the 
4th  of  March,  1789.  I  think  in  this  respect  something  will  depend  on  the 
question  whether  the  Treasury  has  finally  taken  its  ground,  and  even  then  a  note 
at  foot,  as  after  closing  the  letter,  may  be  considered  instead  of  striking  out. 
Do  as  you  please  on  this  point.  (F)  Examine  the  calculation  that  gives  this 
balance. 

I  will  thank  you  to  have  a  proof  sheet  brought  you.  You  observe  the  quar 
terly  statement  is  to  be  subjoined.  Will  it  not  be  best  that  the  Register  should 
sign  it  1  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  16, 1795. 

[Private.] 

I  sent  you,  on  Saturday,  an  impel  feet  translation  of  Fauchet's  letter.  I  now 
send  you  a  copy  of  the  original.  You  may,  at  your  discretion,  use  the  letter, 
except  causing  copies  to  be  taken,  or  suffering  it  to  be  printed.  Mr.  Randolph 
has  extensively  circulated  a  letter  in  which  he  attributes  his  disgrace  to  the 
artifices  of  a  "  British  faction."  His  letter  is  accompanied  with  an  explanatory 
certificate  from  Fauchet,  written  at  Newport,  which  I  have  not  seen.  I  am 
told,  however,  by  persons  who  have  seen  it,  that  it  is  a  weak,  evasive  perform 
ance,  and  only  makes  bad  worse.  When  the  affair  was  opened  to  Randolph, 
he  denied  having  received  money  or  having  made  any  proposition  relative  to 
money  except  on  one  occasion,  which  was  this.  He  said  that  in  the  summer 
of  1794,  Fauchet  told  him  that  there  was  a  meeting  of  persons  in  New  York, 
consisting  among  others,  of  Mr.  Hammond  and  Mr.  Jaudenes,  who  were 
conspiring  to  destroy  him  (R.)  and  Gov.  Clinton.  Being  asked  what  he 
meant  by  destroying  him  and  Governor  Clinton,  Randolph  answered,  to 
destroy  his  character  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  Gov.  Clinton's  as  Governor 
of  New  York.  Randolph  said  that  he  then  inquired  whether  proof  could  be  got 
of  this  conspiracy,  and  that  after  some  conversation  he  suggested  to  M.  Fauchet 
that,  as  he  (F.)  had  the  resources  of  the  French  government  at  command,  he 

VOL.  i.  23 


266  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9 , 

could  obtain  the  proof.  This  foolish  story  could  make  no  impression,  and  though 
Mr.  Randolph  promised  to  reduce  it  to  writing,  he  omitted  to  do  so.  There  are 
reports  in  circulation,  I  find,  which  change  the  complexion  of  this  first  declara 
tion  of  Randolph's,  and  represent  the  conspiracy  as  one  to  ruin  France.  I  also 
suspect  that  attempts  will  be  made  to  represent  you  as  concerned  in  it ;  but  of 
this  I  am  not  certain.  At  any  rate,  the  whole  is  idle  nonsense,  and  Fauchet's 
attempt  by  a  posterior  act  to  invalidate  the  evidence  of  a  confidential  letter  will 
not  succeed.  What  must  have  been  the  footing  of  these  men  when  they  could 
familiarly  talk  about  the  subversion  of  the  government,  and  inviting  the  French 
to  aid  the  insurrection  with  money. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,NOV.  19,  1795. 

Mr.  Randolph's  conduct  has  lately  been  so  extraordinary,  that  I  consider  my" 
self  perfectly  at  liberty  to  publish  his  affair.  The  fact  as  stated  in  the  papers,  of 
the  intercepted  letter  being  given  to  me  by  Mr.  Hammond,  is  true,  but  the  letter 
was  delivered  at  my  special  request  on  being  informed  of  its  contents.  Indeed, 
prudence  no  less  than  duty  forbade  the  idea  of  secrecy  on  my  part.  The  letter 
was  shown  by  me  to  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Attorney  General,  and  they  con 
curred  in  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  delivered  to  the  President,  immediately  on 
his  return  from  Mt.  Vernon. 

The  letter  was  written  about  the  last  of  October,  1794,  and  is  a  most  secret  and 
confidential  document,  so  secret  indeed,  that  its  contents  were  not  divulged  to 
M.  Fauchet's  associates  in  the  diplomatic  commission,  who  are  now  known  to 
have  been  M.  La  Forest  and  M.  Petry,  and  who  ostensibly  bore  other  characters. 
M.  La  Forest  that  of  Consul  General,  and  M.  Petry,  that  of  consul  for  Pennsyl 
vania.  This  letter  refers  to  other  despatches,  which  are  said  to  be  narratives  of 
occurrences — this  is  the  key  to  those  narratives.  It  states  that  the  insurrection 
last  summer,  though  ostensibly  originating  from  the  excise,  was  but  a  part  of  a 
more  general  explosion  which  had  been  long  fermenting  in  the  public  mind.  The 
origin  is  referred  to  the  parties  which  were  produced  by  the  establishment  of  the 
government,  and  more  particularly  to  the  discontents  created  by  the  provision  for 
the  public  debts. 

There  is  a  long  story  describing  the  parties,  in  which  they  are  characterized 
according  to  the  Virginia  theory.  The  friends  of  the  general  government  are 
"  favourers  of  monarchy  and  aristocracy,"  with  Hamilton  at  their  head  :  the 
enemies  of  the  government  are  patriots  and  republicans  in  name  and  principle. 
It  is  said  that  in  1793  and  1794,  the  attacks  upon  the  general  government  had 
become  so  serious  that  its  friends  became  alarmed,  and  that  the  government  fore 
seeing  a  general  storm,  hastened  the  local  insurrection  to  create  a  division,  and 
that  this  was  ascertained  by  the  confession  of  Mr.  Randolph  to  M.  Fauchet. 
Randolph  moreover  is  stated  to  have  said  that  it  was  intended  to  introduce  arbi 
trary  power,  and  to  mislead  the  President  into  paths  that  would  conduct  him  to 
unpopularity.  It  is  also  said  that  the  insurgents  expected  the  assistance  of  lead- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  267 

ing  men  in  the  east,  and  that  they  believed  that  they  had  in  the  bosom  of  the 
government  abettors,  who  either  shared  their  grievances,  or  were  of  the  same 
principles  with  themselves. 

The  raising  of  an  army  of  15,000  men,  is  however  represented  as  unnecessary 
for  the  special  object  of  reducing  the  insurgents,  and  as  having  been  undertaken 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  an  imposing  authority  to  the  government.  After  the 
raising  an  army  had  been  determined,  it  is  said  to  have  been  necessary  for  the 
government  to  obtain  the  cooperation  of  certain  men  of  influence  with  the  "  patri 
otic"  party,  whose  inertness  or  indifference  might  have  defeated  the  success  of 
the  plan  which  had'  been  adopted.  On  this  subject  there  are  the  following 
emphatic  declarations : 

[Here  follow  the  extracts  from  No.  10,  already  cited. 1 

The  corruption  of  the  government  is  there  directly  attributed  to  Col.  Hamil 
ton's  system  of  finance,  which  is  said  to  have  converted  the  people  into  stock 
jobbers,  brokers  and  usurers.  My  remark  however,  upon  this  reasoning  is,  that" 
it  must  be  an  odd  system  which  corrupts  only  its  enemies.  If  the  villainy  of  the 
conspirators  can  be  attributed  to  Col.  Hamilton,  who  is  constantly  the  subject  of 
their  attacks,  he  must  indeed  be  a  magician. 

It  appears  from  Fauchet's  letter  that  the  overtures  of  Randolph,  which  could  be 
no  other  than  to  invite  the  cooperation  of  the  French  government  with  the  insur 
gents,  were  rejected  ;  and  then,  Fauchet  says,  the  leaders  of  opposition  "  gave 
themselves  up  with  scandalous  ostentation  to  the  views  of  government,  and  even 
seconded  its  proclamation." 

It  would  require  more  time  than  I  can  spare,  to  comment  upon  the  whole  let 
ter,  which  is  very  lengthy,  but  its  complexion  is  mortifying  and  debasing  in  the 
utmost  degree  ;  the  people  are  reproached  as  divided  between  two  parties,  and 
though  the  "  patriots"  are  deemed  the  best  republicans,  they  are  the  most  cor 
rupt.  The  "  aristocrats"  are  said  to  have  the  most  ability,  but  at  the  same  time 
they  are  represented  as  favouring  monarchy  and  aristocracy.  Monroe  is  said  to 
be  a  sound  "  patriot  and  an  honest  man,"  and  strange  to  tell,  the  French  govern 
ment  are  referred  to  him  as  a  voucher  for  what  is  said  to  our  disadvantage ;  the 
words  are  "consult  Monroe,  he  is  an  honest  man,  he  cautioned  me  against  char 
acters,"  &c.  Thus  it  seems  our  Secretary  of  State  has  been  notoriously  corrupt 
and  unfaithful,  the  character  of  the  country  is  stigmatized,  and  M.  Fauchet  appeals 
to  our  minister  to  confirm  his  calumnies  !  !  I  shall  blush  for  my  country,  I'shall 
despair  of  it,  if  the  discovery  of  such  treasons  does  not  dissipate  the  delusion, 
which  has  nearly  proved  fatal  to  its  dearest  interests. 

The  time  and  manner  of  making  these  facts  known  is  not  settled.  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  wishes  for  an  opportunity  to  explain  his  conduct.  This  was  granted  ;  he 
has  however,  employed  his  time  in  traducing  the  characters  of  others.  A  letter 
has  been  circulated  privately  through  the  country,  with  some  exculpatory  certifi 
cate  from  Fauchet.  I  have  not  been  able  to  see  it,  but  from  information  on 
which  I  rely,  it  is  but  a  lame  and  weak  story,  and  it  cannot  answer  the  purpose  of 
effacing  a  belief,  that  what  Fauchet  wrote  confidentially  to  his  own  government 
must  be  the  truth. 


268  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

Randolph's  situation  is  desperate  ;  he  will  do  mischief  as  much  as  is  in  his 
power ;  his  aim  is  to  have  it  believed  that  he  has  been  disgraced  by  a  «  British 
Faction,"  and  he  will  connect  the  discontents  respecting  the  treaty  and  popular 
prejudices,  as  much  as  possible  with  his  vindication.  He  will  moreover  reveal 
every  secret  and  opinion  that  has  ever  been  given  ;  nay  more,  he  will  lie  without 
reserve.  Good  and  evil  will  result  from  the  disclosure  which  is  now  unavoidable. 
On  our  external  affairs  and  character,  the  influence  will  be  unpropitious  ;  as  respects 
our  country,  much  discussion  and  fermentation  may  be  expected,  as  the  views  of 
the  opposition  will  be  revealed.  As  respects  the  personal  character  of  those  who 
have  supported  public  measures,  nothing  bad  is  to  be  expected.  There  has  I 
believe  been  perfect  integrity,  so  far  as  those  called  "  aristocrats"  have  been 
concerned. 

I  am  well  satisfied  that  the  "  Calm  Observer"  is  a  joint  work  of  certain  patriots. 
Randolph  was  doubtless  an  adviser,  and  Beckley,  Clerk  of  the  House  oi  Repre 
sentatives,  the  writer.  I  think  I  cannot  be  mistaken.  What  has  been  done  by 
'the  treasury  will,  however,  bear  the  strictest  criticism,  or  I  am  much  deceived. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Nov.  23d,  1795. 

Sir, 

*  *  *  Many  stories  have  been  circulating  respecting  the  conduct 
of  Mr  Randolph,  some  of  them  not  much  different  from  what  you  have  mention  - 
tioned,  but  I  was  very  glad  to  receive  the  information  from  a  source  which  might 
be  depended  upon. 

Mr.  Randolph  will  not,  I  believe,  wish  to  publish  his  vindication  till  the  mo 
ment  Congress  shall  meet  ;  his  official  situation  must  probably  enable  him  to 
communicate  some  anecdotes,  by  which,  from  their  novelty,  he  will  hope  to  direct 
the  public  attention  from  himself,  and  perhaps  be  able  to  prove,  what  no  protes- 
tant  ever  doubted,  that  infallibility  is  not  the  portion  of  humanity.  But  his 
attempts  to  injure  the  reputation  of  the  President,  which  I  suppose  are  to  be  ex 
pected,  will  only  betray  his  ingratitude  and  baseness.  I  have  the  most  entire 
confidence  that  he  never  will  be  able  to  prove  any  intentional  wrong,  and  the 
public  have  too  long  felt  their  own  honour  interested  in  that  of  the  President, 
(and  have  felt  such  a  national  pride  on  that  account)  as  not  to  feel  a  deep  resent 
ment  at  the  man  who  shall  unjustly  attempt  to  injure  his  character. 

The  times  appear  to  me  critical  and  interesting.  I  am  apprehensive  that  no 
more  than  a  strong  minority  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  will  appear  to  sup 
port  the  administration  and  the  national  character,  but  I  hope  we  may  rely  upon 
the  firmness  of  the  Senate.  The  virtuous  motives  which  have  induced  the  treat 
ing  with  regard,  men  who  avow  and  act  upon  principles  inconsistent  with  the 
preservation  of  order,  to  influence  them  to  a  more  just  conduct,  have  been  and 
will  be  ineffectual.  I  hope  therefore,  however  disagreeable  it  may  be  to  imply 
an  error  of  judgment  in  the  President  in  appointing  Mr.  Rutledge,  that  he  will 
not  be  confirmed  in  his  office.  I  wish  too  that  another  person  of  a  more  confi- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  269 

dential  character  than  Mr.  Monroe,  may  supply  his  place,  and  that  we  be  an 
independent  nation  not  in  name  only.  The  numerous  diplomatic  characters  in 
this  country,  are  but  little  other  than  spies  and  disturbers  of  the  public  peace.  I 
have  long  since  had  no  doubt  that  we  had  of  our  own  people,  a  number  of  foreign 
pensioners,  among  whom  are  several  printers.  The  extreme  vehemence  which 
exhibits  itself  cannot  otherwise  be  accounted  for.  I  think  it  behooves  those  in 
Congress  to  meet  this  turbulent  and  nefarious  policy  with  the  greatest  intrepidi 
ty.  If  things  go  on  as  they  have  lately  done,  with  that  outrageous  indignity  and 
insult,  they  certainly  have  nothing  to  lose,  and  both  moral  principle  and  a  regard 
for  their  honour,  will  prompt  them  to  the  most  vigorous  exertions  to  save  their 
country  from  that  abject  debasement  to  which  it  seems  to  be  precipitating.  If 
the  Virginians  and  their  associates  wish  to  enjoy  Dutch  liberty,  let  us  talk  to  them 
in  a  firm  and  decided  tone,  and  inform  them  of  the  conditions  upon  which  the 
Union  is  to  be  preserved,  and  require  them  to  be  explicit,  so  as  to  know  on  what 
we  are  to  depend. 

Mr.  Randolph  it  seems  has  secured  a  copy  right,  to  what  he  calls  his  vindica 
tion.  As  a  lawyer,  he  ought  to  know  that  treason  is  no  new  invention,  and  that 
he  is  therefore  not  entitled  to  the  privilege  which  he  claims.  I  hope  that  he  will 
have  his  reward  in  the  common  justice  of  his  country. 

The  public  mind  with  us  is  much  excited  at  the  conduct  of  the  vilifiers  of  the 
administration.  Those  malcontents,  or  rather  vile  and  most  insidious  men,  can 
not  count  but  upon  a  very  feeble  support  in  New  England.  Their  views  are 
execrated  by  every  honest  man.  The  attack  made  upon  the  President  and  your 
department,  which  seems  to  be  a  national  dishonour,  as  it  impeaches  the  first 
magistrate  with  the  meanest  peculation,  will  as  it  respects  yourself  end  in  fume. 
I  trust  no  member  of  Congress  will  take  up  that  business  with  a  view  to  crimina 
tion.  *  *  *  *  I  am,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

The  following  letter  gives  certain  points  of  information 
requested  in  Mr.  Hamilton's,  of  October  30th. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  1,  1795. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  all  the  points  upon  which  you  requested  me 
to  write  to  you. 

In  February  1780,  a  committee  reported  a  conference  with  the  Minister  of 
France,  the  substance  of  which  was — That  the  King  of  Spain  wished  for  an 
alliance  with  the  United  States,  but  that  it  was  necessary  that  the  United  States 
should  state  the  claims  precisely. 

That  the  Cabinet  of  Madrid  construed  the  western  rights  of  the  U.  States,  to 
extend  no  further  westward  than  the  line  of  settlement  permitted  by  the  British 
proclamation  of  1763. 

23* 


270  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9, 

That  the  United  States  had  no  right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi. 

That  the  King  of  Spain  would  conquer  Florida  for  himself. 

And  that  the  lands  westward  of  the  line  of  1763,  were  proper  subjects  of  con 
quest  by  Spain  from  Great  Britain. 

The  French  minister  said,  that  his  most  Christian  Majesty  was  united  by  ties  of 
blood  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  to  the  United  States  by  treaty  and  friendship,  and 
that  he  would  endeavour  to  conciliate  the  differences  of  opinion  with  liberality,  &c. 

There  are  many  intimations  in  the  French  conferences,  exhorting  the  United 
States  to  moderation  in  their  claims.  It  was  stated  that  France  might  not  be 
able  to  obtain  an  explicit  acknowledgment  of  independence  ;  in  which  case  the 
United  States  ought  to  consider  whether  a  tacit  acknowledgment  ought  not  to  be 
accepted. 

There  are  intimations  at  several  times,  that  Mr.  Adams  required  positive  in 
structions  to  prevent  him  from  acting  too  inflexibly,  &c.,  &c.  (This  is  the  idea, 
not  the  expression). 

June  17th,  1781.  Mr.  Adams  was  instructed  thus  :  "  To  make  the  most 
candid  and  confidential  communications  upon  all  subjects  to  the  ministers  of  our 
generous  ally,  the  King  of  France,  to  undertake  nothing  in  the  negociations  for 
peace  or  truce,  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence,  and  ultimately  to 
govern  yourself  by  their  advice  and  opinion,  endeavouring  in  your  whole  conduct 
to  make  them  sensible  how  much  we  rely  upon  his  Majesty's  influence,  for  effect 
ual  support  in  every  thing  that  may  be  necessary  to  the  present  security  or 
prosperity  of  the  United  States  of  America." 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  draft  of  instruction  was  communicated  to  the 
French  Minister,  and  the  words  scored  with  a  line  underneath,  inserted  after 
wards  by  way  of  amendment. 

I  send  Chancellor  Livingston's  draft  of  a  treaty  with  England.  It  furnishep 
good  matter  for  testing  the  opinions  of  "  Cato"  by  a  rule  of  authority  for  him 
self.  You  will  judge  of  the  manner  of  using  these  hints,  but  perhaps  under 
present  circumstances,  they  ought  only  to  be  considered  as  information,  from 
which  to  date  facts  and  reason. 

You  will  hear  from  me  on  other  points  when  I  can  get  time. 

I  lately  requested  a  corrected  translation  of  a  document  which  I  sent  to  you. 
I  hope  it  reached  you. 


TO  WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

PHILA.,  Dec.  1795. 
[Private.] 

I  transmit  you  a  copy  of  Mr.  Randolph's  vindication,  and  take  the  liberty  to 
request  you  to  ascertain  as  soon  as  possible,  whether  M.  Randolph  was  or  was 
not  for  some  time  in  a  private  conversation  with  M.  Fauchet  at  Newport? 

It  has  been  stated  to  me  in  a  manner  which  admits  of  but  little  doubt,  that  Mr. 
Randolph  was  in  fact,  closeted  with  M.  Fauchet  for  the  greatest  part,  or  whole 
of  one  night.  If  this  be  true,  you  will  much  oblige  me  by  obtaining  an  affidavit 
of  the  fact,  from  some  creditable  person.  My  motive  for  making  this  inquiry 
will  be  discovered  from  a  perusal  of  Mr.  R's.  publication. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  271 

Mr.  Randolph  published  his  Vindication  on  the  2Sth  of 
December.  In  this  document  first  appeared  the  extracts 
from  the  despatches  3  and  6,  so  often  alluded  to  in  No.  10, 
and  to  which  in  fact,  the  latter  was  a  sequel,  and  also  M. 
Fauchet's  certificate,  which  however,  had  been  privately 
circulated  by  him  previous  to  its  publication.  The 
papers  Nos.  3  and  6,  are  sufficiently  important  to  insert 
entire. 

"Extract  from  Political  Dispatch  No.  3  of  Joseph  Fauchet,  to  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  affairs. 

Then  the  Secretary  of  State  appeared  to  open  himself  without  reserve.  He 
imparted  to  me  the  intestine  divisions  which  were  rumbling  in  the  United  States. 
The  idea  of  an  approaching  commotion  affected  him  deeply.  He  hoped  to  pre 
vent  it  by  the  ascendancy  which  he  daily  acquired  over  the  mind  of  the  President, 
who  consulted  him  in  all  affairs,  and  to  whom  he  told  the  truth  which  his  col 
leagues  disguised  from  him. 

'The  President  of  the  United  States/  says  he,  'is  the  mortal  enemy  of  Eng 
land,  and  the  friend  of  France.  I  can  affirm  it  upon  my  honour.  But  not  mix 
ing  with  the  world,  he  may  be  circumvented  by  the  dark  manoeuvres  of  some 
men,  who  wind  themselves  in  an  hundred  ways  to  draw  him  into  measures  which 
will  cause  him  to  lose  all  his  popularity.  Under  the  pretext  of  giving  energy  to 
government,  they  would  absolutely  make  a  monarch  of  him.  They  deceive  him 
as  to  the  true  spirit  of  the  people,  as  well  as  upon  the  affairs  of  France.  I  am 
sure  that  at  this  moment  he  escapes  from  them,  and  that  in  all  these  perfidious 
manoeuvres  they  have  not  been  able  to  dissuade  him  from  pronouncing  with  vigor 
against  the  ministry  of  England.  He  has — but  it  is  impossible  for  me  in  con 
science  to  make  you  this  confession.  I  should  betray  the  duties  of  my  office. 
Every  thing  which  I  can  say  to  you  is,  that  it  is  important  for  our  two  nations, 
that  you  continue  to  visit  him  frequently.  He  will  be  touched  with  the  proofs  of 
friendship  which  you  shall  testify  to  him,  and  I  am  sure  this  will  be  an  infallible 
means  of  causing  them  to  be  valued.  I  would  quit  the  post  which  he  has  confided 
to  me  if  he  could  be  brought  to  make  any  attempt  upon  the  rights  of  the  people. 
A  bill  has  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  which  wounds  liberty.  They 
have  at  last  taken  away  the  Article  which  prevents  the  sale  of  the  French  prizes 
in  our  ports.  My  heart  is  troubled  by  it.  But  I  have  seen  with  pleasure,  that 
my  reflections  on  this  subject,  upon  the  dreadful  crisis  which  would  result  from  an 
abuse  of  it,  have  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  mind,  I  will  even  say  upon 
the  heart  of  the  President,  who  is  an  honorable  man.  Let  us  unite  M.  Fauchet, 
to  draw  our  two  nations  closer  together.  Those  who  love  liberty  are  for  frater 
nizing  with  France  ;  the  partizans  of  slavery  prefer  an  alliance  with  England. 

'  I  affirm/  he  said  to  me,  (speaking  of  the  treaty  of  Jay)  '  that  there  is  no 
question  in  his  mission,  but  to  demand  a  solemn  reparation  for  the  spoliations 
which  our  commerce  has  experienced  on  the  part  of  England  ;  and  to  give  you  a 


272  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

proof  that  Mr.  Jay  cannot  enter  into  a  negociation  contrary  to  what  we  owe  to 
France,  I  will  give  you  the  part  of  the  instructions  which  concern  it.'  "  a 

"  Extract  from  Political  Dispatch  No.  6,  of  Citizen  Fauchet,  Minister  plenipo 
tentiary  of  the  French  Republic  to  the  United  States. 

Scarce  was  the  commotion  known,  when  the  Secretary  of  State  came  to 
my  house.  All  his  countenance  was  grief.  He  requested  of  me  a  private  con 
versation.  'All  is  over,'  he  said  to  me.  'A  civil  war  is  about  to  ravage  our  un 
happy  country.  Four  men  by  their  talents,  their  influence  and  their  energy,  may 
save  it.  But  debtors  of  English  merchants,  they  will  be  deprived  of  their  liberty 
if  they  take  the  smallest  step.  COULD  YOU  LEND  THEM,  INSTANTANEOUSLY,  FUNDS 
SUFFICIENT  TO  SHELTER  THEM  FROM  ENGLISH  PERSECUTION  T  This  enquiry  aston- 
ished  me  much.  It  was  impossible  for  me  to  make  a  satisfactory  answer.  You 
know  my  want  of  power,  and  my  defect  of  pecuniary  means.  I  shall  draw  my 
self  from  the  affair  by  some  common-place  remarks,  and  by  throwing  myself  on 
the  pure  and  unalterable  principles  of  the  republic. 

I  have  never  since  heard  of  propositions  of  this  nature." 

M.  Fauchet  in  his  certificate,  attempted  to  explain 
away  so  much  of  all  these  dispatches  as  related  to  Ran 
dolph,  but  with  little  even  of  plausibility.  Litera  scripta 
manet,  and  there  were  statements  to  which,  while  they 
remained,  but  one  construction  could  be  given.  The 
"precious  confessions,"  he  referred  to  the  assurances  of 
the  President's  friendship  to  France,  and  the  communica 
tion,  as  he  supposed  without  authority,  of  the  extract  from 
Jay's  instructions.  Many  of  the  things  which  he  had 
considered  as  "  confidences"  or  "  confessions,"  had  also 
proved  to  be  matters  of  public  conversation,  or  might  have 
been  communicated  by  virtue  of  secret  instructions. 
The  sole  explanation  of  the  extraordinary  "  confidence" 
detailed  in  No.  3,  is  a  paraphrase.  The  "  overtures"  re 
ported  in  No.  6,  of  the  meaning  of  which  he  seems  to 
have  had  no  doubt  when  he  wrote,  that  "  with  some  thou 
sands  of  dollars,  the  republic  could  have  decided  on  civil 
war  or  peace,"  that  "the  consciences  of  the  pretended 
patriots  of  America  already  had  their  prices,"  when  even 

a  The  note  containing  these  instruc-  ter,  as  it  was  given  with  the  President's 
tions  is  appended  to  the  original,  but  is  permission,  and  amounted  simply  to  u 
not  important  in  reference  to  this  mat-  statement  of  intended  neutrality. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  273 

his  virtuous  indignation  burst  forth  at  their  scandalous 
openness,  assumed  on  more  mature  reflection  an  aspect 
innocent  in  his  opinion. 

The  minister,  it  now  seems,  shortly  after  his  arrival,  had, 
on  Mr.  Randolph's  recommendation,  employed  certain 
flour  contractors.  In  some  of  their  many  conferences  on 
the  whiskey  insurrection,  M.  Fauchet  communicated  in 
telligence  he  had  procured,  that  the  British  were  foment 
ing  this  resistance  of  the  laws.  Similar  information  of  a 
conspiracy  to  destroy  the  popularity  of  General  Clinton, 
and  the  influence  of  Randolph  over  the  President,  he  had 
already  given.  On  the  occasion  of  that  interview,  Mr. 
Randolph  professed  his  conviction  of  the  truth  of  these 
reports.  The  conversation  that  occurred,  according  to 
this  new  version  of  it,  is  remarkable  enough  to  quote 
entire. 


"  He  demanded  of  me,  if,  as  my  republic  was  itself  interested  in  these  manoeu 
vres,  I  could  not,  by  the  means  of  some  correspondents,  procure  some  information 
of  what  was  passing.  I  answered  him  that  I  believed  I  could.  He  replied  upon 
this,  that  having  formed  many  connections  by  the  means  of  flour  contracts,  three 
or  four  persons  among  the  different  contractors,  might,  by  talents,  energy  and  some 
influence,  procure  the  necessary  information,  and  save  America  from  a  civil  war 
by  proving  that  England  interfered  in  the  troubles  of  the  west.  I  do  not  recollect 
that  he  gave  to  me  at  that  time,  any  details  upon  the  manner  in  which  this  discov 
ery  would  produce  this  last  effect ;  but  I  perfectly  recollect  to  have  heard  it 
said  by  some  person  or  other,  that  the  insurgents  would  be  abandoned  by  the 
greatest  number  of  those  whom  they  believed  to  be  on  their  side,  and  that  the 
militia  would  march  with  cheerfulness,  if  it  could  be  proved  that  the  English 
were  at  the  bottom  of  these  manoeuvres.  I  think  therefore,  that  this  was  pro 
bably  the  manner  in  which  he  conceived  that  things  would  probably  be  settled, 
and  that  he  thought  that  the  insurrection  would  cease  from  the  want  of  support. 
At  the  moment  of  mounting  his  horse,  he  observed  to  me  that  the  men  whom  I 
might  be  able  to  employ,  might  perhaps  be  debtors  of  English  merchants  ;  that 
in  this  case,  they  might  perhaps  be  exposed  on  the  slightest  movement  which 
they  should  make  in  this  important  affair,  to  see  themselves  harrassed  by  process 
and  even  arrested  by  the  pursuits  of  their  creditors.  He  asked  me  if  the  pay 
ment  of  the  sums  which  were  due  to  them  by  virtue  of  the  existing  contracts, 
would  not  be  sufficiently  early  to  render  these  individuals  independent  of  British 
persecution.  I  confess  that  this  proposition  to  obtain  intelligence,  surprised  me. 
I  was  astonished  that  the  government  itself  did  not  procure  for  itself  information 


274  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  (CHAP.  9. 

so  precious,  and  I  made  the  reflections  contained  in  my  letter  on  this  affair,  be 
cause  I  believed  and  still  do  believe,  that  all  the  citizens  in  the  United  States 
ought  to  endeavor  to  furnish  intelligence  so  important,  without  being  stopped  by 
the  fear  of  British  persecution,  and  because  I  moreover  thought  when  I  commit 
ted  my  reflections  to  paper,  that  it  was  proposed  to  obtain  the  intelligence  by 
assisting  with  loans,  those  who  had  contracted  with  me  ;  but  now  calling  to  mind 
all  the  circumstances  to  which  the  questions  of  Mr.  Randolph  call  my  attention, 
I  have  an  intimate  conviction  that  I  was  mistaken  in  the  propositions  which  I 
supposed  to  have  been  made  to  me."  R 

This  account  it  must  be  admitted  is  an  ingenious  one, 
but  it  is  hardly  reconcileable  with  that  of  the  despatch. 
The  private  interview,  the  hurried  air,  the  agitation  of 
the  Secretary  as  he  imparted  his  intelligence,  the  singu 
lar  statement  that  four  men  could  save  the  nation  from 
civil  war,  the  eager  request  of  an  instantaneous  loan  to 
preserve  them  from  British  vengeance  as  there  described, 
is  somewhat  inconsistent  with  the  now  gradual  and  na 
tural  change  of  the  conversation  from  the  suspicion  of 
British  intrigue,  to  the  means  of  preventing  it.  But  even 
according  to  the  latter  story,  the  sagacity  of  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  in  foreseeing  that,  the  very  flour  contractors  who 
were  to  be  employed,  would  be  indebted  to  British  mer 
chants,  is  as  remarkable  as  his  humanity  was  commen 
dable  in  protecting  them  from  the  possible  consequences 
of  so  remote  a  contingency.  Superficial  men,  had  such 
an  objection  presented  itself  to  their  minds,  or  been  af 
terwards  ascertained  to  exist,  would  have  looked  else 
where  for  assistants ;  prejudiced  men  would  suppose 
that  had  Mr.  Randolph  been  seriously  desirous  of  prov 
ing  his  suspicions,  he  would  not  have  dropped  the  sub 
ject  when  M.  Fauchet  pleaded  poverty,  that  he  would 
have  then  sought  men  who  did  not  need  such  advances, 
and  ignorant  persons  will  wonder  with  that  gentleman, 
that  he  should  resort  at  all  to  a  foreign  minister  to  do 
what  was  within  his  own  province. 

a  For  the  whole  certificate,  see  "  Vindication,"  page  13,  et  seq. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  275 

There  are  other  points  unexplained  and  perhaps  inex 
plicable.  Why  were  not  these  flour  contractors  mention 
ed  in  the  despatch  ?  Was  it  they  who,  when  it  was 
found  that  the  French  Republic  purchased  no  men  to  do 
their  duty,  gave  themselves  up  with  such  scandalous  os 
tentation  to  the  views  of  the  government?  They,  it  ap 
pears  from  the  despatch  itself,  knew  nothing  of  their  in 
tended  employment.  Were  they  the  pretended  patriots 
whose  consciences  had  already  their  prices?  men  who 
did  not  even  know  that  they  were  offered  for  sale.  Was 
it  the  payment  of  their  contracts  in  advance,  which  made 
it  necessary  for  the  minister  to  throw  himself  on  the  pure 
and  unalterable  principles  of  his  republic  ? 

M.  Fauchet  avers  in  conclusion  that  no  name  or  sum 
was  mentioned  to  him,  and  that  Mr.  Randolph  never  di 
rectly  or  indirectly  received  money  from  him  or  made 
overtures  therefor,  and  he  says:  "  Further  I  solemnly  de 
clare,  that  from  the  time  of  my  arrival,  I  have  repeated 
when  an  opportunity  presented  itself  and  without  doubt 
often  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Randolph,  that  the  morals 
of  my  nation  and  the  candor  of  my  government,  severely 
forbid  the  use  of  money  in  any  circumstances  which  could 
not  be  publicly  avowed."  a 

There  is  something  of  sublimity  in  this  declaration  of 
M.  Fauchet  of  the  morals  of  his  nation  and  the  candor  of 
his  government,  and  it  must  be  a  matter  of  regret  that  the 
close  of  despatch  No.  6,  puts  his  refusal  on  different 
grounds ;  nor  is  the  reason  for  so  often  repeating  these 
asseverations,  and  that  too  in  the  presence  of  a  Secretary 
of  State,  clearly  intelligible.  The  "  certificate  "  indeed 
was  very  unsatisfactory  in  exculpating  Mr.  Randolph. 
Its  author  was  either  strangely  ignorant  of  what  relations 
between  himself  and  the  Secretary  of  State  were  proper 
on  the  part  of  that  officer,  or  he  was  content  to  leave  his 

a  "  Vindication,"  p.  16. 


276  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

friend  under  the  suspicions  to  which  his  intercepted  des 
patch  had  subjected  him,  and  the  Secretary  in  his  vindi 
cation  appears  to  tmve  been  of  this  opinion.  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  was  equally  unfortunate  in  his  own  share  of  the 
defence.  A  very  large  portion  of  his  pamphlet  was  occu 
pied  with  a  history  of  the  objections  to  the  British  treaty. 
In  what  manner  the  defects  of  that  instrument  or  the 
President's  unwillingness  to  ratify  it,  could  excuse  mal- 
conduct  on  his  own  part  previous  to  its  reception,  is  not 
explained  ;  but  he  probably  expected  to  strengthen  a  re 
port  industriously  circulated  by  the  opposition  papers, 
that  he  was  made  the  victim  of  a  conspiracy  for  having 
dissuaded  Washington  from  signing  it.  Every  paragraph 
of  No.  10  is  separately  commented  upon,  even  when  no 
reference  is  made  to  himself.  It  will,  however,  be  suffi 
cient  for  the  present  purpose  to  notice  his  remarks  on 
what  was  pertinent  to  his  defence. 

In  commenting  upon  the  phrase  "  precious  confessions," 
he  says   it   "  involves  the  judicious  management  of  the 
office.     It  implies  no  deliberate   impropriety,  and  cannot 
be  particularly  answered,  until  particular  instances   are 
cited,  unless  it  be  by  resorting  to  M.  Fauchet's   own  ex 
planations,"  viz  :  those  contained  in  the  certificate  which 
have  been  already  mentioned,  and  which  he  avers  to  have 
been  but  proper  conversations  with  that  minister.     That 
M.  Fauchet  was   authorised  to  draw  from  any  conversa 
tion  with  him,  the  conclusions  to  which  he  arrives  from  the 
interview    as    reported    in    No.   3,    is    expressly    denied. 
"How  was  it  possible,"  he  says,  "  for  me  to  infer  from 
any  acts  of  the  government   known  to  me,  that  it  was 
hastening  the  local  eruption  ?     With  the  excise  the  de 
partment  of  state  was  not   concerned  ;  it  belonged  to  the 
treasury,  and  was  there  managed,  I   believe,  even  to  the 
issuing  of  process."     The  Secretary  of  State  might  nev 
ertheless  know  of  so  very  important  a  machination  in  that 
department ;  but  further  to  show  his   innocence  of  this 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  277 

charge,  Mr.  Randolph  proves  the  actual  magnitude  of  the 
insurrection,  and  states  that  he  urged  in  consequence  the 
augmentation  of  the  army  of  suppression.  As  to  the  over 
tures  of  No.  6,  he  makes  rather  a  different  version  from 
M.  Fauchet.  The  probability  that  the  insurgents  were 
stimulated  by  the  British  is  mentioned,  and  he  avers  that 
as  that  personage  had  often  spoken  of  it,  he  merely  called 
upon  him  to  show  the  justice  of  his  complaints  by  proving 
the  facts.  The  flour  contractors  with  whose  names  he  had 
furnished  the  French  minister,  and  "  who  were  upon  an 
intimate  footing"  with  that  gentleman,  could  obtain  the  re 
quisite  information,  and  if  necessary,  he  could  protect  them 
by  advances  to  be  made  on  account  of  their  contracts  ;  a 
protection  which  would  probably  be  important  as,  if  the 
British  were  at  the  bottom  of  the  insurrection,  they  would 
of  course  exercise  every  rigor  against  those  engaged  in  an 
enquiry.  Mr.  Randolph  further  states,  that  on  the  very 
day  of  the  conversation  he  communicated  to  the  President 
M.  Fauchet' s  complaints  and  his  answer.  As  to  his  ex 
planation  at  the  cabinet  meeting,  he  says,  "How  I  express 
ed  myself  in  relation  to  this,  if  at  all,  I  cannot  now  re 
member,  for  it  was  so  much  an  affair  of  accidental  occur 
rence  to  my  mind,  that  until  I  saw  No.  6,  I  could  not  in 
the  smallest  degree  satisfy  myself  how  money  came  to  be 
involved.  M.  Fauchet's  letter  indeed  made  me  suppose 
that  No.  6,  possibly  alluded  to  some  actual  or  proffered 
loan  or  expenditure  for  the  nourishment  of  the  insurrec 
tion."  In  conclusion,  reasons  are  urged  against  the 
probability  of  his  having  made  corrupt  overtures  to  the 
minister,  adduced  in  part  from  the  poverty  of  that  func 
tionary,  officially  known  from  his  anxiety  to  anticipate  the 
debt  due  to  France  for  the  purchase  of  provisions  ;  in  part 
from  the  fact  that  others  were  associated  writh  him  who  were 
believed  to  be  in  friendly  relations  with  federal  members 
of  the  cabinet  (!)  and  who  must  have  been  consulted  as  to 
advances  of  money  ;  and,  finally,  because  he  had  not 
VOL.  i.  24 


278  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  9. 

offered  for  sale  official  secrets,  "the  value  of  which  would 
have  been  more  attractive  to  him  (Fauchct)  than  the  '  sa 
ving  of  the  United  States  from  civil  war.'  ' 

The  review  of  these  documents  has  been  extended  in 
order  that  the  whole  merits  of  the  subject  might  be  exhibit 
ed  fairly*  So  far  as  Mr.  Randolph  is  concerned,  it  may 
be  thus  summed  up.  A  letter  containing  statements  de 
rogatory  to  his  official  character  had  been  put  into  Wol- 
cott's  hands  by  the  British  minister,  and  prudence  as  well 
as  duty  dictated  the  course  pursued  by  the  latter.  The 
strictest  secrecy  was  observed  in  reference  to  its  contents 
by  himself  and  those  consulted.  The  letter  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment  was  laid  before  the  President,  and  an 
opportunity  was  given  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  in  pres 
ence  of  all  the  officers  who  were  privy  to  its  contents,  to 
establish  his  innocence  of  its  imputations.  No  charges 
were  brought  against  him,  an  explanation  was  simply  re 
quired.  In  this  he  failed,  and  on  his  own  suggestion  re 
signed  his  office.  After  a  conference  with  the  writer  of 
that  letter  ;  after  free  and  unreserved  inspection  of  all  doc 
uments  necessary  to  his  exculpation,  had  it  depended 
upon  documents ;  after  months  consumed  in  its  preparation ; 
he  produced  a  labored  defence.  It  was  his  own  fault  if, 
as  Wolcott's  father  sarcastically  observed,  that  defence 
proved  to  be,  what  he  himself  entitled  it,  a  vindication, 
not  of  his  conduct,  but  of  his  resignation.  Had  he 
confined  himself  in  its  pages  to  its  proper  issue,  his  own 
guilt  or  innocence,  nothing  further  would  have  been  re 
quired  here,  than  a  reference  to  the  subject  as  a  matter  of 
history.  But  Mr.  Randolph  travelled  out  of  the  record 
and  unsparingly  attacked  one  whose  agency  in  the  trans 
action  was  a  forced  one.  The  examination  of  his  own 
conduct  has  therefore  been  extended  that  we  may  see  what 
credit  is  to  be  given  to  his  attacks  upon  others. 

It  has  been  shown  that  much  discrepancy  exists  be 
tween  .M.  Fauchet's  despatches  and  his  certificate  ;  that 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  279 

even  where  the  facts  are  admitted,  by  a  change  of  state 
ment  and  of  inducement,  a  very  different  character  is  given 
to  them,  and  that  in  passing  through  a  second  operation 
under  Mr.  Randolph's  hands,  a  still  further  loss  of  their 
original  character  is  suffered.  Now  it  is  evident  that  in 
preparing  secret  information  for  his  government,  the  French 
minister  had  no  motive  in  giving  a  false  color  to  his  state 
ments,  and  that  his  recollection  of  circumstances  and 
their  relations,  could  not  have  been  improved  by  the  lapse 
of  a  twelvemonth  ;  that  on  the  contrary,  when  his  private 
papers  had  been  intercepted,  and  the  confidential  source 
of  his  communications  exposed,  he  had  a  strong  motive 
for  shielding  from  disgrace  the  man  whose  personal  and 
political  connections  with  himself  had  been  the  cause 
of  his  danger,  who  was  attacked  by  those  whom  he 
considered  as  his  own  enemies,  and  who  was  apparently 
ruined  by  his  own  imprudence.  Mr.  Randolph  on  his  side, 
was  a  party  interested,  and  would  of  course  put  his  own 
conduct  in  the  best  light.  Lastly,  before  the  appearance 
of  either  certificate  or  vindication,  the  minister  and  secre 
tary  were  closeted  together  at  Newport,  and  a  full  oppor 
tunity  obtained  to  arrange  the  mode  of  explanation.  When, 
therefore,  that  explanation  conflicts  with  direct  and  positive 
assertions  in  the  original  testimony  of  a  then  disinterested 
witness,  the  latter  is  certainly  the  most  entitled  to  belief. 
Laying  aside  for  the  moment  the  charge  of  corruption, 
there  was  even  in  the  modified  version  of  Mr.  Randolph's 
"  confidences,"  a  total  ignorance  of,  or  dereliction  from 
duty.  They  present  the  picture  of  a  Secretary  of  State 
feeding  the  greedy  ears  of  a  foreign  minister  with  tales  of 
the  factions  and  divisions  of  his  country ;  maligning  his 
associates  in  the  cabinet  as  monarchists  and  enemies  of 
liberty,  accusing  them  of  a  design  to  subvert  the  republic  ; 
asserting  the  President  to  be  the  mortal  enemy  of  one 
nation  and  the  sincere  friend  of  another  with  whom  we 
were  upon  the  same  terms  of  peace  ;  and -pointing  out  the 


280  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  [CHAP.  9. 

means  of  winning  favor  with  the  executive  by  personal 
attentions.  Had  no  other  ground  appeared  against  him, 
he  merited  for  this,  even  upon  his  own  showing,  an  igno 
minious  discharge.  But  the  actual  guilt  of  Randolph,  in 
making  corrupt  overtures  of  some  kind  to  Fauchet,  re 
mains  undisproved.  The  concerted  story  of  the  flour  con 
tractors  was  too  transparent,  the  versions  of  it  too  incon 
sistent,  to  overthrow  the  original  positive  charge. 

One  word  more  as  to  his  attacks  on  WOLCOTT.  The 
vague  and  general  charges  of  monarchism,  British  influ 
ence,  conspiracy  with  Mr.  Hammond,  deserve  no  refuta 
tion.  They  savor  too  much  of  a  spirit  of  blind  retort  to 
have  weight  with  any  one,  unless  supported,  to  borrow  a 
phrase  of  Mr.  Randolph's  own,  "  by  particular  instances." 
The  delay  of  producing  the  papers  until  the  means  of  re 
futing  their  charges  should  be  out  of  his  reach,  by  the 
departure  of  Fauchet  and  Hammond,  is  not  attributable  to 
Wolcott,  even  if  just.  The  letter  was  delivered  by  him  to 
the  President  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  and  the  sub 
sequent  delay  is  moreover  fully  accounted  for.  Even  after 
the  communication  was  made  to  him,  Randolph  had  leisure 
to  spend  twelve  days  in  reaching  Newport  to  see  M. 
Fauchet.  The  complaint,  too,  that  no  exertion  was  made  to 
obtain  the  despatches  3,  and  6,  is  as  respects  Wolcott,  un 
just.  It  was  decided  by  the  President  himself,  for  rea 
sons  which  appear  in  his  note  to  the  secretaries,  that  such 
a  request  to  Mr.  Hammond  or  M.  Adet  was  improper. 
Mr.  Randolph,  in  his  vindication,  gave  many  reasons 
against  the  probability  of  his  guilt.  There  was  produced 
soon  after  his  resignation,  one  in  favor  of  the  supposition. 
The  investigation  of  his  accounts  conferred  upon  him  the 
distinction  of  being  the  first  cabinet  officer  who  was  a 
DEFAULTER.  Had  Mr.  Jefferson  communicated  to  the 
President  the  facts  stated  in  his  "  Ana"  respecting  his 
successor,  the  latter  might  have  been  spared  the  oppor 
tunity  of  thus  earning  an  immortality  of  shame. 


CHAPTER   X. 


FOURTH  CONGRESS FIRST  SESSION. 


THE  following  letter  to  the  President,  previous  to  the 
opening  of  the  session,  contains  a  general  review  of  the 
condition  of  the  finances,  and  the  events  already  noticed  : 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  November  12,  1795. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  respectfully  represents  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  that  the  following  are  the  principal  occurrences  in  the  treasury 
department  since  the  first  of  January,  1795: 

In  relation  to  Domestic  Loans  obtained. 

1st.  A  sum  of  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  has  been  borrowed  under  the 
act  of  March  20th,  1794,  making  further  provision  for  the  intercourse  between 
the  United  States  and  foreign  nations,  and  the  act  of  February  21st,  1795,  in 
addition  thereto.  The  rate  of  interest  to  be  paid  by  the  United  States  is  6  per 
centum  per  annum,  payable  quarter  yearly,  and  the  principal  is  to  be  refunded 
in  four  annual  instalments  of  $200,000  each  on  the  last  days  of  December  in 
the  years  1796,  1797,  1798,  and  1799. 

The  above  mentioned  loan  was  received  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  in 
six  per  cent,  stock  of  the  United  States,  and  has  been  transmitted  to  John  and 
Francis  Baring  &  Co.,  of  London,  to  be  sold  by  them.  Letters  from  Messrs. 
Barings  have  been  lately  received,  stating  that  funds  to  the  amount  of  £160,000 
were  held  by  them  subject  to  the  order  of  Col.  Humphreys.  Of  this  sum,  the 
value  of  $40,000  has  been  remitted  to  Hamburgh,  as  is  understood,  pursuant  to 
the  directions  of  Col.  Humphreys  from  Paris. 

2d.  Under  the  authority  of  the  act  passed  March  3d,  1795,  entitled  "  An  ac)t 
making  further  appropriations  for  the  military  and  naval  departments,  and  for 
the  support  of  government,"  two  loans  have  been  obtained  from  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  for  $500,000  each,  bearing  interest  at  six  per  centum,  payable 

24* 


282  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10 

half  yearly  on  the  1st  July  and  1st  January.  The  first  loan  bears  interest  from 
April  1st,  1795,  and  is  repayable  on  the  1st  of  April,  1796,  and  the  other  bears 
interest  from  the  1st  of  October,  1795,  and  is  repayable  on  the  1st  of  October, 
1796.  A  sum  of  $1,000,000  has  been  also  received  on  account  of  a  loan  made 
the  last  year. 

In  relation  to  Domestic  Loans  repaid. 

1st.  Repayments  of  former  loans  in  anticipation  of  the  revenue  have,  been 
made  during  the  year  1795,  to  the  amount  of  $1,400,000. 

2d.  The  third  instalment  of  the  loan  of  two  millions  of  dollars,  had  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  has  been  paid  pursuant  to  the  act  of  January  8th, 
1795,  containing  a  provision  for  that  purpose. 

In  relation  to  Foreign  Loans. 

Measures  were  seasonably  taken  by  the  treasury  for  reimbursing  the  instal 
ment  of  one  million  of  florins  which  became  due  in  Amsterdam  on  the  1st  day 
of  June  last.  But  owing  to  the  operation  of  the  war  and  the  revolution  in  Hol 
land,  the  measures  which  were  adopted  had  not  been  successful  in  August  last. 
As  the  delay  has  been  produced  by  causes  over  which  the  United  States  could 
have  no  controul  or  influence,  and  as  the  interest  has  been  punctually  paid,  the 
public  credit  is  understood  to  have  suffered  no  blemish. 

In  relation  to  the  Foreign  Debt. 

The  instalments  of  the  debt  due  to  the  Republic  of  France,  which,  by  con 
tract,  became  payable  in  the  present  year,  have  been  discharged  at  the  treas 
ury,  amounting  to  $453,750.  The  remaining  debt  has  been  amicably  adjusted, 
and  finally  settled  in  concert  with  an  authorized  agent  of  the  French  govern 
ment,  and  the  sum  which  appeared  to  be  due  from  the  United  States,  has  been 
subscribed  to  the  loan  proposed  by  the  second  section  of  the  act,  entitled  "  An 
act  making  further  provision  for  the  support  of  public  credit  and  for  the  redemp 
tion  of  the  public  debt."  The  pecuniary  obligations  of  the  United  States  to 
France,  as  subsisting  under  former  contracts,  may  therefore  be  considered  as 
discharged. 

In  pursuance  of  the  act  last  recited,  measures  have  been  taken  for  ascertain 
ing  whether  the  remainder  of  the  foreign  debt  can  be  reloaned  with  the  consent 
of  the  creditors.  Though  the  experiment  has  not  been  fully  made,  yet  from 
what  is  already  known  there  is  reason  to  conclude  that  the  situation  of  the  con 
tract,  as  proposed  in  the  act  of  the  last  session,  will  not  be  chosen  by  the  credi 
tors.  As  unprecedented  difficulties  attend  the  fulfilment  of  the  public  engage 
ments  in  Amsterdam  and  Antwerp  at  present ;  as  the  same  difficulties  will  al 
ways  be  experienced,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  during  war  in  Europe  ;  and  as 
in  proportion  to  their  extent  and  operation,  they  must  hazard  the  credit  of  the 
United  States  in  foreign  countries,  it  may  be  expedient  for  Congress  to  consider 
whether  the  important  object  of  reloaning  the  foreign  debt,  cannot  be  accelerated 
by  some  modification  of  the  proposal,  at  once  inviting  to  the  creditors,  and  at  the 
same  time  consistent  with  the  public  interest.  At  present  there  is  no  provision 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  283 

made  by  law  for  discharging  the  instalments  of  principal  of  the  foreign  debt, 
which  are  annually  falling  due,  except  from  the  proceeds  of  new  loans ;  during 
the  continuance  of  the  war,  there  is  no  probability  that  foreign  loans  can  be  ob 
tained  on  eligible  terms.  Besides,  if  this  were  not  the  case,  Congress  have  by 
the  act  of  the  last  session  wisely  manifested  an  indisposition  to  authorize  a  re 
currence  to  this  resource,  except  in  cases  of  urgency.  The  authorities  for  ob 
taining  monies  on  domestic  loans,  are  at  present  subject  by  law  to  such  condi 
tions  that  doubts  are  entertained  whether  they  contain  an  adequate  resource 
against  every  exigency. 

A  general  recommendation  to  Congress  to  consider  whether  some  further  pro 
vision  for  the  foreign  debt  be  not  necessary,  in  case  it  shall  not  be  reloaned,  ap 
pears  therefore  to  be  expedient. 

In  relation  to  the  Domestic  Debt. 

The  redemption  of  the  public  debt  being  an  object  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  the  happiness  and  security  of  the  United  States,  it  cannot  be  too  urgently 
pressed  upon  Congress  to  consider  whether  the  provisions  in  former  laws  are  cal 
culated  to  produce  the  desired  effect.  The  points  on  which  the  law  of  the  last 
session  in  particular,  require  alteration,  can  be  suggested  by  the  treasury,  but  a 
general  reference  to  the  subject  by  the  President,  is  necessary  to  attract  the  at 
tention  of  Congress. 

*  #  *  * 

In  relation  to  the  Revenue. 

The  revenue  from  importations  and  the  tonnage  of  vessels  continues  to  be  in 
creasing.  This  fact,  considering  the  embarrassments  and  heavy  losses  which  the 
commerce  of  the  country  has  suffered  in  consequence  of  the  war,  is  at  once  a 
pleasing  demonstration  of  the  great  resources  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the 
virtue  and  patriotism  of  the  mercantile  community. 

The  Revenues  from  internal  duties  have  not  equalled  the  anticipations  which 
were  formed  of  their  product.  This  has  been  owing  to  various  causes.  In  respect 
to  the  duties  on  distilled  spirits  and  on  stills,  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  want 
of  the  foreign  materials,  which  were  used  before  the  war,  and  the  new  directions 
which  have  lately  been  given  to  the  industry  of  the  country,  are  causes  sufficient 
to  account  for  a  considerable  deficiency.  In  respect  to  the  other  objects  subject 
to  duty,  the  time  has  not  yet  been  sufficient  to  organize  the  arrangements  for  the 
collection,  and  to  receive  information  of  the  results  from  every  quarter.  Con 
siderable  inconvenience  has  moreover  been  experienced,  from  the  want  of  au 
thority  to  allow  compensations  adequate  to  the  service  of  the  officers.  But  not 
withstanding  the  operation  of  all  these .  causes,  tending  to  prevent  or  postpone 
the  receipt  of  monies  into  the  treasury,  still  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  a  con 
siderable  part  of  the  deficiency  is  owing  to  the  want  of  a  system  of  collection 
sufficiently  energetic  and  coercive.  It  remains  with  Congress  to  determine 
whether  there  be  not  some  defects  in  the  laws  which  require  correction.  The 
establishment  of  an  effective  and  productive  internal  revenue  is  truly  interesting, 
as  connected  with  a  speedy  reduction  of  the  public  debt ;  and  no  period  can  be 


284  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

more  fit  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  object,  than  the  present,  when  the  inter- 
ual  resources  of  the  country  are  flourishing  in  a  degree  hitherto  unprecedented. 

In  relation  to  the  purchase  of  supplies  for  the  War  Department. 

The  Purveyor  of  public  supplies  is  an  officer  of  the  treasury,  and  he  is  more 
over  charged  with  the  agency  of  superintending  the  purchases  for  the  Frigates. 
By  information  from  this  officer  and  from  other  sources,  it  is  ascertained  that  the 
public  supplies  cannot  be  certainly  obtained  except  by  means  of  systematical  and 
permanent  public  arrangements.  A  time  of  war  in  Europe,  and  a  state  of  neu 
trality  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  however  eligible  in  some  respects,  is  not 
without  its  peculiar  dangers  and  disadvantages.  In  such  a  state  of  things,  all 
kinds  of  articles  for  military  operations  are  liable  to  be  suddenly  withdrawn  from 
the  country,  and  are  at  the  same  time  generally  prohibited  from  being  imported. 
The  consequence  is  that  the  country  is  left  without  any  considerable  resources 
except  what  it  may  possess  in  public  magazines ;  and  the  small  supplies  which 
remain  in  the  market,  are  greatly  enhanced  in  price  by  the  competition  of  foreign 
agents. 

The  present  state  of  this  country  in  respect  to  military  supplies,  is  such  as  forbids 
the  idea  of  war,  even  if  on  other  accounts  it  might  reasonably  be  adjudged  to  be 
necessary.  The  only  remedy  against  the  dangers  resulting  from  such  a  situation, 
obviously  is  a  systematical  provision  for  the  purchase  in  time  of  peace,  of  all  arti 
cles  which  cannot  be  manufactured  here,  especially  such  as  are  not  liable  to  dam 
age  and  waste.  It  is  also  presumed  that  a  wise  and  provident  policy  would  dictate 
the  establishment  of  public  foundries  and  manufactories  for  arms,  to  prevent  the 
loss  of  skill  in  the  fabrication  of  arms,  which  must  degenerate  in  a  state  of  peace. 
The  experiments  which  have  been  made  for  obtaining  cannon  for  the  Frigates 
and  Batteries,  only  evince  that  a  skill  which  was  common  during  a  part  of  the 
late  war,  has  deplorably  declined.  The  Frigates  which  were  ordered  to  be  built 
in  the  year  1794,  would  however,  have  been  in  a  state  of  considerable  forward 
ness,  had  not  unexpected  difficulties  attended  the  procuring  of  timber  from  Georgia. 
It  is  believed  however,  that  these  will  soon  be  surmounted.  It  has  not  been  pos 
sible  to  substitute  the  timber  of  this  part  of  the  country  for  that  expected  from 
Georgia,  without  a  great  loss  of  time,  as  the  northern  timber  is  said  to  require  a 
long  seasoning  before  it  is  fit  for  use. 

As  incidental  to  the  business  of  the  treasury,  it  is  necessary  to  mention,  that 
the  execution  of  the  laws  is  weakened  by  the  want  of  adequate  compensations 
to  certain  officers,  especially  to  Marshals  and  District  Attorneys.  In  some  of 
the  States  these  offices  are  a  heavy  burthen  to  the  possessors  ;  hence  a  want  of 
zeal  and  frequent  vacancies. 


The  opposition  were  a  majority  in  this  as  well  as  the 
late  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  JONATHAN  DAYTON, 
of  New  Jersey,  was  chosen  Speaker. 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  285 

The  speech  of  the  President,  delivered  on  the  Sth  of 
December,  was  prefaced  by  the  remark  that  he  had  never 
met  the  national  legislature  at  a  period  when  more  than 
then,  the  situation  of  public  affairs  afforded  just  cause  for 
mutual  congratulation.  The  intelligence  it  conveyed  jus 
tified  the  observation.  Besides  the  virtual  conclusion  of 
the  British  Treaty,  now  first  officially  announced,  Gene 
ral  Wayne  had  brought  the  north-western  Indians  to 
terms,  which  (liberal  to  them)  promised  a  durable  tran- 
quility ;  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  had  again  confirmed 
their  previous  treaties,  although  the  frequent  murders  per 
petrated  by  the  whites,  rendered  their  observance  more 
doubtful ;  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  had  recognized  that 
made  with  his  father ;  the  agent  sent  to  Algiers  had  ad 
justed  the  terms  of  peace  with  that  power,  and  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  had  transmitted  information  that  a  prospect  existed  of 
a  speedy  conclusion  of  the  negociations  with  Spaina.  The 
internal  tranquillity,  the  increasing  population  and  pros 
perity  of  the  Union  at  home,  were  likewise  sources  of 
patriotic  satisfaction. 

Among  the  suggestions  to  the  consideration  of  Congress, 
a  revisal  of  the  military  establishment  and  the  militia 
system ;  the  prevention  of  aggressions  upon  the  Indians, 
and  the  public  debt,  were  severally  mentioned. 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH,  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.,  1795. 

Sir, 

We  had  an  easy  and  agreeable  journey,  and  on  our  arrival,  the  pleasure  to 
find  our  friends  in  health,  and  since  have  become  quite  happily  domesticated  with 
them. 

You  will  receive  the  President's  speech  through  the  medium  of  the  press,  ear 
lier  than  I  can  transmit  it.  It  was  received  with  uncommon  satisfaction  by  all 
the  friends  of  the  government,  and  we  hope  it  will  make  these  favourable  im- 

a  The   treaty  with  Spain  was  finally  vember  signed  by  Col.  Humphreys,  the 

concluded  in   October.    That  with  Al-  American  Minister  at  Lisbon,  who  was 

giers,  negotiated  in  the  month  of  Sep-  empowered  for  that  purpose, 
tember,  by  Mr.  Donaldson,  was  in  No- 


286  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

pressions  upon  the  public  mind,  the  truths  it  contains  really  merit.  Admitting 
the  picture  drawn  in  it  of  our  prosperous  condition  to  be  a  just  delineation,  and 
we  trust  it  is  too  forcibly  engraven  on  the  minds  of  the  great  body  of  our  citizens 
to  be  denied,  little  room  is  left  for  the  complaint  and  acrimony  we  have  witnessed 
these  months  past.  A  motion  was  brought  forward  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  by  Mr.  Parker  of  Virginia,  not  to  return  any  written  answer  but  by  a  com 
mittee  to  assure  the  President  the  House  would  take  into  consideration  the  im 
portant  matters  recommended  to  them,  with  all  the  attention  they  deserved.  It 
received  but  a  feeble  support,  and  a  committee  consisting  of  Mr.  Madison, 
Sedgwick  and  Sitgraves,  is  appointed  to  draft  an  answer,  which  probably  will  be 
placed  on  the  table  to-morrow.  From  the  known  attachment  of  the  two  latter 
to  the  administration  of  the  government,  we  are  certain  it  will  contain  nothing 
disrespectful  of  present  measures.  An  opinion  prevails  that  as  the  President  has 
nicely  avoided  placing  the  treaty  before  the  House,  so  as  to  call  for  an  opinion 
on  its  merits,  it  is  wise  for  us  to  follow  his  example.  It  is  a  subject  entirely  out 
of  our  province  to  decide  on,  and  happily  so,  because  the  prospect  is  that  we 
should  decide  in  opposition  to  the  other  branches  of  the  government.  And 
although  a  motion  may  be  brought  forward  to  draw  the  merits  of  the  treaty  into 
discussion,  it  is  hopeful  we  shall  prevent  any  opinion  being  given.  We  also 
expect  on  its  final  ratification,  we  shall  be  able  to  obtain  an  act  providing  for  its 
execution.  The  subject  is  really  so  circumstanced,  that  we  can  now  say  'tis  too 
early  for  us  to  give  any  opinion  on  its  merits,  and  when  it  becomes  the  supreme 
law,  'tis  too  late  for  such  an  opinion. 

I  can't  give  you  any  further  intelligence  respecting  Mr.  Randolph.  If  he 
wraps  his  vindication  in  those  mysteries  and  tergiversations  which  are  the  surest 
evidence  of  guilt,  if  the  interests  of  our  country  have  been  put  in  hazard,  I  think 
we  may  now  felicitate  ourselves  they  are  safe.  Mary  Anne  joins  me  in  affec 
tionate  remembrances  to  yourself  and  Frederic,  with  which  I  subscribe  myself 
your  ob't  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


The  nominations  of  Mr.  Pickering  as  Secretary  of  State, 
and  Mr.  Lee  as  Attorney  General,  were  confirmed  on 
the  10th.  The  vacant  war  office  was  offered  to  Charles 
Cotes  worth  Pirickney  of  South  Carolina,  Edward  Car- 
rington  of  Virginia,  John  Eager  Howard  of  Maryland,  and 
finally  to  JAMES  McHENRY.  also  of  Maryland,  who  ac 
cepted  it  and  was  commissioned  on  the  27th  January. 

Wolcott's  report  to  the  House  was  communicated  on 
the  14th  December.  The  gross  amounts  of  receipts  and 
expenditures  of  the  United  States  for  the  period  com 
mencing  January  1st,  and  ending  Sept.  30th,  1795,  were 
as  follows  : 


1795.] 


OF  WASHINGTON. 


287 


EXPENDITURES. 

Civil  Department,        -  $286,958  29 

Military      "  2,059,636  34 

Naval         "                                                        ....  302,940  00 

Fortifications  of  ports  and  harbors,  65,168  46 

Military  pensions,         -         -  67,637  22 

Annuities  and  grants, 2,530  20 

Temporary  Domestic  Loans,                    1,400,000  00 

Interest  on         "  221,099  99 

Diplomatic  Department,         -         -  15,005  00 

Extra  expenses  of    "         -  897,680  12 

Third  instalment  of  two  millions  loan,    -         ....  200,000  00 

Debts  contracted  by  T.  Pickering,                ....  61  59 

Interest  on  the  domestic  debt,                                               -         -  1,782,084  38 

Support  and  erection  of  light  houses,  -         ....  13,969   10 

Contingent  expenses  of  government, 9,983  98 

French  debt,    -  272.266  04 

Dutch  debt,  675,373  33 

Debt  due  to  foreign  officers, 5,866  32 

Mint  establishment,     .........  13,000  00 

Miscellaneous  expenses, 32,874  80 

Balance  in  Treasurer's  hands  Sept.  30th,  1795,  deducting  war 
rants  issued,  but  unpaid, 369,826  29 

$  8,693,961  45 
RECEIPTS. 
Balance  in  Treasurer's  hands  subject  to  warrants  on  the  1st  of 

January,  1795,         -                  $1,148,147  55 

Duties  on  imports  and  tonnage  three  quarters  of  a  year,     -  4,234,046  26 
Duties  on  spirits  distilled  in  the  United  States  during  the  same 

period,       ....  210,016  18 

Postage  on  letters, 22,400  00 

Dividends  on  bank  stock,        -  160,000  00 

Fees  on  letters  patent, 510  00 

Domestic  loans, 2,800,000  00 

Bills  of  exchange,       -  96,424  00 

Repayments  of  balances, 18,865  53 

Balances  due  under  old  government, 3,551  91 

$8,693,961  45 

The  estimates  exhibited  at  this  time  were  afterwards 
modified  by  subsequent  legislation,  and  are  therefore 
omitted. 

The  subject  of  the  temporary  loans,   one  becoming  of 


288  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

serious  importance,  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
house  in  this  communication.  The  amounts  outstanding 
in  February  preceeding,  have  been  before  stated  ;  the 
additions  since  then,  in  consequence  of  laws  passed  at 
the  last  session,  were,  one  of  $800,000  obtained  from  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  under  the  act  of  21st  February 
already  mentioned,  and  two  of  $500,000  each,  obtained 
under  the  act  "  making  appropriations  for  the  military 
and  naval  service  and  the  support  of  government,"  pass 
ed  30th  March.  These  had  been  found  necessary  from 
the  state  of  the  treasuiy  and  the  demands  created  by  the 
expenses  of  the  whiskey  insurrection.  In  addition  to 
them,  it  would  be  necessary  to  obtain  on  the  1st  January 
coming,  the  further  sum  of  $500,000,  under  the  act 
"  making  provision  for  the  support  of  public  credit,"  in 
order  to  repay  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  the  pur 
chase  money  of  the  six  per  cent,  stock  obtained  by  Mr. 
Hamilton,  for  remittance  to  Holland.  The  gross  amount 
of  all  the  temporary  loans  would  therefore,  on  the  1st 
January,  1796,  be  $6,200,000,  of  which  there  fell  due 
during  the  year,  payments  to  the  amount  of  $800,000. 
There  would  also  become  payable  on  the  Dutch  debt,  an 
instalment  of  $414,100. 

The  Bank  of  the  United  States,  it  should  be  remark 
ed,  from  which  six  millions  of  the  temporary  loans  had 
been  obtained,  became  crippled  by  the  loan  of  so  large 
an  amount  of  its  capital  to  the  government,  and  was  im 
patient  of  repayment.  The  specific  recommendations 
on  the  subject  of  these  debts  was  contained  in  a  report  on 
the  public  debt  made  later  in  the  session. 

In  regard  to  the  coming  year,  the  Secretary  observed 
under  this  state  of  facts, 

1st,  That  after  making  a  liberal  allowance  for  unfor- 
seen  demands  which  might  require  appropriations,  and  for 
deficiencies,  the  revenue  would  be  adequate  to  the  annual 
reimbursements  of  the  six  per  cent,  stock,  bearing  a  pre- 


1795.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  289 

sent  interest ;  to  the  payment  on  the  interest  on  the  foreign 
and  domestic  debt ;  and  to  the  discharge  of  the  sums  es 
timated  for  the  current  service. 

2d,  That  the  anticipations  of  the  revenue  which  might 
exist  at  the  close  of  the  year,  must  be  continued  for  the 
year  ensuing,  and 

3d,  That  the  instalments  of  the  foreign  debt  which 
would  fall  due  in  June,  and  certain  instalments  of  domes 
tic  loans  before  mentioned,  must  be  reloaned  or  satisfied 
out  of  the  proceeds  of  new  revenues. 

In  continuation,  the  attention  of  the  house  was  directed 
to  the  act  of  the  last  session,  u  making  further  provision 
for  the  support  of  the  public  credit  and  the  redemption  of 
the  public  debt."  The  want  of  success  which  had  hith 
erto  attended  the  efforts  to  convert  the  foreign  debt  was 
thus  explained  ; 

"  The  objections  against  a  mutation  of  the  contracts  in  the  manner  proposed, 
which  have  been  stated,  are  generally, 

1st,  That  the  proposed  new  stock  will  be  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
United  States,  by  which  condition  the  government  will  possess  the  power  of  re 
ducing  the  rate  of  interest,  or  refunding  the  capital  at  periods  when  the  rein- 
bursements  may  be  difficult  or  disadvantageous  to  the  creditors. 

2d,  That  the  proposed  addition  of  one  half  per  centum  per  annum  to  the  rates 
of  interest  does  not  afford  an  equivalent  for  the  expenses  of  agency,  loss  upon 
the  exchange,  and  the  risk  of  remittances  from  America,  and 

3d,  That  the  facilities  which  attend  the  negociation  of  bonds  payable  to 
bearer,  over  funds  which  can  only  be  transferred  at  the  treasury  or  loan  offices  in 
the  United  States,  render  the  obligations  of  foreign  debt,  in  their  present  form, 
particularly  eligible  for  foreign  creditors. 

It  is  not  yet  ascertained  that  these  objections  will  be  conclusive  in  the  minds 
of  the  creditors  against  the  proposed  re-loan,  and  circumstances  are  not  unlikely 
to  happen  which  may  in  some  degree  abate  their  force.  Nevertheless,  as  the 
object  of  converting  the  foreign  debt  into  domestic  stock  is  of  real  importance  to 
the  United  States  ;  as  unprecedented  difficulties  attend  remittances  at  present ; 
as  similar  difficulties  will  always  exist  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  time  of  war  ; 
anil  as  in  proportion  to  their  operation  they  must  endanger  the  public  credit,  the 
Secretary  respectfully  submits  it  to  the  house  of  Representatives  to  consider  and 
determine  whether  some  modification  of  the  existing  proposal  be  not  expedient." 

The  report  proceeded  to  state  the  failure  of  the  attempt 
VOL.  i.  25 


290  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

to  reimburse  the  instalment  due  in  the  past  year,  as  al 
ready  detailed  in  the  letter  to  the  President. 

"  It  being  rendered  certain,  that  funds  to  meet  the  instalments  of  the  foreign 
debt  now  annually  falling  due,  must  be  remitted  from  the  United  States,  meas 
ures  have  been  taken  for  ascertaining  whether  the  powers  vested  by  law  in  the 
commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund,  contain  an  adequate  resource.  As  before 
mentioned  these  powers  limit  the  rate  of  interest  upon  any  loan  to  six  per  cent, 
per  annum,  and  moreover  provide  that  the  capitals  borrowed  shall  be  redeemable 
at  the  option  of  the  government. 

"  Though  the  rate  of  six  per  centum  per  annum,  may  be  justly  considered  as 
a  liberal  compensation  for  the  use  of  money  in  ordinary  times,  yet  at  the  present 
moment,  when  the  demand  for  American  funds  is  greatly  limited  by  the  opera 
tion  of  the  war  in  Europe,  and  when  a  variety  of  new  objects  are  presented  for 
the  profitable  employment  of  capital  in  this  country,  it  is  found  that  the  redeem 
able  quality  of  the  stock  which  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund  are  author 
ized  to  constitute,  will  so  far  derogate  from  its  value  as  to  defeat  the  intention 
of  the  law. 

"  The  Secretary  is  confident  that  the  House  of  Representatives  will  appreciate 
fully  all  the  arguments  in  favor  of  an  augmentation  of  the  revenue,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  reimbursing  the  foreign  debt  ;  and  he  therefore  omits  to  make  any  com 
ments  on  the  statement  of  facts  now  presented.  But  it  is  his  duty  to  observe 
that,  if  it  shall  be  determined  to  confine  the  reimbursement  of  the  public  debt  to 
the  scale  now  established  by  law,  it  will  be  necessary  to  enlarge  the  powers 
granted  to  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund,  in  such  manner  as  that  there 
may  exist  a  certainty  of  obtaining  the  necessary  funds  with  that  strict  punctuality 
which  it  is  necessary  to  observe,  in  whatever  relates  to  the  delicate  concerns  of 
public  credit." 

The  report  to  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund, 
showed  that  further  purchases  of  the  debt  had  been  made 
to  the  amount  of  $42,639  14 — making,  with  the  former 
purchases,  the  total  amount  of  $2,307,661  71  ;  and  that 
there  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Treasurer  the  sum  of 
$70,968  15,  arising  from  dividends  subsequent  to  the  first 
of  April  preceding,  which  with  the  dividends  to  be  made 
at  the  close  of  the  year,  and  other  appropriated  funds, 
would  be  applied  on  the  1st  January  ensuing  to  the  first 
reimbursement  of  the  annuity  on  the  six  per  cent,  stock 
bearing  a  present  interest. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  House,  was  the  appointment 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  291 

of  a  standing  committee  of  ways  and  means.  This  com 
mittee  was  raised  in  pursuance  of  a  motion  of  Mr.  Galla- 
tin,  of  December  18th.  To  it  were  to  be  referred  ah1  re 
ports  from  the  Treasury  Department,  and  all  propositions 
relating  to  revenue  ;  and  it  was  made  its  duty  to  report 
on  the  state  of  the  public  debt,  revenue  and  expenditures. 
The  resolution  was  agreed  to  nem.  con.  on  the  21st,  and  a 
committee  of  fourteen  appointed,  of  which  Mr.  William 
Smith  was  made  chairman.  Among  the  members  were 
Messrs.  Sedgwick,  Madison,  Baldwin  and  Gallatin.  Sub-* 
sequent  reports  were  made  to  the  House  by  the  Secretary, 
on  the  public  debt.  The  one  communicated  on  the  4th  of 
January,  presented  a  statement  of  the  capitals  of  each  spe 
cies  of  debt,  and  the  annuities  which  would  be  requisite  to 
their  discharge  within  certain  specified  periods.  The  re 
sults  were  thus  summed  up  : 

"  If  a  revenue  adequate  to  the  payment  of  the  sums  included  in  this  estimate 
were  to  be  established,  the  following  reductions  of  the  public  debt  might  be 
effected. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1809,  the  whole  foreign  debt,  amounting  to  $12, 
200,000,  would  be  discharged,  and  an  annuity  of  $573,632  02,  now  required  for 
the  payment  of  interest,  would  revert  to  the  public. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1818,  the  funded  domestic  debt,  bearing  a  present 
interest  of  6  per  cent.,  would  be  discharged.  This  debt  amounts  to  $29,310, 
856  86.  The  annuity  then  liberated  would  be  $2,321,525  25. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1824,  the  funded  6  per  cent,  stock  bearing  a  future 
interest,  amounting  to  $1 1,561,934  41,  would  also  be  reimbursed,  when  a  further 
annuity  of  $1,146,370  34  would  be  liberated. 

The  act  of  the  last  session  provides  fully  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  two  last 
mentioned  objects,  by  an  absolute  appropriation  of  revenue. 

After  the  reimbursement  before  mentioned,  there  would  still  remain  the  fol 
lowing  sums  of  the  existing  debt : 

The  stock  bearing  3  percent,  interest  being,  -  $19,569,909  63 

The  stock  bearing  5  1-2  percent,  interest,  1,848,900  00 

"  "  "  4  1-2  "  "  «  176,000  00 

The  capital  of  the  present  unfunded  debt,  with  arrearages  of 

interest  prior  to  1791,  estimated  at,  -  1,382,83737 

And  the  capital  existing  in  loans  of  the  bank  of  the  United 

States  and  Bank  of  New  York,      -  6,200,000  0  0 


Amounting  in  the  whole  to  „  $29,177,647  00 


292  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

But  if  a  revenue  were  to  be  established,  equal  to  what  will  be  requisite  to 
satify  the  public  engagements  upon  the  scale  of  expenditure  which  will  be  ne 
cessary  in  the  year  1801,  the  whole  of  the  public  debt  might  be  extinguished 'by 
payment  or  purchase,  at  or  before  the  close  of  the  year  1824,  as  also  a  very 
considerable  additional  debt,  if  any  such  should  arise  out  of  future  contingencies. 

This  view  of  the  public  engagements  will,  it  is  presumed,  demonstrate  to  the 
committee,  that  in  the  arrangements  which  have  been  hitherto  made,  an  attention 
has  not  been  wanting  to  secure  a  right  of  reimbursing  the  debt,  fully  if  not  more 
than  equal  to  what  the  United  States  can  exercise  ;  and  that  the  unforeseen 
events  which  have  lately  happened  in  Europe,  render  it  necessary  to  combine 
some  efficacious  plan  for  obtaining  loans  with  any  augmentation  of  the  revenue 
£  which  it  may  now  be  judged  expedient  to  establish. 

After  a  full  consideration  of  different  expedients,  it  has  appeared  to  me  most 
eligible  to  propose  a  commutation  of  the  whole  debt  due  to  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  into  a  funded  domestic  stock,  bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent,  per 
annum,  transferable  at  the  treasury  and  loan  offices  respectively,  and  irredeema 
ble  for  such  a  period  as  will  invite  purchases  at  par.  Considering  the  great 
capitals  which  will  soon  be  demandable,  or  which  are  in  a  tram  of  reimburse 
ment  in  consequence  of  the  act  of  the  last  session,  it  is  evident  that  if  the  pro 
posed  new  stock  were  to  be  declared  irredeemable  for  a  period  of  twenty  or 
twenty-five  years,  still  the  purchase  or  redemption  of  the  remaining  debt  would 
be  sufficient  for  the  employment  of  any  revenues  which  can  readily  be  acquired. 
It  will  also  appear  that  such  an  arrangement  would  leave  it  in  the  power  of  the 
United  States  to  reimburse  the  proposed  new  stock  at  a  favorable  period,  by  the 
application  of  revenue  which  will  then  be  liberated  in  consequence  of  the  final 
reimbursement  of  the  six  per  cent,  stock,  bearing  a  present  interest.  The  utility 
of  the  proposed  measure  can,  I  presume,  receive  but  little  illustration  beyond 
that  afforded  by  a  naked  exhibition  of  the  public  engagements.  It  is  indeed 
very  probable  that  the  final  payment  of  the  public  debt,  instead  of  being  post 
poned  by  any  existing  stipulations  which  forbid  reimbursements,  will  in  fact  be 
rendered  additionally  burdensome,  if  it  be  not  somewhat  retarded,  by  conditions 
which  require  re-payments  at  fixed  periods.  The  difficulties  which  are  now  ex 
perienced  in  respect  to  the  foreign  debt,  effectually  demonstrate  the  impolicy  of 
unnecessarily  contracting  engagements  which  cannot  be  satisfied  directly  from  the 
proceeds  of  the  revenue.  At  no  time  will  those  who  negociate  loans  for  the 
public,  be  able  to  calculate  the  value  of  money,  or  the  probability  of  an  increase 
or  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest,  with  greater  precision  than  those  who  lend. 
At  all  times  must  the  borrower  be  exposed  to  certain  expenses,  risks  and  em 
barrassments,  for  which  no  equivalent  can  be  obtained." 

A  second  report  recommended  a  change  in  the  mode  of 
paying  the  2  per  cent.,  reimbursement  of  principal  of  the 
G  per  cent.,  stock,  and  that  the  reimbursement  be  extended 
to  the  debts  due  the  States.     With  regard  to  the  conver 
sion  of  the  foreign  debt,  it  was  suggested  that  the  renun- 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  293 

elation  of  the  right  of  redemption  until  1819,  would  be 
attended  with  no  inconvenience  to  the  United  States, 
and  might  facilitate  the  operation.  The  giving  discretion- 
ary  power  to  the  President  to  appoint  an  agent  in  Hol 
land,  was  also  recommended. 

The  internal  revenues  were  the  subject  of  a  long  re 
port  from  the  Commissioner,  prepared  in  pursuance  of  a 
resolution  passed  at  the  close  of  the  last  session.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  the  duties,  as  contained  in  this 
report,  on  objects  other  than  domestic  distilled  spirits  and" 
stills,  were  for  the  first  year  of  their  collection,  and  upon 
the  latter  articles  also  for  a  period  in  which  they  had  not 
been  uniformly  received,  on  account  of  the  obstructions 
opposed  to  them.  The  kinds  and  amounts  were  as 
follows : 

STATEMENT  OF  THE  DOMESTIC  REVENUES. 

Domestic  distilled  spirits,  -      $357,539  31 

Sales  at  auction,  31,289  91 

Snuff  manufactured,  -                                                                                2,399  08 

Snuff  mills,  7,112  00 

Refined  sugar,  33,988  28 

Carriages,  41,421   17 

Retailers'  licenses,  -                          -                          -                        54,731  54 


Total  amount  internal  revenues,     -  $528,481  31 

Total  expenses  of  collection,    -  84,943  21 


Nett  amount  of  revenue,   -  $443,538  10 

The  expenses  and  the  number  of  officers  employed  in 
the  collection  of  these  duties,  had  been  an  argument  al 
leged  against  them,  and  this  report  was  called  for  in  sub 
stantiation  of  the  objections.  The  subject  was  treated  by 
Mr.  Gallatin  in  his  Sketch  of  the  Finances  of  the  United 
States,  published  during  the  ensuing  fall. 

The  expenses,  it  is  to  be  observed,  varied  materially 
with  the  different  objects  of  collection ;  the  only  one  on 

25* 


294  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

which  they  bore  a  heavy  ratio  to  the  amount  raised,  was 
that  on  distilled  spirits  and  stills — the  most  productive  of 
all ;  and  in  this  even  they  varied,  according  as  the  spirits 
were  manufactured  from  domestic  or  foreign  materials. 

According  to  Mr.  Gallatin's  computations,  the  average 
expense  of  collection  of  the  duties  on  spirits  distilled  from 
all  materials,  was  25  per  cent.,  viz  :  31  per  cent,  on  those 
from  domestic,  and  141-2  on  those  from  foreign  materials. 
The  two  were  properly  inseparable,  because  one  must  have 
been  unproductive  without  the  other  ;  but  it  was  argued 
from  this  dissected  calculation,  that  a  tax,  the  collection 
of  which  cost  30  per  cent.,  must  necessarily  be  a  very  bad 
one.     It  however  appeared  that  this  excise  was  connected 
with  the  impost  on  imported  spirits,  which  amounted  to 
$1,500,000,  and  which  would  be  much  affected  by  the 
removal  of  a  tax  on  those  of  home  manufacture,  and  Mr. 
Gallatin  himself  admitted  that  it  would  be  better  to  mod 
ify  the  tax  by  laying  the  duties  on  the  stills   exclusively, 
instead   of  the    product,    than    to    repeal    it    altogether. 
The  other    duties    cost    much  less  in    proportion.     The 
expenses  of  the  duties  on  licenses  to  retailers  of  wines  and 
spirits,  and  upon  sales  by  auction,  were  only  2  1-2  per 
cent.     Those  on  sugar  refined,  and  on  pleasure  carriages, 
five  per  cent.     The  tax  on  snuff  was  found  to  be  attended 
with  inherent  difficulties,    and  wa,s   soon  suspended  ;  it 
is  therefore  not  included  in  the  calculation.     The  expenses 
on  all  these  objects  together,  had,  according  to  his  com 
putation,  been  about  18  per  cent,  and  this  at  a  time  when 
the  arrangements  were  but  imperfectly  completed ;  they 
were    estimated   for   the   future,    allowing  only  a   much 
smaller  advance  than  actually  took  place,  at  17  per  cent. 
The  aggregate  result,  as  well  as  the  ratio  of  expense  to 
revenue    of    the   excise    on    spirits,    presented    apparent 
grounds  for  the  attack  ;  but  it  is  to  be  noted  in  the  first 
place,  that  the  imposition  of  an  entirely  new  system  of  taxa- 
.  tion  is  necessarily  attended  with  many  imperfections  which 


1795.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  295 

time  and  experience  remedy,  and  that  while  the  cost  of 
collection  would  in  future  increase  but  little,  the  proceeds 
would   largely  increase,    as    the    fact   soon   proved.     In 
the   course   of  five   years,   the   internal  revenues    nearly 
doubled  in  productiveness,  while  the  expense  was  station 
ary.     This  too  was  the  case  under  very  light  duties,  and 
the  excise  was  capable  both  of  increase  and  of  extension 
to  many  more  objects,  had  it  been  necessary.     There  was 
moreover,  one  great  and  conclusive  argument  in  favor  of 
the  retention  of  these  revenues.     The  excise  was  part  of 
a   system   by   which   the    author   intended    the    present 
reinforcement  of  the  import  duties,  and  a  resource  in  time 
of  war,  when  these    would   necesarily  be  cut    down  or 
destroyed.     Sad  experience  taught  the  great  opponent  of 
the  system  the  wisdom  on  which  it  was  founded. 

The  "  army  of  office-holders"  under  the  excise,  were 
the  following  in  the  whole  extent  of  the  United  States : — 
Sixteen  supervisors,  twenty-two  inspectors,  two  hundred 
and  thirty-six  collectors  (of  whom  fourteen  were  also  offi 
cers  of  the  import  revenue)  and  sixty-three  auxiliary 
officers.  In  all,  three  hundred  and  thirty-seven. 

FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

DEDHAM,  Dec.  31,  1795. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  am  greatly  obliged  by  your  favour  covering  Mr.  R's.  vindication,  as  you  will 
believe,  when  I  acquaint  you  that  I  have  read  till  I  am  stupified,  and  my  task  is 
not  finished,  nor  my  curiosity  sated.  The  subject  and  the  title  led  me  to  look 
for  a  plausible  vindication  at  least.  Taking  his  whole  mystical  story  for  true, 
the  cause  for  wonder  is  not  removed  if  the  censure  is  shifted  ;  something  strange, 
and  because  it  is  strange,  probably  wicked,  has  been  done  or  attempted.  The 
tale  of  a  foreigner's  zeal  to  bring  to  light  conspiracies  against  our  government, 
and  the  need  there  was  of  resorting  to  a  foreigner  to  use  his  flour  contractors  in 
the  affair,  is  strange — passing  strange.  The  public  opinion  has,  I  believe,  passed 
sentence  without  waiting  for  the  tardy  evidence  of  his  book.  It  is  however,  a 
precious  book,  and  oui.ht  to  be  made  to  yield  treasure  to  the  federalists  like  a 
mine.  I  rejoice  to  hear  that  the  answer  to  the  speech  has  not  conjured  up  the 
evil  spirits  that  were  expected  to  rise  on  this  occasion.  Let  our  three  branches 
keep  duly  united,  and  the  efforts  of  party  will  be  impotent,  at  least  for  a  time. 


296  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

The  people  are  coming  right.  I  send  you  a  sermon,  which  I  wish  our  friends 
Ellsworth,  Cabot,  Jed.  Smith  and  Thatcher  may  see.  Afterwards,  I  think  it 
could  do  good  if  Mr.  Cabot  would  send  it  under  cover  to  Mr.  Izard,  and  get  it 
(the  political  part)  published  in  a  Charleston  paper.  I  am,  with  unfeigned  re 
gard,  &c.,  dear  sir,  yours  truly, 

FISHER  AMES. 


FROM  WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

NEWPORT,  January  llth,  1796. 

[Private.] 
Sir, 

Agreeably  to  your  request  contained  in  your  private  letter  of  the  21st  of  last 
month,  I  have  endeavoured  to  ascertain  the  point  you  wish  to  have  determined. 

When  Mr.  Randolph  arrived  here  the  boarding  houses  were  full,  and  he  took 
lodgings  in  a  private  house,  procured  for  him  by  the  keeper  of  the  boarding  house 
where  he  dieted.  With  the  owner  of  the  former  I  have  some  acquaintance.  I 
have  asked  him  and  his  wife  such  questions,  as  I  thought  would  lead  to  a  dis 
covery  of  what  I  wished  to  know,  and  could  only  learn,  that  between  the  part  of 
the  house  where  the  family  resided  and  he  lodged,  there' was  no  communication, 
and  that  the  front  door  of  the  house  was  left  unlocked,  that  he  might  go  in  and 
out  at  what  times  he  pleased  without  observation.  I  am  not  acquainted  with  the 
keeper  of  the  boarding  house,  and  no  material  information  could  I  expect  to  re 
ceive  from  that  quarter  if  he  were  able  to  give  it.  When  Mr.  Randolph,  was  here 
M.  Fauchet  with  his  secretary  and  servant,  resided  by  themselves  in  a  house  hired 
by  the  French  vice-consul,  and  went  off  in  the  Medusa  ;  and  the  vice-consul  was 
not  a  proper  person  to  apply  to  on  this  occasion.  I  had  hopes  of  receiving  some 
information  from  the  Marshal  of  this  district,  who  came  here  a  few  days  since 
from  Providence,  where  he  lives,  but  could  learn  no  more  from  him,  than  what 
Mr.  Randolph  has  said  in  his  vindication,  about  his  having  a  fast  sailing  boat  to 
go  in  pursuit  of  the  Medusa,  excepting  that  when  he  made  his  request  he  appeared 
to  be  much  agitated.  A  gentleman  of  credit  in  this  town  has  informed  me,  that 
he  went  to  visit  Mr.  Randolph  the  day  he  arrived  here,  that  he  was  absent,  and 
that  after  waiting  an  hour  and  a  half  he  departed  without  seeing  him. 

That  Mr.  Randolph  was  in  private  conversation  and  consultation  with  M. 
Fauchet,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  although  it  should  be  impracticable  to  ascertain 
the  fact  by  personal  testimony.  The  necessity  of  his  situation  required  that  M. 
Fauchet  should  explain  No.  10  in  a  manner  favourable  to  his  character.  That 
the  certificate  was  drafted  in  part,  if  not  in  whole,  before  M.  Fauchet  went  on 
board  the  Medusa  is  highly  probable,  if  not  certain.  The  time  which  passed 
between  his  going  on  board  and  Captain  Gardner's  leaving  the  ship,  (as  he  has 
informed  me)  was  not  more  than  an  hour  and  a  quarter,  and  that  in  my  opinion 
was  too  short  to  form  an  instrument  so  long,  and  in  the  fabrication  of  which  it 
was  necessary  to  refer  to  several  papers,  and  which  far  from  being  plain  and  sim 
ple  bears  strong  marks  of  toil  and  artifice.  Besides,  the  gentleman  who  called 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  297 

upon  Mr.  Randolph  before  mentioned,  further  has  told  me  that  the  day  after  the 
Medusa  sailed,  in  conversation  with  him,  Mr.  Randolph  said,  that  the  last  time, 
in  the  forenoon  of  the  day  she  sailed,  when  he  went  to  M.  Fauchet,  the  vice-con 
sul  told  him  that  he  was  on  board  the  ship,  that  he  had  been  writing  something 
for  him,  but  not  having  time  to  complete  it,  he  would  finish  it  on  board,  and  send 
it  to  him. 

The  same  gentleman  told  me  that  he  was  credibly  informed,  that  at  a  house 
where  M.  Fauchet  was  invited  to  dine,  prior  to  Randolph's  coming  here,  that  he 
said  in  the  course  of  conversation,  that  Mr.  Randolph  was  a  d — d  rascal.  Desirous 
to  find  out  on  what  subject  the  conversation  was  employed,  in  which  such  a  vio 
lent,  contemptuous  expression  was  introduced,  I  requested  a  friend  of  mine  and 
an  acquaintance  of  the  person  with  whom  Fauchet  dined,  to  make  the  enquiry.  M. 
Fauchet  regretted  very  much,  that  on  his  return  to  France  he  must  advise  his 
constituents  that  he  had  been  deceived — that  he  has  found  that  none  but  men  of 
no  information,  of  small  fortunes  and  influence,  were  on  the  side  of  France  ;  that 
the  men  of  influence,  and  those  near  the  President  were  honest,  and  especially 
Mr.  Hamilton,  that  he  was  candid  and  undisguised,  and  for  strictly  supporting 
our  neutrality  ;  but  that  Randolph  was  a  deceiver,  and  had  already  deceived  him, 
and  when  he  said  this,  he  used  the  most  contemptuous  expressions ;  the  conver 
sation  was  in  French  ;  and  that  Fauchet  did  not  say  that  Randolph  was  a  d — d 
rascal,  but  that  the  expressions  were  highly  contemptuous.  This  is  the  sub 
stance  of  the  discourse  as  reported  to  me  by  my  friend,  and  I  relate  it  as  curious, 
although  not  connected  with  your  request. 

If  I  should  discover  anything  that  will  serve  to  ascertain  what  you  particu 
larly  wish  to  know,  I  will  communicate.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  copy 
you  sent  me  of  Mr.  Randolph's  vindication.  That  publication,  as  far  as  I  have 
heard  of  its  effect,  has  injured  his  character  rather  than  vindicated  his  conduct, 
and  if  possible  has  added  to  the  reputation  of  the  President  among  his  friends, 
and  confounded  his  enemies,  the  first  of  whom  to  save  his  own,  he  has  endea 
voured  to  lessen,  and  the  last  of  whom  it  was  intended  to  increase  and  encourage. 
I  am,  with  great  respect,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WM.  ELLERY. 

The  conduct  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  session  will  be 
seen  in  the  following  letters. 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  12,  1796. 

Sir, 

Instead  of  the  animated  session  which  had  been  anticipated  hitherto,  the  con 
trary  extreme  has  proved  to  be  the  case — a  debility  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  to  whom  it  belongs  to  originate  the  important  and  essential  measures  of 
the  government,  which  evinces  either  want  of  talent,  or  timidity.  It  is  also 
apparent  there  is  a  vulgarity  in  many  particulars,  beneath  the  character  of  gen 
tlemen.  I  hope  the  discernment  of  the  well  informed  part  of  the  community  will 


298  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

impute  these  disgraces  on  the  public  councils,  (so  extremely  mortifying)  to  their 
true  character  and  real  authors.  No  doubt  a  majority  of  the  members  owe  their 
seats  to  clubs,  factions,  and  the  feverish  state  of  things  at  the  time  of  the  election. 
'Tis  true  the  disorganizers  have  now  the  power  to  bring  forward  their  systems  of 
reform,  and  that  they  dare  not — it  would  create  a  responsibility  which  above  all 
things  they  fear  ;  we  think  the  leaders  were  never  more  discontented  with  their 
ground  than  at  present ;  their  object  has  been  to  keep  up  a  fret  on  the  public 
mind,  and  avail  themselves  of  it  for  disorganization  and  cabal.  The  friends  of 
the  government  are  willing  to  let  them  disclose  their  views  and  true  character  ; 
we  don't  despair  that  when  they  find  their  total  decrepitude,  we  may  be  able  to 
carry  the  measures  absolutely  necessary  to  keep  the  machine  in  motion,  till  a 
more  wise  and  honest  representation  can  be  obtained.  However  important  the 
execution  of  the  British  treaty  is  to  our  affairs,  I  consider  an  extension  and  im 
provement  to  our  revenue  more  consequential.  It  is  idle  to  imagine  that  the 
public  debt  can  be  discharged  by  imposts,  and  a  paltry  tax  on  stills,  snuff,  car 
riages,  &c. 

If  we  are  sincere  in  the  business,  or  indeed  having  a  government,  we  must  be 
willing  that  the  United  States  shall  by  a  certain  mode  of  collection,  come  upon 
the  body  of  the  property.  A  tax  on  land  is  imagined  as  impracticable  ;  Massa 
chusetts  and  Rhode  Island  are  subject  to  state  debts,  and  have  no  other  means. 
The  mode  of  proportioning  them  provided  by  the  Constitution,  is  an  inequitable 
one,  and  very  burdensome  to  New  England.  Our  revenue  already  is  drawn  from 
the  middle  and  eastern  states,  and  expended  on  the  frontiers  where  the  inhabi 
tants  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  embarrass  our  affairs,  and  would  not  be 
satisfied  if  we  should  diet  and  clothe  them  at  public  expense.  What  is  to  be 
done,  is  one  of  the  most  puzzling  questions  this  country  has  had  to  determine 
since  the  organization  of  the  government.  The  evidence  of  the  attachment  of 
the  people  to  the  government  is  an  encouraging  circumstance.  Massachusetts 
has  retained  her  reputation.  New  York  is  making  a  rapid  progress  in  correct 
views  ;  the  body  of  this  state  is  right ;  and  if  we  can  credit  the  best  men  in  Virgi 
nia,  the  democrats  are  there  losing  ground.  The  Supreme  Court  is  in  session — 
a  good  deal  of  important  business  before  them.  Mr.  Gushing  refuses  his  appoint 
ment  as  Chief- Justice.  No  successor  has  been  appointed. 

We  are  well.  I  have  suffered  much  from  the  headache,  but  hope  I  have 
become  more  accustomed  to  the  habits  of  living  and  this  climate,  and  shall  in 
future  be  free  from  this  evil.  We  all  join  in  remembrances  of  affection.  I  am, 
sir,  with  respect,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  10th,  1796. 
Sir, 

*  #  *  * 

Congress  are  passing  through  a  state  of  preparation,  and  are  of  course  some 
what  quiet ;  the  stillness  is  like  that  which  in  the  natural  world  precedes  a  storm. 


H96.J  OF  WASHINGTON.  299 

When  the  ratification  of  the  British  treaty  arrives,  the  onset  is  to  be  proclaimed, 
and  a  battle,  we  must  have,  and  if  nothing  else  is  destroyed,  I  think  we  may  fairly 
conclude,  a  great  deal  of  time  will  be> 

Mr.  Gushing  who  was  appointed  Chief- Justice,  in  room  of  Mr.  Rutledge,  re 
signed,  has  declined  the  preferment ;  of  course,  a  Chief-Justice  will  probably  soon 
be  nominated.  Who  will  be  the  man  is  not  known.  Mr.  Paterson  of  New  Jer 
sey  is  thought  of,  but  our  President  keeps  his  own  counsel  tolerably  well,  till  he 
acts  officially. 

Randall  and  Whiting,  together  with  a  fine  standard,'  and  two  or  three  fine 
speeches,  fill  up  this  awkward  interval,  before  the  solid  ebullitions  of  patriotism 
can  break  forth  upon  the  British  treaty,  better  than  one  can  imagine  ;  for  our 
southern  brethren  begin  to  swear,  if  the  ratification  does  not  soon  arrive,  they 
shall  lose  in  these  amusing  scenes  one  great  advantage,  which  they  expected,  of 
striking  while  the  iron  is  hot. 

Indeed  nothing  is  more  manifest  than  a  prevailing  coolness,  among  the  patriots 
here  and  at  the  south.  I  presage  from  it  more  strength  to  the  government  and 
federal  measures.  You  will  not  mistake  me,  when  I  use  the  word  patriots,  I 
mean  those  who  are  so  modest  as  to  call  themselves  exclusively  patriots.  That 
class  of  gentry  is  certainly  a  little  crest  fallen.  The  assemblies  of  Massachusetts, 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  have  not  answered  their  expections.  The  Senate 
of  Pennsylvania  have  this  day  almost  unanimously  rejected  the  Virginia  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution,  which  you  will  recollect  wrere  to  extend  treaty  making 
to  the  House  of  Representatives,  &c.,  and  have  in  a  preamble  stated  two  or  three 
matters,  which  in  their  opinions  might  with  more  propriety  be  added  to  the  con 
stitution,  viz :  to  make  lands  responsible  for  debts,  free  the  negroes,  or  not  con 
sider  them  in  the  number  of  representations,  &c.  Your  family  and  friends  here 
are  well.  I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

URIAH  TRACY. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Feb.  15,  1796. 
Sir, 

*  *  *  Mr.  Randolph's  character,  as  far  as  I  am  informed,  is  abso 
lutely  blasted.  His  vindication,  as  he  calls  it,  has  ascertained  his  guilt.  I  do 
not  find  by  the  papers  that  even  the  democrats  venture  to  support  him  ;  and  I  do 
not  perceive  that  any  one  will  suffer  by  his  misconduct.  Some  errors  of  opinion 
only  are  developed,  an  imperfection  which  no  one  is  exempt  from. 

Mr.  Tracy,  in  a  letter  to  me  of  the  10th  instant,  says  that  the  hobby  horse  of 
the  treaty  has  not  arrived,  but  I  do  not  believe  it  will  be  judged  best,  while  the 
opposers  of  government  are  continually  receiving  from  every  quarter  the  deepest 
mortification,  that  this  publication  should  be  delayed.  These  men  will  find  their 
ambition  extremely  disappointed. 

I  do  not  find  that  any  thing  very  material  has  been  done  in  Congress.     If  they 

a  That  presented  by  the  French  Minister,  Adet, 


300  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAT.  10. 

shall  do  only  what  is  essentially  necessary,  and  no  mischief,  it  is  all  which  is  ex 
pected  from  them.  I  do  not  regret  their  dilatory  proceedings.  I  believe  that 
our  shipping  is  sufficiently  large.  I  doubt  the  policy  of  increasing  it  by  restric 
tions  at  present,  for  various  reasons.  The  revenue  I  perceive  is  increasing,  but 
those  who  are  opposed  to  the  funding  system,  are  willing  so  far  as  I  perceive,  to 
increase  the  expenditures.  In  like  manner  these  men  were  disposed  to  adopt 
every  measure  to  precipitate  us  into  a  war,  but  opposed  to  every  mode  of  de 
fence.  Derangement  of  every  kind  seems  to  be  their  object.  I  believe  charity 
requires  that  a  good  part  of  their  conduct  ahght  to  be  attributed  to  their  extreme 
ignorance.  I  am  very  confidant  that  wisdom,  in  Virginia,  is  absolutely  different 
from  what  it  is  considered  to  be  with  us.  Mr.  Cushing>  I  understand,  has  declin 
ed  his  preferment ;  he  is  a  good  and  respectable  character.  I  knew  Samuel 
Chase,  and  to  you  I  will  say,  that  I  have  but  an  unworthy  opinion  of  him.  The 
character  of  the  government  will  depend  upon  that  of  its  officers.  To  respect  a 
man  because  he  is  of  a  party,  and  to  gratify  them,  will  always  be  found  false 
policy.  A  public  officer  is  neither  to  attach  himself  to,  nor  fear  any  one. 

What  events  will  take  place  in  this  State  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Gov 
ernor  Huntington,  is  very  uncertain.  The  late  faction  was  disappointed  in  the 
last  election.  The  heads  of  it  are  at  present  deeply  engaged  in  the  land  specu 
lation.  The  mode  of  sale  of  our  western  lands,  rather  than  the  application  of 
the  money,  I  well  knew  was  the  principal  occasion  of  their  last  exertion.  It  is 
too  early  for  them  to  appear,  but  they  will  renew  their  efforts.  Our  western 
lands  I  am  told,  now  sell  at  105  cents  per  acre.  Upon  the  death  of  Governor 
Huntington,  I  supposed  it  proper  for  me  to  write  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  Copies  of  my  letter  and  his  answer  I  will  enclose  for  your  amusement. 

Among  so  many  of  my  family  connections  at  Philadelphia,  we  hoped  to  re 
ceive  more  letters  than  we  do.  You  are  easily  excused  during  the  session  of 
Congress,  as  you  are  perpetually  called  upon  by  those  who  insist  upon  acting 
upon  their  own  opinions  and  investigations,  while  if  they  do  any  thing  correct, 
they  are  entirely  obliged  to  others  in  both  these  respects.  My  kindest  regards  to 
you  all.  I  am,  &c., 

•LIVER  W*LC*TT. 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN.,  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

LITCHFIELD,  Jan.  21st,  1796, 
Sir, 

I  conceive  it  to  be  my  duty  to  inform  you,  that  in  consequence  of  the  death  of 
our  late  worthy  Governor,  his  Excellency  Samuel  Huntington,  the  powers  an 
nexed  to  that  office  have  devolved  upon  me,  as  Lieut.  Governor  of  the  State, 
and  you  will  be  so  pleased  Sir,  to  be  assured  that  whatever  official  duties  you 
shall  require  of  me  will  be  strictly  observed.* 

Permit  me,  Sir,  upon  this  occasion,  to  express  the  deep  regret  which  I  have 
long  felt  at  the  extreme  impropriety  with  which  the  national  administration  has 

a  At  the  ensuing  election  General  Wol-  and  Jonathan  Trumbull,  at  this  time  a 
cott  was  chosen  Governor  of  the  State,  Senator,  Lieutenant  Governor. 


1796.1  OF  WASHINGTON.  301 

been  treated  by  disappointed  ambition,  and  from  other  motives  not  less  improper  ; 
and  to  assure  you,  Sir,  that  the  people  of  Connecticut  have  ever  preserved  the 
most  perfect  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  rectitude  of  your  administration,  and 
are  fully  persuaded  that  in  consequence  trtereof,  their  country  has  been  exempted 
from  evils  the  most  calamitous  and  distressing  ;  and  they  are  very  sensible  that 
they  enjoy  every  benefit  which  can  possibly  be  derived  from  government. 

The  favourable  opinion  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  entertain  of  my  son, 
by  appointing  him  to  the  very  important  and  confidential  office  of  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  excites  in  me  the  most  agreeable  reflections.  I  shall  flatter  my 
self,  Sir,  that  he  will,  by  his  assiduity,  discretion  and  fidelity,  continue  to  merit 
the  confidence  you  have  placed  in  him.  With  great  deference,  esteem  and  res 
pect,  I  am  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


THE  PRESIDENT  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  February  1st,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  have  been  duly  honored  with  your  letter  of  the  21st  ult.,  announcing  the 
death  of  Mr.  Huntington,  late  governor  of  Connecticut. 

At  the  same  time  that  I  regret  the  toss  of  so  worthy  a  character,  I  cannot  but 
feel  consoled,  that  the  administration  of  the  government  of  that  State  has  fallen 
into  such  good  hands  as  yours  ;  and  let  me  pray  you  to  accept  my  sincere  thanks 
for  the  assurance  therein  given,  of  your  readiness  to  observe  the  relationship 
which  it  bears  to  the  general  government.  I  feel  equally  obliged  by  the  expres 
sion  of  your  concern  for  the  attacks  which  have  been  made  upon  my  adminis 
tration. 

If  the  enlightened  and  virtuous  part  of  the  community  will  make  allowances 
for  my  involuntary  errors,  I  will  promise  they  shall  have  no  cause  to  accuse  me 
of  wilful  ones.  Hoping  for  the  first,  I  feel  no  concern  on  account  of  the  latter. 

Your  son,  as  far  as  my  knowledge  of  him  extends,  is  a  very  deserving  charac 
ter.  He  discharges  the  duties  of  his  office  with  ability  and  integrity  ;  and  I  am 
persuaded  may  bid  defiance  to  all  those,  who  seem  to  be  continually  on  the  look 
out  for  occasions  (without  being  at  the  trouble  to  investigate  facts)  to  arraign  the 
•conduct  of  public  officers.  With  great  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your  obedi 
ent  humble  servant, 

GO  :  WASHINGTON. 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  17th,  179G. 
•Sir, 

I  accord  in  the  sentiments  you  express  in  your  favour  of  the  22d  instant,  on 
the  posture  of  public  affairs.  The  present  faction,  I  trust,  must  yield  to  the  en 
ergy  of  the  sense  and  property  of  the  country. 

The  Spanish  Treaty  is  not  public  ;  no  doubt  it  is  a  favourable  one  for  the 

VOL.    I.  26 


302  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

interests  of  this  country.  The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  is  opened — the  terri 
torial  line  is  adjusted  according  to  our  claim.  New  Orleans  is  made  a  depot, 
free  of  duty  except  wharfage  and  storage.  It  is  expected  the  President  will  lay 
the  British  Treaty  before  us,  notwithstanding  the  want  of  the  copy  that  has  been 
ratified.  The  determination  is  not  yet  known  on  the  subject,  but  it  procrasti 
nates  so  many  measures  of  the  government,  it  is  very  desirable  that  business  be 
disposed  of.  If  the  House  can  have  the  madness  to  check  its  operation,  it  will 
so  essentially  change  the  constitution  we  must  shape  our  course  accordingly.  I 
trust  that  will  not  be  the  case,  though  at  present  the  disorganizes  on  that  and 
every  national  question  can  claim  a  majority. 

The  Virginia  Amendments  every  where  meet  a  merited  repulse.  The  Pre 
sident's  birthday  has  been  celebrated  with  unusual  cordiality.  In  haste,  I  sub 
scribe  myself  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  21st,  1796. 
Sir, 

The  articles  of  business  before  the  House  and  committees  are  : — 1.  A  bill  for 
compensation  of  members  of  Congress  ;  2.  For  Indian  trade;  3.  For  protecting 
the  Indians  against  aggressions  from  the  whites  ;  4.  Ways  and  Means  ;  5.  Ton 
nage  and  foreign  vessels ;  6.  Protecting  duties  ;  7.  Land  office  bill  ;  8.  Indirect 
taxes;  9.  Criminal  code;  10.  Military  establishment;  11.  Bankrupt  bill;  12. 
Militia  bill ;  13.  Impressment  of  American  seamen  by  foreign  powers  ;  14.  Clerks 
in  the  various  offices  ;  15.  Federal  City  ;  16.  Survey  of  post  roads  ;  17.  Bill  of 
outlawry;  18.  Messrs.  Swanwick's  and  Smith's  election  ;  19.  Naval  equipment ; 
20.  Mint.  Provisional  measures  to  execute  the  treaty  with  England  will  be 
taken  up  as  soon  as  the  President  shall  place  it  before  us.  Undoubtedly  there 
are  many  others  which  don't  occur  to  my  recollection.  I  have  given  you  this 
list  that  you  may  see  in  what  a  political  fog  we  are  enclosed.  A  small  share  of 
common  sense,  readily  suggests  that  nothing  can  be  done  with  many  of  these 
objects  ;  nothing  ought  to  be  done  with  others  at  present ;  and  what  ought  to  be 
done  is  with  those  that  now  are  essential  matters  of  legislation.  The  measure 
of  an  Indian  trade,  is  strongly  recommended  by  the  President,  and  a  bill  has 
passed  the  House  and  been  consented  to  by  the  Senate,  with  amendments.  The 
bill  originally  confined  the  trial  to  the  place  where  offences  were  committed,  or 
the  offender  should  be  found.  The  amendment  authorizes  the  President  to  fix 
the  place  of  trial.  On  this  point,  in  this  as  well  as  the  other  bill  relative  to  the 
Indians,  there  must  be  a  struggle  ;  and  after  all  it  is  uncertain  whether  peace  can 
be  kept  on  the  frontier  without  the  establishment  of  martial  law,  and  it  is  ques 
tionable  with  the  friends  of  government,  whether  the  constitution  authorizes  such 
a  measure. 

Before  an  examination  I  made  lately  of  revenue  and  expenditures,  I  was  not 
aware  how  much  of  our  money  was  expended  in  our  new  settlements.  Revenue 
comes  from  the  seaboard  and  is  dissipated  in  the  western  country. 

The  matter  of  tonnage  and  protecting  duties  originated  from  the  scattered 
brains  of  S.  Smith,  of  Maryland.  The  necessary  documents  to  show  the  com- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  303 

parative  state  of  American,  with  foreign  tonnage  have  been  had  from  the  Trea 
sury  and  the  matter  rests. 

A  bankrupt  bill  similar  to  that  reported  this  session,  has  been  for  several  past 
sessions  before  Congress.  The  subject  is  too  complicated  to  become  a  national 
measure  until  our  system  shall  have  become  more  harmonized,  or  the  powers  of 
the  national  government  shall  come  more  intimately  among  the  body  of  the  peo 
ple  ;  such  too  is  the  case  with  the  militia  bill. 

Mr.  Edward  Livingston  is  the  mover  of  the  ameliorating  system  of  penal  law 
and  of  the  relief  and  protection  of  impressed  seamen.  He  teems  too  with  holy 
indignation  against  fraud.  In  the  memorable  era  of  scrip,  he  committed  a 
fraudulent  bankruptcy  with  others  of  his  family  and  dignified  line  of  ancestry. 
He  now  lives  here  in  the  style  of  a  nabob.  I  wish  the  first  measure  was  in  more 
competent  hands,  that  some  arrangement  might  be  made  relative  to  prisons,  &c. 
At  present  it  is  mere  rant. 

A.  resolution  for  guaranteeing  a  loan  to  complete  the  buildings  in  the  Federal 
City  has  passed  ;  a  bill  also  is  reported.  Whatever  sum  we  guarantee,  I  con 
sider  an  expenditure  under  a  disguised  form,  and  think  we  ought  not  now  to 
adopt  the  child.  No  doubt  the  President  thinks  the  city  lots  will  defray  the 
whole  expense,  and  the  Union  never  be  subjected.  In  this  he  probably  is  in 
error.  All  we  can  now  successfully  do  in  the  House  is  to  lessen  the  sum.  The 
Senate  are  in  the  habit  of  right  conduct ;  I  hope  they  will  reject  this  measure,  and 
even  that  has  its  evils.  The  President  and  Senate,  however  they  may  seem  to 
be  disjoined  by  the  constitution,  must  in  practice  be  almost  an  indivisible  power. 

Our  course  about  a  naval  equipment  is  obvious  ;  to  equip  two  ships  for  protect 
ing  our  harbours  from  petty  insults  and  privateers,  and  to  lay  up  the  timber,  &c., 
on  hand  that  is  superfluous.  The  matter  of  survey  of  post  roads,  brought  for 
ward  by  Mr.  Madison,  I  suspect  is  connected  with  the  Federal  City.  Roads  in 
the  southern  states  are  but  little  better  than  in  a  state  of  nature,  and  when  the 
whole  shall  become  disclosed,  I  imagine  the  result  will  be  to  draw  the  revenue 
of  the  Post  Office  to  that  quarter  ;  and  it  wears  the  appearance  of  ultimate  suc 
cess,  as  the  interests  of  the  interior  (if  not  the  city)  of  this  state  will  be  coalesced 
with  Virginia. 

A  land  office  bill  is  before  us,  and  has  been  several  days  in  discussion,  to  bring  to 
market  our  western  lands  whereto  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished.  It 
will  be  carried,  if  the  crude  schemes  and  local  views  of  the  abettors  of  this  meas 
ure  can  fix  any  mode  of  compromise.  One  most  pernicious  idea  is  held  out  to 
give  it  popularity ;  that  it  is  a  fund  for  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt.  It  is 
glossed  over  with  the  pretence  of  accommodation  to  the  agricultural  interests 
Past  experience  of  the  expense  attendant  on  the  rude,  unsocial  and  discontented 
inhabitants  of  the  new  country,  makes  no  impression.  Democrats  in  the  national 
councils  are  what  I  always  found  them  in  the  state  legislature — outrageous 
against  debt  already  incurred,  clamorous  for  its  extinction,  never  themselves  de 
vising  means  of  payment,  merely  suggesting  such  as  they  know  impracticable, 
inveighing  against  every  object  and  mode  of  collection  for  revenue  brought  for 
ward  by  others,  profuse  of  public  money  on  old  dormant  claims  and  favorites,  and 
with  the  most  glaring  impudence,  throwing  the  revenue  on  partial  and  favoured 


304  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10. 

sections  of  the  Union.  They  even  deny  support  to  the  essential  officers  of  gov 
ernment. 

If  we  were  to  judge  from  present  appearances,  we  should  conclude  there  was 
a  concerted  system  on  the  part  of  the  anti-federalists,  to  palsy  the  government, 
and  to  bring  its  great  departments  to  a  stand  while  in  the  administration  of  its 
present  agents — in  short,  to  disgrace  past  measures,  and  from  the  fretfulness  a  pros 
trate  government  must  necessarily  produce,  to  change  men,  if  not  systems. 

I  don't  despair  that  such  a  design,  if  it  really  be  a  systematical  measure,  and 
not  merely  a  dirty  courting  of  popularity,  will  yet  be  counteracted.  We  can't 
smother  our  own  anxiety  on  this  score,  and  if  we  don't  draw  these  disorganizes 
from  their  skulking  ground  to  aid  the  public  business  by  sufficient  measures,  or 
point  the  public  indignation  against  them,  the  truly  valuable  characters  must  quit 
the  public  service.  It  ought  to  be  known  that  there  is  a  decided  majority  of  the 
opposers  of  the  government  in  the  House  of  Representative.  The  question  must 
be  asked,  why  they  don't  do  the  business?  Our  situation  is  an  extremely  mor 
tifying  one — a  minority  without  even  a  chance  of  an  opposition — a  minority  on 
whom  the  lead  of  the  public  conduct  is  thrown,  with  a  majority  to  encounter. 
Nothing  but  rascality  combined  with  folly,  could  produce  this  state.  I  believe  it 
is  too  painful  for  either  side  long  to  endure,  and  that  it  will  end  to  the  advan 
tage  of  the  government.  The  letters  we  receive  attribute  an  undeserved  credit 
to  the  present  House  for  their  dispassionateness.  I  had  imagined  there  would 
have  been  sufficient  sagacity  to  have  seen  that  it  was  what  Fauchet  calls  the 
balancing  of  parties.  The  friends  of  government  have  been  willing  to  give  the 
reformers  the  ground  to  eclaircise  their  views,  and  to  espouse  any  efficient  mea 
sures  they  would  originate. 

We  are  yet  at  a  loss  what  they  mean  to  do  on  every  question  of  finance. 
Madison,  Gallatin  and  Baldwin,  are  members  of  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means.  They  have  been  pushed,  beyond  all  bounds  of  delicacy,  to  say  what 
shall  be  done  ;  nothing  explicit  can  be  gained  from  them.  They  neither  will 
propose,  or  pledge  themselves  to  support  the  measures  of  others — they  reserve 
their  opinions  for  the  House.  In  this  committee  are  a  majority  of  persons  of 
correct  views,  and  we  may  expect  a  well-founded  report. 

The  confidence  of  many  of  the  friends  of  the  treaty  within  a  few  days,  has 
been  lessened  in  respect  to  our  ultimate  success.  We  have  reason  to  believe  a 
meeting  of  the  leaders  in  opposition,  was  held  one  night  last  week  on  that  sub 
ject,  and  they  pledged  themselves  to  a  serious  opposition.  The  next  morning, 
Livingston  made  his  ranting  speech  about  seamen.  We  know,  and  always  have, 
that  a  majority  is  prejudiced  against  the  treaty  ;  I  still  believe  we  shall  appro 
priate  the  money  to  execute  it,  though  likely  previous  resolutions  execrating  the 
treaty,  may  be  carried. 

The  treaty  is  not  arrived.  Mr.  Deas,  the  agent,  was  instructed  to  have  three 
copies  signed,  and  to  send  them.  He  has  been  guilty  of  the  gross  blunder  of 
forwarding  only  an  unsigned  copy  of  the  ratifying  clause,  in  a  letter  to  the  Pre 
sident,  in  which  he  communicates  its  ratification.  It  could  not  be  foreseen  that 
any  public  agent  could  be  so  ignorant  of  the  forms  of  business,  as  to  commit  such 
a  mistake.  I  believe  the  President  has  not  determined  on  the  course  he  shall 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  305 

take,  in  case  an  authenticated  copy  of  the  treaty  does  not  come  to  hand.  Several 
former  treaties  have  been  proclaimed,  without  the  instrument  being  acted  upon 
by  Congress.  Probably  the  most  favourable  time  for  its  discussion  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  has  passed.  The  disturbances  in  England  are  a  rich  repast 
for  our  democrats,  and  the  exertions  of  the  French  are  incessant. 

We  just  received  the  news  that  a  committee  of  the  Legislature  of  Georgia  have 
reported,  that  the  grants  or  sales  of  the  lands  of  that  State,  were  obtained  by 
bribery  and  corruption,  that  the  whole  proceedings  were  void,  that  the  executive 
should  cause  the  acts  in  that  respect  to  be  publicly  burned,  and  that  there  should 
be  an  entire  obliteration  of  all  the  records,  files,  &c.  It  is  said  nearly  twenty 
millions  of  acres  of  this  land  is  holden  in  Massachusetts.  For  one  Legislature 
to  declare  a  former  one  corrupt,  is  an  unprecedented  usurpation  of  the  right  of 
trial  and  judgment. 

It  may  not  be  necessary  to  make  an  appeal  to  the  public  on  the  existing  state 
of  things.  If  it  shall  become  so,  the  time  is  not  yet  arrived,  and  therefore  it  may 
be  prudent  not  to  disclose  the  real  truth  faster  than  the  evidence  shall  crowd  it 
forward. 

We  all  join  in  sentiments  of  respect  and  affection.  I  am  your  ob't  and  humble 
servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  March  2, 1796. 

Dear  Sir, 

The  President  has  communicated  the  British  treaty  to  Congress,  and  pro 
claimed  it  to  be  the  law  of  the  land.  By  the  House  it  is  referred  to  a  committee 
of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union.  It  is  uncertain  what  direction  this  busi 
ness  will  take. 

Ever  since  I  have  seen  a  disposition  among  the  disorganizers  to  bring  the 
merits  of  a  treaty  into  discussion  before  the  House  of  Representatives,  I  have 
embraced  an  opinion  that  the  attempt  was  such  a  violation  of  the  constitution, 
and  usurpation  on  the  general  suffrage  secured  to  the  small  states  in  the  Senate, 
that  it  became  necessary  for  each  representative  of  that  opinion  to  declare  such 
to  be  their  sense  and  protest  against  it.  I  fear,  however,  that  all  of  us  don't  pos 
sess  the  necessary  firmness  for  such  a  step  ;  and  it  is  of  so  delicate  a  nature,  that 
an  entire  union  only  could  justify,  or  carry  that  dread  to  the  disorganizers  which 
would  give  it  weight  and  effect. 

Our  business  soon  must  assume  a  more  important  aspect.  I  shall  send  the  pa 
pers,  and  shall  be  much  gratified  by  your  opinions  and  those  of  well  informed 
men  of  your  acquaintance,  so  far  as  they  come  to  your  knowledge,  on  the  im 
portant  business  on  hand. 

I  am  now  entirely  free  from  pain  in  my  head.  Mrs.  Wolcott  has  been  indis 
posed,  but  is  now  recovered.  In  haste  I  subscribe  myself,  your  obedient  humble 
servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 
26* 


306  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  10 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  8,  1796. 
Sir, 

A  peace  has  been  purchased  from  the  Regency  of  Algiers  and  the  captives  re 
deemed.  We  pay  for  both  about  $760,000,  besides  an  annuity  of  about  $24,000, 
and  not  less  than  $250,000  more  will  be  requisite  for  Tunis  and  Tripoli,  with 
whom  negociations  are  in  a  train.  The  terms,  though  humiliating,  are  as  mod 
erate  as  there  was  reason  to  expect,  or  as  any  maritime  nation  probably  could 
have  obtained.  It  is  hoped  that  the  profits  of  the  Mediterranean  trade  will  re 
imburse  this  expense,  but  the  great  and  indispensable  object  is  security  to  our 
navigation  upon  the  Atlantic. 

We  have  at  length  also  a  treaty  with  Spain .  She  abandons  her  territorial 
claim  eastward  of  the  Mississippi  and  north  of  the  31st  degree  of  latitude,  and 
is  to  withdraw  her  garrisons  within  six  months,  open  the  navigation  of  the  river 
from  its  source  to  the  ocean,  and  grant  us  the  privilege  of  New  Orleans  as  a 
place  of  deposit  for  merchandise,  duty  free.  This  was  all  that  was  asked,  and 
something  more  than  could  of  right  be  demanded. 

As  to  the  British  treaty,  about  which  so  much  has  been  said  and  so  much  mis 
understood,  it  only  remains  for  the  House  of  Representatives  to  agree  to  the  re 
quisite  appropriations  for  carrying  it  into  effect.  They  are  just  now  entering 
upon  the  anxious  discussion,  and  will,  I  trust,  after  spending  a  great  deal  of  time 
in  doubtful  debate  and  menacing  movements,  finally  conclude  that  there  would 
be  too  much  responsibility  in  deciding  wrong. 

It  is,  sir,  my  duty  to  acquaint  you  that  I  have,  with  some  hesitation,  accepted 
an  appointment  in  the  judiciary  of  the  United  States,  which  of  course  vacates 
my  seat  in  the  Senate.  This  step,  I  hope,  will  not  be  regarded  as  disrespectful 
to  a  state  which  I  have  so  long  had  the  honour  to  serve,  and  whose  interests 
must  forever  remain  precious  to  my  heart.  I  am,  sir,  with  perfect  respect,  your; 
obedient  and  humble  servant, 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH 


CHAPTER    XI. 


FOURTH  CONGRESS FIRST  SESSION  CONTINUED. 


THE  opposition  in  their  answer  to  the  President's 
speech  had  given  sufficient  evidence  of  their  feeling  in 
regard  to  the  Britisht^eaty.  In  February  it  was  returned, 
ratified  in  the  form  advised  by  the  Senate,  and  the  Presi 
dent  thereupon  issued  a  proclamation  requiring  its  obser 
vance,  and  transmitted  a  copy  to  each  house.  As  this 
treaty  contained  a  provision  for  the  payment  of  a  sum  of 
money,  the  action  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was 
necessary  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  an  opportunity  was 
therefore  offered  to  the  majority  to  defeat  the  operation 
of  a  measure  so  discordant  with  their  views,  by  refusing 
the  requisite  appropriation.  On  the  2d  of  March,  Mr. 
Livingston  brought  forward  his  resolution  requesting  the 
President  to  "lay  before  the  House  a  copy  of  the  instruc 
tions  to  the  Minister  of  the  United  States  who  negotiated 
a  treaty  with  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  communicated 
by  his  message  of  the  first  of  March,  together  with  the 
correspondence  and  other  documents  relative  to  the  said 
treaty."  This  was  afterwards  amended  by  inserting  the 
words  "  excepting  such  of  the  said  papers  as  any  exist 
ing  negociations  may  render  improper  to  be  disclosed." 
The  resolution  was  debated  until  the  24th  of  March,  the 
opposition  assuming  the  ground  that  the  house  had  a  right 
to  judge  of  the  expediency  of  carrying  into  effect  every 
treaty  which  required  the  exercise  of  legislative  functions. 


308  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

On  that  day  it  was  carried  in  the  affirmative,  and  on  the 
next,  the  committee  appointed  to  present  it,  reported  the 
answer  of  the  President,  "that  he  would  take  the  subject 
into  consideration."3- 

The  question  had  not  been  overlooked  by  the  Presi 
dent.  The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  Wolcott  the 
day  after  the  motion  was  made. 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

THURSDAY  MORN.,  3d  March. 

[Private.] 
Dear  Sir, 

I  perceive  by  Bache's  paper  of  this  morning,  that  Mr.  Livingston  has  laid  a 
resolution  on  the  table,  requesting  the  President  to  lay  before  the  house  a  copy 
of  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Jay,  "  who  negociated  the  treaty  with  the  King  of  G. 
B.,  communicated  by  his  message  of  the  1st  inst.,  together  with  the  correspond 
ence  and  documents  relative  to  the  said  treaty." 

A  request  somewhat  similar  to  this,  was  made  or  about  to  be  made,  I  do  not 
now  recollect  which,  nor  the  conduct  that  was  observed  on  the  occasion,  as  it 
was  two,  three,  or  more  years  ago  ;  but  as  Col.  Hamilton  was  privy  to  it,  I  would 
thank  you,  if  he  has  not  left  the  city,  to  see  and  converse  with  him  thereon — 
learn  what  the  case  and  result  was,  and  what  he  thinks  ought  to  be  the  conduct 
of  the  President  if  Mr.  L's.  motion  reaches  him.  Cases  of  this  kind  are  to  be 
found  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  but  I  do  not  recollect  the  result. — At 
10  o'clock  the  gentlemen  were  to  meet  here  by  appointment.  Yours  always, 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 

At  the  time  of  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  with  Mc- 
Gillivray,  the  chief  of  the  Creek  nation,  in  1790,  the  same 
question  had  arisen,  and  in  a  more  direct  form,  as  to  the 
operation  of  a  treaty  where  in  matters  of  legislation  the 
House  of  Representatives  would  have  been  the  origina 
ting  bodjr.  The  case  then  was,  whether  goods  imported 
into  the  United  States  for  the  use  of  the  Indians,  could  by 
treaty  stipulation  be  exempted  from  duties.  In  other 
words,  whether  a  treaty  could  regulate  commerce.  In 
regard  to  this,  Marshall  observes  :  "  with  that  cautious  cir- 

Vide  V.  Marshall,  p.  533,  et  seq. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  309 

cumspection  which  marked  his  political  course,  the  Presi 
dent  took  this  point  into  early  consideration  and  required 
the  opinion  of  his  constitutional  advisers  respecting  it. 
The  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  was  of  opinion  that  the  stipu 
lation  for  importing  his  [McGillivray's]  goods  through  the 
United  States,  duty  free,  might  safely  be  made.  *  A  treaty 
made  by  the  President  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate 
was,'  he  said,  '  a  law  of  the  land,  and  a  law  of  superior 
order ;  because  it  not  only  repeals  past  laws,  but  cannot 
itself  be  repealed  by  future  ones.  The  treaty  then  will 
legally  control  the  duty  act,  and  the  act  for  licensing  tra 
ders  in  this  particular  instance.'  From  this  opinion  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any  member  of  the  cabinet 
dissented.  A  secret  article  providing  for  the  case  was 
submitted  to  the  Senate,  and  it  has  never  been  understood 
that  in  advising  and  consenting  to  it  that  body  was  divi 
ded."51  The  present  occasion  furnished  another  proof  that, 
with  Mr.  Jefferson,  principles  changed  as  well  as  men. 
In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe,  of  March  21, 179  f  he  says,  in 
reference  to  Mr.  Livingston's  resolution,  "  We  conceive 
the  constitutional  doctrine  to  be,  that  though  the  President 
and  Senate  have  the  general  power  of  making  treaties, 
yet  wherever  they  include  in  a  treaty,  matters  confided 
by  the  constitution  to  the  three  branches  of  the  legislature, 
an  act  of  legislation  will  be  requisite  to  confirm  these  ar 
ticles  ;  and  that  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  one 
branch  of  the  legislature,  are  perfectly  free  to  pass  the  act 
or  refuse  it ;  governing  themselves  by  their  own  judgment 
whether  it  is  for  the  good  of  their  own  constituents  to  let 
the  treaty  go  into  effect  or  not."b  It  must  have  required 
nicer  powers  of  casuistry  than  any  but  Mr.  Jefferson 
possessed,  to  have  drawn  between  these  two  cases  a  dis 
tinction  sufficiently  plausible  to  have  deceived  oneself. 

a  V.  Marshall,  233,  note.  b  III.  Jefferson's  Writings,  323. 


310  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

March,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

Enclosed  are  two  letters  which  I  will  thank  you  to  send  on. 

I  have  just  seen  Livingston's  motion  concerning  instructions,  &c.  My  first 
impression  is  that  the  propriety  of  a  compliance  with  the  call,  if  made,  is  ex 
tremely  doubtful.  But  much  careful  thought  on  the  subject  is  requisite.  Yours 
truly, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  I  send  you  also  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Church  to  Mr.  Beaumete,  which  I 
will  thank  you  to  send  to  Mr.  Talleyrand. 

The  opinions  of  the  members  of  the  cabinet  were  re 
quired  on  the  points  stated,  as  follows  : 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  25  March,  1796. 
Sir, 

The  resolution  moved  in  the  House  of  Representatives  for  the  papers  relative 
to  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  having  passed  in  the  affirma 
tive,  I  request  jaWir  opinion — 

Whether  that  branch  of  Congress  hath  of  hath  not  a  right,  by  the  constitution, 
to  call  for  these  papers  ? 

Whether,  if  it  does  not  possess  the  right,  it  would  be  expedient  under  the  cir 
cumstances  of  this  particular  case,  to  furnish  them  1 

And  in  either  case,  what  terms  would  be  most  proper  to  comply  with,  or  re 
fuse  the  request  of  the  House  1 

These  opinions  in  writing,  and  your  attendance  will  be  expected  at  12  o'clock 
to-morrow. 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 

To  the  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

TO  THE   PRESIDENT. 

March  26,  1796. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  respectfully  submits  his  opinion,  upon  certain  questions 
arising  out  of  the  following  case. 

On  the  24th  instant,  the  following  resolution  passed  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  of  the  United  States. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to  lay  before 
this  House  a  copy  of  the  instructions  given  to  the  Minister  of  the  United  States, 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  311 

who  negotiated  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  communicated  by  his  message  of 
the  1st  instant,  together  with  the  correspondence  and  documents  relating  to  the 
said  treaty  ;  excepting  such  of  said  papers  as  any  existing  negotiation  may  ren 
der  improper  to  be  disclosed." 

The  general  question  to  be  considered  is,  whether  it  be  or  be  not  expedient  for 
the  President  to  comply  in  whole  or  in  part  with  the  request  contained  in  said 
resolution  1  The  importance  of  this  question  may  be  inferred  from  the  unquali 
fied  terms  of  the  resolution,  which  clearly  assert  a  right  on  the  part  of  the  House, 
to  demand  the  instructions  and  documents  relating  to  the  negotiation  of  a  ratifi 
ed  treaty.  It  has  been  urged  with  great  force  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  that 
the  House  of  Representatives  has  a  right  to  judge  of  a  treaty,  which  affects 
objects  upon  which  Congress  can  constitutionally  legislate,  and  that  their  co 
operation  and  sanction  are  necessary  to  render  it  obligatory  as  a  law  of  the  land. 
This  position  has  been  supported  by  the  following  construction  of  the  Consti 
tution.  That  the  power  of  making  treaties  without  the  co-operation  of  the 
House,  though  expressed  in  general  terms,  is  in  fact  limited  by  that  part  of  the 
Constitution  which  defines  the  legislative  power,  or  power  of  Congress.  Thus, 
though  it  seems  to  be  admitted  that  if  a  treaty  did  not  operate  upon  any  objects 
of  legislation  delegated  to  Congress,  it  might  be  valid  without  the  consent  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  yet  it  is  asserted,  that  in  cases  where  the  aid  of  the 
legislature  is  necessary  to  give  effect  to  a  treaty,  or  where  a  treaty  operates  upon 
any  objects  of  legislation,  the  sanction  of  the  House  is  necessary,  and  may  be 
given  or  withheld,  according  to  the  judgment  formed  by  them  of  its  expediency. 
This  construction  evidently  gives  to  the  House  of  Representatives  a  negative 
voice,  or  concurrent  authority  with  the  President  and  Senate,  in  respect  to  the 
treaty  lately  negotiated  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  as  it  is  presumed  can  be  shown, 
in  respect  to  all  treaties  whatever. 

This  important  question  then  arises  :  Has  a  treaty  made  by  the  President, 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senators,  the  force  and  obliga 
tion  of  law,  without  the  consent  of  the  House  of  Representatives  ?  To  a  right 
judgment  upon  this  question,  a  review  of  the  public  acts  and  proceedings  of  the 
United  States  in  respect  to  the  obligation  of  treaties,  appears  to  be  necessary. 

The  ninth  article  of  the  late  confederation  empowered  the  United  States,  in 
Congress  assembled,  to  enter  into  treaties  and  alliances,  provided  that  no  treaty 
of  commerce  should  be  made,  whereby  the  legislative  power  of  the  respective 
states  should  be  restrained  from  imposing  such  imposts  and  duties  on  foreigners 
as  their  own  people  should  be  subjected  to,  or  from  prohibiting  the  exportation 
or  importation  of  any  species  of  goods  or  commodities  whatever.  Thus  it  ap 
pears,  that  although  Congress,  under  the  confederation,  had  no  legislative  powers 
whatever ;  and  though  they  possessed  no  authority  to  regulate  the  general  inter 
est  of  commerce  by  any  internal  regulations,  or  even  to  restrain  the  clashing  sys 
tems  of  the  separate  states  ;  yet  the  power  of  forming  commercial  treaties  with 
foreign  nations  was  expressly  given,  and  actually  exercised. 

The  sense  entertained  by  Congress  of  the  obligation  of  treaties,  is  manifested 
by  the  following  resolution,  which  was  unanimously  adopted  on  the  21st  of 
March,  1787. 


312  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  legislatures  of  the  several  states  cannot  of  right  pass  any 
act  or  acts  for  interpreting,  explaining  or  construing  a  national  treaty,  or  any 
part  or  clause  of  it ;  nor  for  restraining,  limiting,  or  in  any  manner  impeding, 
retarding,  or  counteracting  the  operation  and  execution  of  the  same  ;  for  that  on 
being  constitutionally  made,  ratified  and  published,  they  become  in  virtue  of  the 
confederation,  part  of  the  law  of  the  land,  and  are  not  only  independent  of  the 
power  and  will  of  such  legislatures,  but  also  binding  and  obligatory  on  them/' 

On  the  13th  of  April,  1787,  a  circular  letter  to  the  States  was  unanimously 
agreed  to  in  Congress,  in  which  the  principles  of  the  resolution  before  recited, 
are  fully  demonstrated.  The  documents  annexed  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  letter  to  Mr. 
Hammond,  dated  the  29th  of  May,  1792,  shew  that  the  States  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Delaware,  Mary 
land  and  North  Carolina,  passed  laws  in  compliance  with  the  resolution  of  Con 
gress,  and  that  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  declared  that  no  law  existed  with 
them,  contrary  to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  It  also  appears  that  respectable 
official  characters  in  several  of  the  States  declared  that  the  principles  set  forth  in 
the  resolution  of  Congress  had  been  generally  recognized.  Among  these  author 
ities  that  of  Mr.  Monroe  deserves  notice,  especially  as  the  representatives  of 
Virginia  strenuously  contend  at  present,  for  the  claim  asserted  in  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion  of  the  obligation  of  treaties  and  of  the  general  sense 
of  the  States,  is  most  decidedly  expressed  in  the  letter  before  referred  to.  His 
words  are,  that  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  March  21st,  1787,  requiring  a  re 
peal  of  all  acts  contrary  to  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  the  proceedings  of  the 
States  thereupon,  were  acts  of  supererogation,  that  "  requiring  such  a  repeal 
was  only  to  take  away  pretext  ;  that  it  was  at  all  times  perfectly  un 
derstood  that  treaties  controlled  the  laws  of  States,  the  confederation  having 
made  them  obligatory  to  the  whole ;  Congress  having  so  declared  and 
demonstrated  them  ;  the  Legislatures  and  Executives  of  most  of  the  States  hav 
ing  admitted  it ;  and  the  judiciaries  of  the  separate  state  governments  so  deciding." 

These  facts  will,  it  is  believed,  warrant  the  following  conclusions  : 

1st.  That  it  was  the  general  sense  of  the  people  of  this  country,  that  the  power 
of  making  treaties  vested  in  Congress  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  was 
capable  of  controlling  the  legislative  powers  which  then  existed  in  the  United 
States. 

2d.  That  treaties  constitutionally  made,  ratified  and  published,  possessed  in 
virtue  of  their  own  authority,  the  force  and  obligation  of  laws. 

3d.  That  embarrassments  having  been  experienced  in  consequence  of  the  non- 
execution  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  convention  which  formed  the  Constitution, 
must  have  intended  such  an  organization  and  deposite  of  power  of  making  trea 
ties,  as  would  render  its  exercise  at  once  safe  and  efficacious. 

A  summary  view  of  the  structure  of  the  government  proposed  by  the  conven 
tion,  and  of  the  distribution  of  its  powers,  is  next  proposed. 

All  legislative  powers  granted  to  the  general  government  are  declared  to  be 
to  be  vested  in  a  Congress,  which  Congress  is  to  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  313 

The  general  powers  of  Congress  are  given  or  to  be  deduced  from  a  construc 
tion  of  the  eighth,  ninth  and  tenth  sections  of  the  first  article.  Some  powers 
are  indeed  given  by  other  articles,  but  they  are  not  of  a  nature  to  require  con 
sideration  at  this  time.  The  eighth  section  defines  certain  objects  over  which 
Congress  shall  have  power,  but  the  design  of  this  definition  was  clearly  nothing 
more  than  to  discriminate  between  the  powers  of  legislation  which  were  to  be 
exercised  by  the  General  Government,  and  those  which  were  to  remain  in  the 
State  Governments.  The  ninth  section  contains  a  denial  of  some  powers,  not 
proper  to  be  exercised,  and  limitations  upon  others  vested  in  Congress  by  the 
preceding  section.  The  main  design  of  the  section  was  clearly  to  prevent  the 
assumption  of  certain  powers  by  implication,  and  accurately  to  define  others 
which  had  been  granted  in  general  terms.  The  tenth  section  contains  a  denial 
of  some  powers  to  the  respective  States,  and  limitations  upon  others.  The  pre 
vention  of  disputes  respecting  a  supposed  concurrent  jurisdiction  over  objects,  the 
regulation  of  which  it  was  intended  to  confide  exclusively  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment,  was  a  principal  inducement  in  framing  this  section.  An  analytical  view 
of  these  sections  therefore  proves  that  the  great  object  of  that  part  of  the  Con 
stitution  which  defines  the  legislative  powers,  was  to  fix  the  limits  of  jurisdiction 
between  the  General  and  the  State  Governments.  The  distribution  of  power 
between  the  Departments  of  General  Government  is  to  be  found  by  a  very  differ- 
erent  course  of  inquiry. 

As,  however,  it  is  asserted  that  the  Executive  department  cannot,  without  the 
concurrence  of  Congress,  definitively  make  treaties  which  limit  or  contract  the  ob 
jects  of  legislation,  it  may  be  proper  to  enquire  how  far  Congress  possesses  ex 
clusive  jurisdiction  over  objects  clearly  within  their  sphere  of  authority. 

The  power  of  raising  revenue  is  one  of  the  most  important  possessed  by 
Government,  yet  this  may  be  exercised  indefinitely  over  most  objects,  both  by 
the  General  and  State  Governments.  The  fact  is  more  generally  true  than 
otherwise,  that  where  there  are  no  words  which  give  exclusive  jurisdiction,  this 
jurisdiction  is  concurrent.  As  some  very  important  powers  vested  in  Congress 
are  in  fact  concurrent  with  the  State  Governments,  it  does  not  follow  either  from 
the  reason  of  the  definition  of  the  powers  vested  in  Congress,  or  the  strict  letter 
of  the  Constitution  but  that  other  powers  may  be  concurrent  with  particular  de 
partments  of  the  General  Government. 

The  second  article  of  the  Constitution  declares  that  the  executive  power  of  the 
government  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
In  the  specification  of  executive  powers,  that  of  making  treaties  is  expressly  men 
tioned,  but  this  power  like  most  others,  is  subject  to  the  control  or  negative  voice 
of  the  Senate  ;  that  is,  a  treaty  cannot  be  valid  unless  it  be  made  by  the  President, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  Senators  present.  In  other 
words,  the  President  in  respect  to  treaties,  is  to  initiate  or  perform  an  inchoative 
act,  the  completion  of  which  is  reserved  to  the  Senate.  The  obligations  result 
ing  from  a  treaty,  are  ascertained  by  the  third  and  sixth  articles  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  the  former  of  which  declares  that  the  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  treaties 
made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  and  the  latter  that  such  treaties 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

VOL.  i.  27 


314  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11, 

Here  it  may  be  asked,  what  are  treaties  ?  The  answer  is,  that  they  are  com 
pacts  between  sovereign  and  independent  states,  originating  in  free  consent,  and 
deriving  their  obligation  from  the  plighted  faith  of  one  nation  to  another.  Their 
objects  are  relative  to  peace,  war,  commerce  and  security.  The  power  of  making 
treaties,  is  the  power  of  pledging  the  faith  of  one  nation  to  another.  This 
power  is  by  the  Constitution,  expressly  committed  to  the  President,  subject  to  the 
control  of  the  Senate.  The  obligations  arising  from  public  faith,  when  pledged 
by  the  representative  organ  of  our  nation  in  all  foreign  concerns,  agreeably  to 
the  mode  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  are  justly  and  properly  declared  to  be 
laws;  the  legislative  power  is  bound  not  to  contravene  them  ;  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  bound  to  regard  and  give  them  effect.  If  to  oinit  the  exercise  of  the  power 
committed  to  any  branch  of  the  government  would  be  to  annul  a  treaty,  such  an 
omission  would  be  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  in  that  branch  which  refused  to 
act. 

An  attempt  was  made  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  course  of  the 
debate  upon  the  resolution  now  under  consideration,  to  distinguish  between  the 
effect  of  a  treaty  upon  a  law  of  a  State  and  a  law  of  the  United  States.  There 
appears  however,  to  be  no  ground  for  any  distinction.  In  the  first  place  it  may 
be  observed,  that  as  all  national  and  external  concerns  are  under  the  manage 
ment  of  the  General  Government^  the  laws  of  the  particular  States  will  hereafter 
rarely  furnish  subjects  of  complaint  to  foreign  nations,  and  of  course  rarely  be  affect 
ed  by  treaties.  To  confine  the  local  operation  of  treaties  merely  to  a  correction  or 
repeal  of  State  laws,  would  be  in  fact  nearly  tantamount  to  a  declaration  that 
no  treaty  was  binding  until  confirmed  by  an  act  of  Congress.  Secondly.  All 
treaties  must  of  necessity  operate  either  to  change  or  confirm  the  existing  and 
legal  state  of  things.  In  either  case  the  power  of  legislation  must  be  abridged 
or  directly  controlled.  The  power  of  Congress  to  legislate,  is  as  effectually  lim 
ited  by  the  want  of  a  power  to  repeal  as  to  enact  laws.  The  legislative  power 
cannot  therefore,  for  this  reason,  afford  a  reasonable  limitation  upon  the  power  of 
making  treaties.  Thirdly.  A  power  of  making  peace  cannot  be  exercised  by 
treaty  without  repealing  an  act  for  declaring  war.  If  therefore,  the  power  of 
making  treaties,  exercised  in  its  most  simple  form,  implies  of  necessity,  the  power 
of  repealing  a  pre-existing  law,  there  ceases  to  be  any  criterion  for  determining 
what  laws  may,  and  what  laws  may  not  be  repealed. 

It  has  been  enquired,  if  treaties  possess  the  power  of  repealing  laws,  what  are 
the  limits  which  restrain  the  President  and  Senate  from  absorbing  all  the  powers 
of  the  legislature  ?  To  this  it  may  be  answered,  that  the  power  of  making 
treaties  must  of  necessity  be  indefinite.  It  must  be  competent  to  the  adjustment 
of  any  disputes  with  a  foreign  nation  under  any  circumstances.  That  the  power 
is  indefinite  is  however  no  proof,  that  it  is  not  fully  vested  solely  in  the  President 
and  Senate  ;  that  it  is  capable  of  abuse  is  no  argument,  that  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  possess  a  controlling  authority.  Many  of  the  powers  vested  in  Con 
gress  are  also  indefinite.  There  are  no  other  restraints  upon  the  powers  of  de 
claring  war,  of  raising  armies,  equipping  navies,  and  of  taxation,  except  the  vir 
tue  and  discretion  of  Congress.  It  is  possible  to  conceive  that  Congress  may 
declare  war  unjustly,  may  raise  armies  and  equip  navies  for  purposes  of  ambition, 


1796.  OF  WASHINGTON.  315 

and  may  tax  immoderately  and  unwisely.  It  is  also  possible  to  conceive  that 
the  President  may  make,  and  the  Senate  consent  to  an  unwise  treaty  ;  but 
neither  supposition  is  any  proof  that  the  powers  are  not  vested.  Nor  are  the 
evils  which  result  from  the  abuse  of  authority  to  be  entirely  guarded  against  by 
human  wisdom.  The  greatest  abuses  may  happen  under  the  most  restricted 
forms  of  government  which  have  been  yet  devised.  But  though  treaties  made 
by  the  President  and  Senate,  have  the  force  and  obligation  of  laws  in  the  United 
States,  it  is  conceived  that  they  are  entitled  to  no  precedence  over  acts  of  Con 
gress.  The  House  of  Representatives  has  at  any  time  a  power  to  originate  a 
)>ill  for  declaring  war,  or  for  doing  any  other  act  consistent  with  a  treaty,  and  an 
act  declaring  a  treaty  to  be  void  would  repeal  its  legal  obligations,  and  afford 
evidence  that  the  contract  was  at  an  end. 

In  discussing  propositions  which  are  at  variance  with  treaties,  the  legislature 
are  under  no  peculiar  restrictions  ;  they  are  always  bound  to  regard  the  obliga 
tions  of  justice,  morality  and  good  faith,  and  their  decisions  are  ever  in  contem 
plation  of  law,  presumed  to  be  consistent  with  these  obligations.  It  is  not  there 
fore  true,  as  has  been  said,  that  treaties  cannot  repeal  laws,  and  that  laws  can 
not  repeal  treaties.  The  reverse  is  true.  Statutes  and  treaties  of  the  United 
States  are  alike  supreme  laws  of  the  land,  and  the  last  act  of  whichever  descrip 
tion,  will  control  the  former. 

It  is  not  intended  to  assert  that  treaties  can  extend  to  every  object  of  legisla 
tion.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  powers  of 
the  different  departments  and  organs  of  government,  are  superior  to  the  influence 
of  a  treaty.  The  limitation  of  the  power  of  making  treaties  may  in  some  respects 
be  difficult,  as  the  exigencies  of  society  cannot  be  foreseen  ;  but  in  respect  to  mat 
ters  of  mere  internal  concern,  there  appears  to  be  nothing  upon  which  the  power 
of  making  treaties  can  operate  in  derogation,  or  extension  of  the  power  of  legis 
lation. 

It  being  assumed  as  a  consequence  of  the  preceding  remarks,  that  treaties  are 
laws,  and  that  the  power  of  making  treaties  is  exclusively  vested  in  the  Presi 
dent  and  Senate,  it  becomes  proper  to  enquire,  why  this  power  was  so  deposit 
ed.  To  this  question  it  may  be  replied,  that  secrecy  and  despatch  are  frequent 
ly  requisite  to  the  successful  negotiation  of  treaties.  There  being  no  ground  to 
expect  these  qualities  in  a  numerous  public  body,  the  executive  department  was 
of  course  considered  as  the  only  proper  deposite  for  this  power.  Assuming  there 
fore  as  a  position,  that  the  constitution  contemplated  the  necessity  of  secrecy  and 
personal  confidence  in  executive  proceedings,  it  is  the  right  of  the  President  so 
to  administer  the  government  as  to  preserve  its  principles  inviolate.  The  reso 
lution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  appears  to  consider  the  right  of  reserving 
public  documents,  as  extending  only  to  such  as  relate  to  pending  negotiations. 
There  is  however  no  ground  for  this  distinction.  In  respect  to  treaties  already 
completed,  there  may,  and  probably  do  exist,  many  particulars  on  which  good 
faith  and  prudence  require  the  observance  of  secrecy  ;  at  any  rate,  the  probabi 
lity  of  such  cases  renders  it  proper  that  the  maxims  of  administration  should  have 
reference  to  their  existence. 

The  propriety  of  a  call  for  papers  is  moreover  rendered  doubtful,  by  the  duty 


316  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11 

enjoined  upon  the  President  by  the  constitution,  to  give  to  Congress  information 
from  time  to  time  of  the  State  of  the  Union,  and  to  recommend  to  their  consid 
eration  such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient.  It  may  be 
fairly  understood  to  be  the  sense  of  the  constitution,  that  the  President's  declara 
tion  of  a  state  of  facts,  is  a  sufficient  ground  for  the  proceedings  of  Congress  ;  at 
any  rate,  the  presumption  ought  always  to  be,  that  every  department  will  dis 
charge  its  duty.  Except  when  an  impeachment  is  proposed  and  a  formal  enquiry 
instituted,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  House  of  Representatives  has  no  right  to  de 
mand  papers  relating  to  foreign  negotiations,  either  pending  or  completed. 

Whether  a  compliance  with  the  present  call  be  expedient,  under  the  peculiar 
circumstances  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  is  a  question  which  admits  of 
distinct  considerations.  A  compliance,  considering  the  protracted  debates  which 
preceded  the  resolution,  and  in  which  the  right  of  the  House  to  control  treaties 
was  asserted,  would  too  much  bear  an  appearance  of  concession  to  principles 
subversive  of  the  just  powers  of  the  President  and  Senate.  On  the  other  hand, 
a  refusal  would  furnish  some  pretext  for  unjust  imputations  against  the  executive 
department,  and  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty.  If  there  was  reason  to  believe 
that  a  refusal  would  diminish  the  public  confidence  in  the  government,  this 
would  be  a  powerful  argument  in  favour  of  a  compliance.  It  is  however  to  be 
remembered,  that  the  public  confidence  may  be  as  certainly  destroyed  by  a  sub 
mission  to  improper  demands,  as  by  a  conduct  tending  to  inspire  jealousy.  That 
the  public  jealousy  can  be  excited  to  any  considerable  degree  is  not  probable.  It 
is  known  to  the  world  that  Mr.  Randolph  was  acquainted  with  the  whole  course 
of  the  negotiation,  and  that  his  malignity  would  prompt  him  to  disclose  any 
measures  which  could  embarrass  the  Executive,  will  not  be  doubted.  All  the 
correspondence  was  submitted  to  the  Senate,  and  is  admitted  to  have  been  seen 
by  many  members  of  the  House.  The  knowledge  of  what  the  papers  contain 
has  therefore  become  too  general,  to  admit  of  the  propagation  of  an  opinion,  that 
the  President  or  the  negotiator  would  be  affected  by  a  mere  formal  disclosure. 
The  public  would  therefore  in  my  opinion  attribute  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  the 
President  to  its  proper  motive,  a  determination  to  support  the  constitution.  For 
these  reasons  and  others,  which  I  have  not  time  to  add,  it  appears  to  me  inexpe 
dient  to  comply  with  the  call  of  the  House.  If  the  President  shall  determine  not 
to  comply  with  the  resolution,  his  message  may  contain  the  following  senti 
ments,  which  it  is  believed  will  justify  his  decision. 

That  the  President  has  considered  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  passed  on  the  24th  instant,  with  all  that  attention  and  respect  which  is 
justly  due  to  a  request  of  the  House,  and  to  the  importance  of  a  question  which 
in  its  consequences  may  affect  the  constitution,  and  that  a  sense  of  duty  to  the 
public  requires  him  to  communicate  the  result  of  his  reflections. 

That  the  constitution  has  assigned  to  each  department  of  the  government  dis 
tinct  powers,  and  that  as  every  department  is  equally  bound  by  the  constitution, 
it  is  reasonable  that  in  the  regular  exercise  of  its  proper  duties,  each  should 
receive  from  the  other  a  proper  share  of  trust  and  confidence  ;  that  the  true 
interests  of  the  people  not  only  require  vigilance  and  fidelity  from  all  parts  of  the 
administration,  but  also  requires  that  the  powers  which  have  been  delegated  to 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  317 

the  government  should  be  exercised  in  the  mode,  and  by  the  organs  designated 
by  the  constitution. 

That  among  the  powers  delegated  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  is 
that  of  making  treaties,  and  that  treaties  made  in  pursuance  of  the  constitution 
possess  the  validity  and  obligation  of  laws  of  the  land. 

That  the  power  of  making  treaties  is,  by  the  constitution,  solely  vested  in  the 
President  and  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  that  in  the  distribution  of  this 
power  between  the  President  and  Senate,  it  is  conceived  that  the  right  of  insti 
tuting  negotiations,  of  instructing  ministers  and  of  making  or  receiving  proposi 
tions  which  are  to  form  the  basis  of  treaties,  rests  exclusively  with  the  President ; 
that  the  right  of  approving  or  rejecting,  in  whole  or  in  part,  all  proposals  respect 
ing  treaties,  rests  exclusively  with  the  Senate  ;  and  that  the  concurrent  assent  of 
the  President  and  Senate  agreeably  to  the  constitution,  with  a  subsequent  ratifi 
cation  of  the  parties  concerned,  and  a  promulgation  according  to  law,  definitively 
fix  the  obligation  of  a  treaty  upon  the  United  States. 

That  in  the  exercise  of  the  duties  committed  to  the  President,  secresy  and  per 
sonal  confidence  are  some"times  essential,  and  that  a  regard  to  the  public  interests 
and  to  the  obligations  of  good  faith,  will  not  always  permit  a  full  disclosure  of 
all  documents  connected  with  foreign  negotiations. 

That  for  these  reasons,  and  to  avoid  the  consequences  of  a  precedent  which 
would  embarrass  future  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  the  President  has  con 
sidered  it  to  be  his  duty  to  withhold  a  compliance  with  the  resolution  of  the 
House. 

In  addition  to  the  above  observations,  it  may  perhaps  be  proper  to  state,  that 
all  the  communications  from  the  Minister  of  the  United  States  were  laid  before 
the  Senate  for  their  information." 


The  answer  of  the  President  was  returned  on  the  30th. 
"  The  terms,"  says  his  biographer,  "  in  which  this  decided, 
and  as  it  would  seem,  unexpected  negative  to  the  call 
for  papers  was  conveyed,  appeared  to  break  the  last 
chord  of  that  attachment  which  had  heretofore  bound  some 
of  the  active  leaders  of  the  opposition  to  the  person  of  the 
President."  a 

The  message  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  the  whole, 
and  after  a  heated  debate  a  series  of  resolutions  were 
passed,  affirming  the  ground  previously  taken  by  the 
opposition.  An  attempt  was  made  by  the  federalists  to 
include  this  with  other  treaties  at  this  time  communicated, 
in  a  resolution  declaring  that  provision  ought  to  be  made 

aV.  Marshall,  p.  562. 

27* 


318  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CiiAP.  11. 

by  law  for  carrying  them  into  effect ;  which  however 
failed,  the  opposition  succeeding  in  confining  the  issue  to 
the  Spanish  treaty.  This  having  passed,  and  similar 
ones  respecting  the  treaties  with  Algiers  and  with  the 
north-western  Indians,  the  question  came  up  on  the  British 
treaty  alone.  Of  this  final  debate  Chief  Justice  Marshall 
thus  speaks  :  "  at  no  time  perhaps  had  the  members  of  the 
national  legislature  been  stimulated  to  great  exertions  by 
stronger  feelings  than  impelled  them  on  this  occasion. 
Never  had  a  greater  display  been  made  of  argument,  of 
eloquence,  and  of  passion,  and  never  had  a  subject  been 
discussed  in  which  all  classes  of  their  fellow-citizens 
took  greater  interest." a  The  warrnth  displayed  in 
Congress  was  indeed  fully  equalled  by  that  of  the  coun 
try  at  large.  The  most  strenuous  efforts  were  -made  by 
both  parties  to  produce  effect  on  the  popular  mind,  and 
happily  for  the  nation,  reason  once  more  triumphed.  The 
misconceptions  relative  to  the  treaty  being  explained, 
and  many  of  the  arguments  against  it  being  removed  on 
a  full  and  public  discussion,  it  became  evident  that  a 
majority  of  the  people  were  in  favor  of  its  ratification. 
This  did  not  fail  to  produce  its  effect  on  their  representa 
tives,  and  the  resolution  was  passed  in  committee  by  the 
casting  vote  of  the  speaker,  and  in  the  House  by  a  major 
ity  of  three. b  What  Ames  had  termed  "  the  sober  second 
thought  of  the  people,"  became  "  law."  c 

During  the  pendency  of  this  question  in  the  House,  a 
case  arose  which  threatened  still  more  to  endanger  its 
passage.  The  Indian  treaty  of  August  3d,  1795,  contain 
ed  a  stipulation  repugnant  to  that  provision  of  the  treaty 
with  England,  securing  to  the  two  countries  the  mutual 
enjoyment  of  the  trade  with  the  Indians,  in  their  contigu 
ous  territories  on  the  continent.  Against  this  article,  Mr. 

»  V.  Marshall,  p.  562.  the  majority,  fearful  of  the  question  under 

b  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Mr.  its  influence,  adjourned  at  its  conclusion. 
Ames'  noble  speech  was  delivered,  a  c  Speech  on  Biennial  Elections.  — 

speech,  the  effect  of  which  was  such,  that  Ames'  Works,  p.  24. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  319 

Bond,  the  British  Charge,  was  instructed  to  remonstrate, 
and  his  communication,  received  on  the  26th  of  March, 
considerably  embarrassed  the  government.  In  the  begin 
ning  of  May,  Mr.  Pickering  was  empowered  to  agree  to 
an  explanatory  article,  providing  that  no  stipulation  con 
tained  in  the  Indian  treaty  should  derogate  from  the  rights 
secured  by  the  prior  one  with  Great  Britain.  This  was 
concluded  and  ratified  by  the  Senate.  A  reference  to  the 
affair  will  be  found  in  the  letter  of  April  29th,  to  Mr. 
Hamilton. 

Of  the  merits  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  Wolcott's  opinion 
may  be  gathered  from  his  letters.  He  considered  that  it 
secured  some  important  advantages;  that  while  it  passed 
over  in  silence  some  points  desirable  to  be  gained,  it  re 
linquished  no  rights  without  compensation,  and  left  the 
national  honor  untarnished ;  that  we  could,  in  our  then 
defenceless  state  compel  no  better  terms  from  Great  Bri 
tain  ;  and  finally,  that  it  was  the  last  hope  of  saving  us 
from  a  war  equally  ruinous  to  our  commercial,  and  fatal 
to  our  political  interests.  As  to  the  question  of  the  right 
of  Congress  to  refuse  at  its  discretion  to  carry  into  effect 
a  treaty  in  cases  where  its  action  is  necessary,  it  is  suffi 
cient  to  say  that  the  doctrine  maintained  by  the  anti- 
federalists  on  this  occasion,  although  declared  by  a  con 
siderable  majority  in  the  house,  and  affirmed  by  high 
authority  out  of  it,  may  now  be  considered  as  obso 
lete.  Opportunities  have  been  frequently  offered  by  sub 
sequent  treaties,  particularly  that  with  France  in  1803, 
arid  those  with  the  Indian  tribes,  but  it  has  never  been 
revived ;  and  it  is  well  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  same 
Edward  Livingston  who  led  the  opposition  in  the  winter 
of  1795 — 96,  found  no  difficulty  in  sustaining  the  contrary 
side  of  the  question  when,  in  1831,  he  negotiated  the 
treaty  with  Franc e.a 

a  Dwight's  "  Character  of  Jefferson,"  p.  123. 


320  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  •  [CHAP.  11 

Of  the  other  treaties  a  few  words  will  be  sufficient. 
That  with  Spain  secured  the  boundary  as  claimed  by  the 
United  States,  and  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  In 
executing  their  stipulations,  however,  the  Spanish  govern 
ment  afterwards  showed  but  little  good  faith.  A  peace 
was  made  with  France  in  about  a  month  after  its  conclu 
sion,  which  of  course  rendered  the  influence  of  the  repub- 
public  supreme  in  the  Spanish  councils,  an  influence 
speedily  directed  to  our  embarrassment.  The  treaty 
with  Algiers  was  more  exceptionable,  as  it  stipulated 
among  other  things  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute  as 
the  price  of  peace.  Other  nations  and  those  more  pow 
erful  in  a  maritime  sense,  had,  it  is  true,  submitted  to 
the  same  exactions,  but  the  humiliation  was  at  most  only 
diminished  by  the  fact.  Without  a  naval  force  to  pro 
tect  itself,  it  could  not  however  be  expected  that  a  com 
mercial  nation  would  escape  the  depredations  of  one 
professedly  piratical,  nor,  as  it  was  abundantly  shown, 
of  those  who  found  occasional  piracy  convenient. 

The  following  letters  will  convey  an  idea  of  the  pro 
ceedings  during  the  remainder  of  the  session. 

JONATHAN  TRUMBULL  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  9th  March,  179G. 
Sir, 

I  presume  that  you  will  soon  be  acquainted  in  some  other  way  than  from  me, 
that  Mr.  Ellsworth  has  accepted  an  appointment  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States,  whereby  he  has  vacated  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  I 
give  you  this  early  information,  that  you  may  be  revolving  in  your  mind  the  steps 
which  may  be  necessary  to  be  taken  by  the  state  to  supply  the  vacancy,  whether 
by  an  immediate  executive  appointment,  or  whether  it  may  be  convenient  to 
wait  the  approaching  meeting  of  the  legislature.  On  this  question  it  is  not  per 
haps  for  me  to  give  an  opinion  ;  I  will  beg  the  liberty,  however,  just  to  mention, 
that  as  respects  the  probable  great  events  of  the  present  session,  we  are  very  dif 
ferently,  I  might  say  more  favourably  circumstanced  in  the  Senate,  than  they  are 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  In  the  Senate,  the  treaty  majority  is  still 
strong,  in  the  House  I  fear  it  is  quite  otherwise. 

You  will  please  pardon  me,  sir,  for  going  so  far  as  I  have  done  towards  an 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  321 

opinion,  and  believe  me  to  be,  with  very  great  regard  and  respect,  sir,  your  obe 
dient  and  humble  servant, 

JONA.  TRUMBULL. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March,  1796. 

Congress  have  presented  a  singular  spectacle  during  the  present  session. 
Three  months  have  elapsed  and  almost  nothing  has  been  done  and  nothing  ma 
tured.  The  majority  are  of  the  ill-natured  class ;  the  care  of  the  friends  of  the 
government  is  therefore  to  prevent  mischief,  there  being  but  little  expectation 
that  much  good  can  be  accomplished. 

The  treaty  with  Great  Britain  has  been  proclaimed,  and  will  be  carried  into 
execution  so  far  as  depends  on  the  Executive.  A  treaty  with  Spain  has  just 
passed  the  Senate,  but  I  suppose  that  it  must  wait  the  ratification  of  the  Catho 
lic  majority  before  it  can  be  published  officially.  The  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi  and  a  free  port  at  New  Orleans  (free  of  duties)  have  been  obtained.  The 
boundary  claimed  by  us  is  recognized  by  Spain,  and  is  to  be  marked  by  commis 
sioners  ;  the  spoliations  upon  our  commerce  are  to  be  settled  by  commission 
ers,  who  are  to  meet  at  Philadelphia  ;  the  commerce  with  Spain  is  put  on  the 
footing  of  the  most  favoured  nation,  but  no  admission  is  allowed  into  the  Span 
ish  colonies.  This  treaty,  though  a  good  one,  is  liable  to  the  constitutional  ob 
jections  which  have  been  raised  against  that  with  Great  Britain.  It  "  defines 
piracy,"  as  is  said  by  the  opposers  of  the  British  treaty  ;  it  "  regulates  trade  ;"  it 
"  adjusts  boundary  ;"  it  requires  the  "  expenditure  of  money"  for  which  there  is  no 
appropriation  ;  and  what  is  worst  of  all,  it  repeals  in  a  small  degree  an  act  of 
Congress.  It  is  not  true  that  it  clashes  with  the  British  treaty,  as  has  been  as 
serted  in  Bache's  paper.  The  treaty  with  Algiers  will  be  grateful,  as  it  restores 
the  prisoners  and  is  good  in  its  kind.  Owing  to  our  defenceless  situation  it  will 
prove  enormously  expensive,  and  probably  cost  $800,000,  besides  an  annual  tri 
bute  of  about  $24,000.  This,  in  the  money  particular,  is  also  unconstitutional 
on  the  principles  of  the  objectors  to  the  British  treaty.  Matters  are  now  in  such 
a  train  that  all  the  treaties  must  be  swallowed  by  the  Virginians,  or  their  factious 
designs  be  fully  disclosed.  It  is  uncertain  whether  they  will  not  venture  to  pre 
cipitate  the  country  into  the  confusions  which  would  result  from  a  non-com 
pliance  ;  but  if  they  do,  the  government  will  be  at  an  end.  At  any  rate  there 
will  be  a  serious  struggle,  and  no  adjournment  will  be  allowed  till  this  matter  is 
finally  settled. 

Mr.  Ellsworth  has  been  appointed  Chief  Justice.*  I  do  not  even  conjecture 
who  will  be  his  successor,  but  I  presume  no  appointment  will  be  thought  neces 
sary  till  May,  the  Senate  being  sufficiently  strong  and  united. 

The  business  of  my  department,  so  far  as  depends  on  executive  administration, 
is,  I  am  certain,  in  good  order ;  but  I  am  not  sure  of  proper  support  from  the 

a  Mr.  Rutledge's  resignation  was  not  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Gush 
ing,  who  was  next  nominated,  declined  the  appointment. 


322  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

present  House  of  Representatives.  If  anything  ill  happens,  I  shall  not  be  an 
swerable  for  it.  I  mention  this  for  your  satisfaction,  as  you  must  feel  interested 
for  my  character  in  these  contentious  times.  I  am  more  and  more  confident  of 
the  danger  which  exists,  that  the  House  of  Representatives  will  finally  be  found 
too  strong  for  the  Executive,  but  the  government  will  not  yet  be  betrayed.  For 
some  time,  what  is  essentially  necessary  will  be  done,  if  we  can  but  settle  the  dis 
pute  about  the  treaty.  This  is  well  understood  by  both  parties,  and  hence  their 
zeal  on  the  occasion. 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN.,  TO  JONATHAN  TRUMBULL. 

LITCHFIELD,  14th  March,  1796. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  9th  instant,  announcing  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Ellsworth 
to  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  the  consequent  vacancy 
of  his  seat  in  Congress,  has  been  duly  received.  The  session  of  Congress  has 
considerably  advanced  ;  the  business  which  will  be  before  the  Senate  will  be  in 
safe  hands  ;  therefore  no  anticipation  will  be  made  in  the  appointment  of  a 
Senator,  but  the  subject  referred  to  the  next  session  of  the  legislature.  Mr. 
Ellsworth's  appointment  will  be  very  satisfactory  to  all  who  are  willing  to  be 
pleased.  If  our  country  shall  be  preserved  from  anarchy  and  confusion,  it  must 
be  by  men  of  his  character.  I  hope  that  the  session  of  Congress  will  be  contin 
ued  until  it  shall  be  indubitably  ascertained  whether  there  is  a  latent  constitu 
tional  power  in  some  part  of  Congress,  which  can  defeat  a  national  treaty  made 
by  a  power  especially  constituted  for  that  purpose,  and  ratified  with  all  the  so 
lemnities  requisite  to  give  it  effect  ;  and  which  has  also  become  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land.  The  full  discovery  of  such  a  lurking  power,  if  any  such  exists,  will 
be  a  desideratum  which  the  publick  have  a  right  to  be  gratified  with  the  full  view 
of ;  and  indeed  the  nations  of  the  world  have  a  right  to  know  of  the  existence 
of  such  a  rare  curiosity,  that  so  far  as  they  may  be  affected  by  it,  they  may  gov 
ern  themselves  accordingly.  With  much  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  humble  servant, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  March  21st,  1796. 
Sir, 

*  *  *  *  To  appoint  a  Senator  to  supply  the  place  of  Mr.  Ells 
worth,  I  neither  think  necessary  nor  expedient  till  the  General  Assembly  shall 
meet.  The  established  principles  and  abilities  of  Mr.  Ellsworth  render  his  ap 
pointment  proper. 

The  progress  of  business  in  the  House  of  Representatives  gives  but  little  sat 
isfaction  to  my  acquaintance,  though  it  is  such  as  was  expected.  The  President, 
it  seems,  is  to  be  called  upon  to  exhibit  the  course  of  negotiation  relative  to  the 
British  treaty.  In  this  I  devoutly  hope  that  they  will  not  be  gratified.  I  think 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  323 

\ 

that  such  usurpation  and  encroachment  will  be  resisted  in  the  first  instance,  and 
that  these  men  will  be  obliged  to  exhibit  themselves  in  all  their  deformity.  Let 
them,  if  they  dare,  decide  upon  the  merits  of  the  treaty  ;  if  they  consider  them- 
selves  competent  to  decide  ;  the  treaty  is  the  only  object.  Their  base  view  is 
to  confound  the  negotiation  with  the  treaty,  and  to  exhibit  to  the  publick  any 
perplexities  which  might  attend  the  business,  so  as  to  cloak  their  own  motive  in 
not  giving  it  support.  These  men  must  have  great  confidence  in  the  stupidity 
of  their  constituents,  to  hope  to  elude  the  subject  in  this  manner.  I  shall  ex 
tremely  regret,  if  their  request  shall  be  gratified.  Let  them  come  out  boldly  and 
say,  we  will  not  provide  for  carrying  the  treaty  into  effect,  because  we  dislike  it, 
and  because  it  is  attended  with  expense,  and  because  it  respects  commerce. 
The  most  ignorant  will  then  know  what  their  claims  are,  and  compare  them 
with  the  constitution.  These  men  will  not  be  able,  under  the  specious  garb  of 
their  being  the  representatives  of  the  people,  to  conceal  their  usurpation  and 
hypocrisy. 

I  have  ever  considered  the  national  constitution  as  a  matter  of  experiment- — 
excellent,  if  conducted  by  sensible  and  honest  men — but  the  vilest  of  men  will 
frequently  gain  a  popular  ascendancy,  and  many  weak  men  will  always  be  in  all 
popular  assemblies  ;  but  I  had  no  apprehension  that  our  system  of  government 
would  be  so  soon  threatened  as  it  is  at  present.  This  must  in  some  measure  be 
owing  to  the  zealous  friendship  of  the  French,  who  wish  to  see  us  disorganized 
that  we  might  be  more  impressible  to  their  councils.  Indeed,  there  is  not  a 
maritime  government  in  Europe,  but  what  wish  to  see  us  in  that  wretched  con 
dition  ;  and  there  are  sagacious  idiots  enough  in  America,  who  are  forward  to 
help  them  in  their  designs.  Our  constitution  appears  to  me  to  be  rapidly  tending 
to  operate  substantially  upon  the  principles  of  the  old  confederation  ;  and  if  so, 
disorganization  may  be  expected  to  follow,  and  the  states  who  precipitate  the 
event  will,  I  believe,  be  left  to  themselves,  and  will  be  gratified  by  becoming 
provinces  of  France  ;  but  I  will  hope  that  the  Providence  which  has  in  a 
manner  almost  miraculous,  hitherto  preserved  us,  will  still  be  extended  to  us.  There 
may  be  reasons  which  do  not  occur  to  my  mind,  for  opening  a  land  office.  The 
value  of  such  sales  can  be  but  imperfectly  known.  Such  emigration  through  all 
the  western  world,  cannot  but  greatly  impoverish  the  old  settlements  ;  by  such 
sparse  settlements  the  people  become  ignorant,  savage,  and  ungovernable. 

My  kindest  regards  to  all  my  friends  and  connections  with  you,  and  to  your 
self.     I  am,  &c. 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  26th,  1796. 
Sir, 

Since  my  last  letter,  one  from  you  has  been  received.     Its  date  I  cannot  note, 
as  it  is  at  my  chamber,  and  I  write  in  Congress  Hall. 

Mr.  Livingston's  motion  has  undergone  a  very  animated  discussion,  and  finally 
been  carried  as  was  expected  by  a  great  majority.     Sixty-two  in  the  affirmative, 


324  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11 

and  thirty-seven  in  the  negative.  The  President's  sentiments  as  yet  are  un 
known  in  respect  to  an  answer.  The  Connecticut  delegation  have  taken  an  ac 
tive  part  in  the  resistance  given  to  this  violation  of  the  constitution  ;  and  if  an 
error  has  been  made  in  the  degree  of  opposition,  or  in  the  opposition  itself,  they 
must  largely  participate.  All  of  us  spoke  on  the  subject,  except  Mr.  Swift,  and 
he  was  prevented  by  the  abrupt  and  almost  violent  manner  in  which  the  com 
mittee  closed  the  debate.  Mr.  Hillhouse  was  not  perfectly  satisfied  of  the  ex 
pediency  of  our  opposition,  nor  of  some  of  the  principles  we  maintained.  This 
is,  however,  to  be  considered  as  one  of  those  shades  in  sentiments  we  must  ex 
pect.  His  conduct  is  firm  and  decided.  My  esteem  for  all  the  gentlemen  is 
every  day  increased  ;  and  it  will  give  you  particular  pleasure  to  be  told  our  re 
lation,  Mr.  Griswold,  is  one  of  the  most  able  and  worthy  of  men.  There  is  no 
duty  he  will  not  be  found  adequate  to,  nor  any  one  from  which  he  will  shrink. 
On  this  question  we  trust  the  opinion  in  Connecticut  will  be  correct.  The 
importance  to  the  government  can  only  be  estimated  by  those  who  know 
the  difficulties  we  have  to  encounter.  We  believe  we  shall  execute  the  treaties. 
I  doubt  not  the  vacancies  in  the  important  offices  of  the  state  will  be  judiciously 
filled,  as  every  reflecting  man  must  see  the  danger  of  the  crisis  we  are  verging 
upon. 

I  have  received  two  letters  from  Frederic,  one  enclosing  some  U.  S.  paper. 
Excuse  the  abruptness  with  which  I  subscribe  myself,  your  obedient  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN.,  TO  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

LITCHFIELD,  March  29,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  have  been  duly  honored  with  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant,  giving  informa 
tion  of  your  having  accepted  an  office  in  the  judiciary,  and  of  the  consequent 
vacancy  of  your  seat  in  Congress  as  a  Senator  from  this  State.  I  doubt  not  but 
that  the  State  would  very  reluctantly  part  with  your  services  under  their  imme 
diate  appointment,  but  upon  the  conviction  that  they  will  be  rendered  more  ex 
tensively  useful  by  your  discharging  the  duties  of  the  very  important  office  to 
which  you  are  appointed. 

I  am  happy  to  know  that  amicable  settlements  have  been  made  with  nations 
with  whom  we  have  had  differences.  The  convention  with  the  Barbary  States 
is  indeed  truly  humiliating,  but  the  greatest  naval  powers  in  Europe  have  long 
submitted  to  a  similar  degradation  from  those  piratical  people,  who,  it  seems 
cannot  be  conquered,  and  from  whom  nothing  can  be  got. 

Accept,  sir,  my  sincere  wishes  that  your  present  appointment  may  be  as  agree 
able  to  yourself,  as,  I  doubt  not  it  will  be  useful  to  your  country.  With  great 
esteem  and  regard,  I  am  sir,  your  most  ob't  humble  serv't, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  325 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  1, 1796. 
Sir, 

Imagining  you  will  be  much  pleased  with  the  President's  message  communi 
cating  his  reasons  for  a  denial  of  the  papers,  I  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  enclose 
a  paper  that  contains  it.  This  act  on  his  part,  entitles  him  to  additional  confi 
dence  and  attachment  from  our  country,  and  I  sincerely  pray  it  may  inspire  sen 
timents  corresponding  with  the  correctness  of  the  step. 

As  the  message  came  to  the  House  yesterday,  no  opinion  as  yet,  can  be  form 
ed  of  the  probable  effects  on  the  temper  of  the  majority.  You  need  not  be  in 
formed,  that  never  was  any  communication  less  palatable  to  them  than  this. 
Some  of  their  leaders  will  endeavor  to  avail  themselves  of  the  denial  of  papers, 
as  an  apology  for  non-execution  of  the  treaty.  I  still  believe  the  whole  party 
cannot  be  persuaded  to  go  with  them.  One  principle  must  be  inculcated,  that 
however  important  the  treaties  are,  they  are  not  of  sufficient  importance  to  claim 
the  prostration  of  the  executive  to  the  legislative.  Our  affairs  are  critical  ;  the 
friends  of  the  government  will  not  be  wanting  in  firmness,  and  I  hope  not  in 
prudence,  to  carry  us  through  this  tempest. 

I  learn  with  much  pleasure  the  prospect  of  the  establishment  of  the  officers  of 
our  State,  with  more  unanimity  than  was  at  first  expected  ;  its  weight  in  the 
Union  cannot  be  too  highly  estimated  nor  too  carefully  preserved. 

No  conjecture  can  be  made  when  the  session  will  end  ;  our  business  awaits  the 
eventual  determination  on  the  treaty.  If  the  Senate  suffer  Congress  to  rise  till 
all  the  important  business  is  done,  they  will  essentially  desert  the  interests  of 
:heir  country.  My  opinion  is  that  no  adjournment  will  be  suffered  till  the 
treaties  shall  be  executed.  But  no  mention  of  it  is  at  present  to  be  made. 

We  are  in  health,  and  send  you  our  respectful  sentiments  of  affection.  I  am, 
sir,  your  humble  and  ob't  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  April  9,  1796. 
Sir, 

By  several  of  the  last  mails  we  are  assured  of  a  visit  from  Col.  Wadsworth 
within  a  few  days  ;  on  advising  with  him,  we  shall  be  able  to  return  a  direct 
answer  to  your  last  favour.  Our  letters  from  Connecticut  apprise  us  of  a  pre 
vailing  sentiment  that  Mr.  Trumbull  will  be  chosen  Lieutenant  Governor,  and 
his  friends  with  us  depend  on  his  acceptance.  The  newspaper  I  enclose,  gives 
you  the  occurrences  of  the  day,  and  the  "  Censor,"  a  work  by  Peter  Porcupine, 
administers  his  monthly  correction  to  our  disorganizers.  The  author  is  said  to 
be  an  Englishman  who  has  kept  a  school  in  this  city.* 

We  still  continue  in  a  state  of  disgust  and  anxiety.  The  prospect  of  the  pub 
lic  business  being  saved  from  wreck,  has  not  diminished.  The  western  part  of 

1  William  Cobbett. 
VOL.    I.  28 


326  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

this  State  are  petitioning  for  the  treaties.  I  am  told  if  Findley  and  Gallatin  don't 
ultimately  vote  for  their  execution,  their  lives  will  scarcely  be  spared.  New  Jersey 
is  becoming  electrical,  and  expresses  no  small  indignation  against  the  pusillani 
mous  conduct  of  some  of  their  members.  Our  Speaker  is  evidently  alarmed. 

•  Probably  the  resolves  passed  by  the  House  on  the  President's  message,  have 
come  to  you.  The  majority  have  the  baseness  to  say,  that  the  President  entirely 
misconceived  their  ideas  on  the  treaty  power.  Their  resolutions  are  purposely 
vague.  We  early  determined  to  vote  against  any  abstract  resolves  explanatory 
of  the  Constitution,  and  treat  with  silent  indignation,  all  their  speeches  on  the 
message.  After  a  Jesuitical  speech  from  Madison,  we  had  the  good  fortune  to 
close  the  business. 

Though  not  officially  communicated,  we  know  that  Mr.  Bond's  orders  from 
his  court  direct  the  surrender  of  the  posts  the  1st  June,  on  condition  that 
the  House  of  Representatives  evince  an  honest  intention  of  executing  the  treaty  ; 
and  otherwise  to  forbear.  An  officer  waits  to  convey  despatches  to  the  British 
commanders,  so  that  we  have  only  about  twenty  days  to  accomplish  the  business, 
and  every  subterfuge  the  will  of  man  can  use,  will  be  practiced  to  create  delay 
and  embroil  us  on  irritating  questions  once  more  with  England.  Many  of  my 
congressional  friends  despair  of  ultimate  success  ;  I  confidently  trust  we  shall 
yet  in  season,  despatch  this  interesting  matter  satisfactorily. 

All  your  connexions  are  in  health  except  Mrs.  Goodrich,  who  for  a  few  days 
has  been  slightly  indisposed  with  a  cold.  The  intelligence  of  the  eventual  con 
duct  of  the  British  Court  as  to  the  posts,  is  no  otherwise  confidential,  than  I 
would  not  wish  it  to  get  into  our  papers.  I  am,  sir,  with  sentiments  of  affection 
and  respect,  your  ob't  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY   GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  April  12th,  1796. 
Sir, 

Since  my  last,  some  circumstances  have  transpired  indicative  of  a  determinate 
design  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  of  the  majority  to  defeat  the  treaty.  The  mes 
sage  of  the  President  has  had  no  effect  to  change  opinion.  In  case  they  have 
the  hardiness  to  take  this  step,  we  are  to  expect  a  vigorous  onset  to  change  our 
government,  and  for  that  purpose  to  make  Jefferson  President,  and  Burr  Vice 
President. 

I  have  been  more  confident  than  my  congressional  friends  of  our  ultimate  suc 
cess,  and  still  trust  that  will  be  the  case.  Our  affairs  are  very  critical,  and  be 
come  daily»more  darkened.  No  circumstance  could  have  been  more  unfortunate 
than  the  British  impressment  of  seamen.  There  is  a  mystery  in  the  business 
we  can't  fathom.  What  can  induce  them  to  cripple  the  vessels  carrying  them 
provisions  and  horses  under  contract  is  unknown.  I  hope  however  that  the  peo 
ple  will  continue  temperate  till  this  evil  can  be  remedied.  Mr.  Livingston's  bill 
for  protection  of  seamen,  is  very  defective,  exposing  a  numerous  class  now  in 
our  service,  and  placing  the  United  States  on  very  dangerous  ground.  The 
merchants  here  and  at  New  York  disapprove  of  it.  I  hope  it  will  be  amended 
by  the  Senate.  In  haste,  your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODUICH. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  327 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  18th,  1796. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  March  21st.  The  issue  of  the  debate  upon  the 
call  for  papers,  and  the  President's  reply,  will,  I  know,  give  you  satisfaction.  At 
present  the  house  are  debating  a  resolution  for  appropriating  money  for  the 
British  Treaty.  This  will  be  lost.  Mr.  Madison  has  come  out  decidedly  in 
opposition,  and  with  Giles  and  Gallatin,  will  risk  all  consequences  ;  how  far  the 
party  will  follow  is  uncertain.  After  the  present  motion  shall  have  failed,  a  re 
solution  which  has  been  moved  by  Mr.  McClay  of  this  State,  will  be  taken  up. 
This  proposes  that  the  House  should  declare  that  it  is  inexpedient  to  give  effect 
to  the  British  Treaty,  because  they  have  not  the  papers  to  inform  them  of  the 
necessity  of  the  sacrifices  contained  in  it,  and  because  the  British  continue  to 
take  our  vessels  and  impress  our  seamen.  The  design  of  this  affirmative  decla 
ration  against  the  treaty  is  to  ensnare  weak  men,  by  committing  them  upon 
principles  from  which  they  cannot  consistently  recede,  to  alarm  the  British  gov 
ernment  and  to  set  the  privateers  upon  our  commerce  under  an  expectation  of 
war.  The  leaders  of  the  party  know  that  the  British  government  does  not  con 
ceive  the  treaty  to  be  any  great  boon,  and  that  unless  we  execute,  they  will  not. 
They  also  know  that  by  defeating  the  treaty,  losses  and  injuries  will  happen, 
which  will  renew  the  animosities  between  us  and  Great  Britain,  and  by  which 
they  shall  profit.  French  intrigue  has  also  much  to  do  with  this  business.  The 
minority  in  the  House  will  give  a  decided  opposition  to  Mr.  McClay's  motion, 
and  the  Senate  will,  I  presume,  combine  all  the  treaties  together  and  insist  that 
they  shall  share  one  fate.  Perhaps  this  combination  of  the  treaties  will  divide 
the  party.  If  it  does  not,  we  must  wait  for  the  operation  of  public  opinion  upon 
the  House  ;  if  this  last  resource  fails,  the  government  fails,  and  we  must  com 
mence  de  novo. 

I  believe  there  never  was  a  public  body  deserved  less  the  public  confidence  ; 
who  were  more  ignorant,  vain  and  incompetent,  than  the  majority  of  the  present 
House  of  Representatives.  The  whole  session  has  been  a  disgraceful  squabble 
for  power,  and  a  display  of  unworthy  passions.  Mr.  Gallatin  evidently  leads  in 
all  measures,  and  it  is  neither  unreasonable  nor  uncandid  to  believe  that  Mr. 
Gallatin  is  directed  by  foreign  politics  and  influence. 

I  understand  from  all  quarters  that  you  will  succeed  to  the  office  of  Governor. 
At  this  I  rejoice,  as  it  is  proper  in  itself,  and  as  it  is  a  proof  of  the  stability  and 
gratitude  of  the  people  of  the  state.  Mr.  Trumbull,  it  is  said,  will  be  chosen  Lt. 
Governor  ;  this  is  also  well,  except  that  it  will  take  a  good  man  from  the  Senate. 
It  appears  to  me  to  be  important  that  the  good  old  habits  of  Connecticut  should 
be  maintained.  Among  those  habits,  that  of  promoting  men  in  a  regular  grada 
tion  is  one  of  the  best.  This  principle  will,  I  think,  have  its  influence  on  the 
appointment  of  senators.  All  the  members  of  the  old  Connecticut  representation 
have  acquitted  themselves  well ;  there  is  therefore,  no  principle  upon  which  a 
preference  can  be  made  among  them  except  talents  and  seniority.  In  respect  to 
talents,  there  will  always  be  great  differences  among  men  ;  but.  nothing  is  so  dis- 


328  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

agreeable  as  comparisons  of  this  nature.  Seniority  in  office  being  a  matter  of 
chance,  furnishes  a  ground  for  discrimination  which  is  not  offensive,  and  where 
there  are  not  solid  objections  against  admitting  it  as  a  rule  of  promotion,  it  ought, 
in  my  opinion,  to  be  followed. 

As  the  legislature  of  Connecticut  have  never  yet  meddled  with  the  affairs  of 
the  general  government,  perhaps  they  ought  not  to  do  it  on  the  present  occasion. 
The  firmness  of  the  state  is  not  doubted  here,  and  not  one  commands  more 
respect. 

The  proceeding  letter  makes  mention  of  Mr.  Madison's 
hostility  to  the  treaty  with  England.  The  position  now 
occupied  by  that  gentleman  seems  to  require  a  notice  in 
passing. 

Since  the  publication  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  correspondence 
has  exposed  to  the  world  his  duplicity  and  worthlessness, 
anti-federalism  has  sought  in  the  supposed  purity  of  Mr. 
Madison,  a  redemption  from  the  sins  of  its  original  chief. 

When,  indignant  at  its  pretensions  to  exclusive  virtue, 
and  disgusted  at  its  real  exhibitions  of  corruption,  the 
federalists  have  held  up  the  self  drawn  portrait  of  its  great 
representative  to  public  odium  and  contempt ;  the  more 
sagacious  of  his  followers,  confessing  the  repulsiveness  of 
his  moral  features,  have  pointed  to  his  friend  as  one  at 
least  whose  career  was  immaculate.  Uninformed  and 
misinformed  men,  even  of  the  opposite  ranks,  have  by 
tacit  assent  or  feeble  denial  admitted  the  justice  and 
truth  of  the  claim;  but  so  did  not  the  federal  cotempo- 
raries  of  Mr.  Madison.  They  saw  in  him  one  doubly 
guilty,  because  sinning  against  the  light  that  was  in  him ; 
twice  culpable,  because  untrue  to  his  real  convictions. 
They  saw  in  him  the  renegade  to  his  party  and  his  faith, 
the  man  who  having  grown  to  mature  age  and  gained 
his  first  laurels  in  their  ranks,  abandoned  his  principles, 
surrendered  his  independence  to  the  will  of  another,  and 
united  his  talents  and  his  influence  to  break  down  the 
system  he  had  aided  in  establishing.  In  the  federal  con 
vention  he  had  stood  side  by  side  with  Hamilton,  battling 
for  the  Constitution  ;  in  that  of  Virginia  he  had  met  al- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  329 

most  single  handed  the  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry  ;  he 
stood  before  the  world  as  a  distinguished  co-author  of  the 
great  creed  of  our  national  faith,  the  essays  of  "  The 
Federalist;"  the  first  session  of  the  first  congress  had 
found  him  in  the  extreme  right  of  the  government  party 
and  even  exceeding  in  zeal  the  limits  of  their  wiser  dis 
cretion,  and  he  was  known  even,  to  have  favored  most  of 
the  leading  features  of  the  funding  system,  the  great  bone 
of  political  contention.  But  as  the  Virginia  party  under 
the  management  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  gradually  formed  itself 
and  drew  round  it  the  scattered  elements  of  opposition, 
Mr.  Madison  was  seen  passing  over  to  its  ranks.  The 
cautiousness  which  formed  part  of  his  character,  may 
have  indeed  for  a  time  withheld  him,  where  before  no 
toriously  committed ;  but  no  sooner  was  that  faction  ma 
tured  in  its  plans,  than  throwing  off  the  mask,  he  showed 
himself  the  reckless  opponent  of  all  he  had  once  contend 
ed  for.  His  insidious  resolutions  founded  on  Jefferson's 
report,  and  his  course  in  regard  to  the  treaty,  set  the  seal 
upon  his  apostacy ;  they  lost  him  the  remaining  confi 
dence  of  Washington,  and  the  friendship  of  those  who 
had  hoped  for  better  things.  Thenceforward  the  anti- 
federalists  had  no  more  ardent  or  more  unscrupulous 
champion. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  April  20,  1796. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  18th  instant.  The  money  sent  me  shall  be 
placed  to  your  credit  in  the  office  of  discount  and  deposit  as  you  desire.  The 
British  ministry  are  as  great  fools,  or  as  great  rascals  as  our  Jacobins,  else  our 
commerce  would  not  continue  to  be  embarrassed  as  it  now  is  by  the  new  propo 
sition.  Not  knowing  the  precise  form  of  that  proposition,  I  cannot  have  an 
opinion  of  what  is  right  on  the  part  of  the  Executive ;  but  if  I  understand  it,  it 
ought  to  be  sufficient  for  the  Executive  to  declare  that  the  article  in  the  treaty 
with  the  Indians  can  never  operate  nor  will  be  permitted  to  operate  in  contra 
vention  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  It  relates  to  a  right  reserved  for  our 
benefit  which  we  can  and  will  waive,  and  being  in  a  treaty  of  subsequent  date, 
it  naturally  gives  way  to  another  of  prior  date,  with  which  it  is  inconsistent, 

28* 


330  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

The  Executive  ought  to  be  careful  about  admitting  the  propriety  of  a  new  condi  - 
tion,  though  it  ought  to  be  ready  to  give  all  due  satisfaction.  It  should  not  even 
refuse  a  new  explanatory  article,  if  reasonable  in  itself,  but  should  agree  to  it 
upon  the  strength  of  its  own  reasonableness,  not  as  a  new  condition  foreign  to  the 
treaty.  This  affair  requires  great  caution.  But  as  I  said,  I  do  not  know  enough 
to  give  advice  worth  much. 

Yet  the  government  must  take  care  not  to  appear  pusillanimous.  I  hope  a  very 
serious  remonstrance  has  long  since  gone  against  the  wanton  impressment 
of  our  seamen.  It  will  be  an  error  to  be  too  tame  with  this  overbearing  cabinet. 

Our  city  is  in  motion  against  the  plan  of  the  majority  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  with  regard  to  the  treaty.  The  current  appears  to  be  strong  with  us. 
The  papers  will  tell  you  the  measures  in  contemplation.  But  I  was  sorry  to  learn 
that  a  proper,  qualified  communication  was  not  made  to  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  of  the  late  communication  from  the  British  agent.  The  Executive  may 
hereafter  be  blamed  for  withholding  so  important  a  fact.  Yet,  not  knowing  the 
whole  affair,  I  cannot  well  judge  on  this  point  more  than  on  the  other.  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  20,  1796. 
Sir, 

As  yet,  no  change  of  conduct  is  discoverable  in  any  of  the  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  either  from  the  debate  or  private  conversation.  A 
plurality  of  eight  votes  at  present  is  counted  on  against  an  appropriation  for  the 
treaty.  What  impression  the  serious  alarm  excited  in  this  and  the  city  of  New 
York  will  produce,  cannot  be  foreseen.  The  petition  in  favour  of  the  execution 
of  the  treaty,  will  be  generally,  if  not  universally  signed  by  persons  of  worth  and 
property.  A  counter  one,  it  is  apprehended,  would  command  as  many  names. 
Thousands  of  people  reside  here  who  have  no  interests  in  tke  country,  and  are 
even  unknown  ;  there  is  no  detection  even  of  fictitious  names.  'Tis  probable 
the  debate  will  continue  some  days  on  the  resolutions  before  us.  Mr.  Livingston's 
resolution  for  an  indemnification  to  the  merchants  for  spoliation,  is  a  mere  gull, 
which  his  party  well  know  the  government  cannot  adopt.  We  are  humiliated 
by  the  election  of  Austin  into  the  Senate  in  Boston,  and  Mr.  Adams  as  Gover 
nor.  Neither  perhaps,  ought  to  be  relied  on  as  indicative  of. public  opinion;  no 
circumstance  has  given  greater  encouragement  to  the  majority.  People  of  pro 
perty  in  Baltimore  are  now  in  sentiment  with  those  of  this  city,  and  are  framing 
instructions  for  Mr.  Smith,  their  representative. 

You  may  be  assured  of  the  determination  of  the  Senate  to  join  the  appropria 
tion  for  the  British  treaty,  with  some  one  or  all  the  others,  and  inflexibly  resist 
any  appropriation  for  the  rest,  unless  it  be  also  made  for  that.  Our  greatest  dif 
ficulty  will  be  to  keep  our  friends  here  ;  but  as  we  don't  despair  of  that,  neither 
do  we  of  eventual  success.  So  desperate  are  the  leaders  of  the  party,  we  know 
they  will  hazard  every  thing.  Our  affairs  are  critical,  confidence  in  the  govern 
ment  is  vanishing  fast,  and  immense  evil  is  already  done. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  331 

When  will  the  people  of  this  country  open  their  eyes,  and  despise  their  false 
guides?  Will  nothing  but  serious  calamity  teach  them  their  present  happy 
state,  and  the  path  of  safety  ?  We  trust  the  State  of  Connecticut  will  preserve  a 
correct  and  firm  course  of  conduct.  Their  good  sense  and  staid  temper  are 
greatly  respected.  I  am,  respectfully,  your  ob't  humble  serv't, 

CHAUNCEY   GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  April  23d,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  the  18th,  which  has  this  moment  come  to  hand. 

The  certain  knowledge  we  have  of  the  desperate  determination  of  a  majority 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  defeat  the  treaty,  has  induced  us  to  risque  the 
consequences  of  delay,  and  prolong  the  debates,  in  expectation  of  an  impulse 
from  some  of  the  districts  on  their  representatives.  You  will  see  in  the  papers, 
the  proceedings  of  the  several  cities.  After  all,  in  these  places  it  is  but  a  strife 
between  the  opulent,  and  the  discontented  and  factious  at  the  head  of  the 
poor.  What  its  final  impression  on  the  House  will  be,  can't  be  foreseen.  As 
yet,  on  the  most  favourable  calculation,  six  votes  are  to  be  secured,  for  an  exe 
cution  of  the  treaty.  It  is  not  probable  that  they  can  be  gained  on  the  resolu 
tion  before  the  committee  ;  in  that  case,  Mr.  Me  Clay's  resolution  is  likely  to  be 
brought  forward,  to  which,  I  think  we  ought  to  prolong  our  stand  as  long  as  pos 
sible;  but 'tis  well  known  that  the  Senate  will,  as  soon  as  a  vote  shall  be  had  on 
the  resolution  before  us,  if  unfortunate,  tack  an  amendment  providing  for  the 
British  treaty,  to  the  Spanish  treaty  bill,  and  inflexibly  adhere  for  all  or  none. 
I  am  not  warranted  to  assert,  but  I  trust  they  also  will  arrest  the  federal  city 
loan  bill,  land  office,  perhaps  appropriation  for  the  army,  refuse  to  rise  ;  in  short, 
arrest  the  whole  government,  and  let  the  people  decide.  The  exigency  of  the 
case  only  can  justify  such  perilous  steps  ;  but  what  can  be  done  if  the  House  of 
Representatives  will  not  execute  the  government  1  I  hope  however,  we  shall  not 
be  forced  on  such  extremes,  and  though  I  consider  the  crisis  an  awful  one,  I  don't 
despair  of  extricating  ourselves  in  season  to  save  our  ship.  Few  know  at  present, 
what  mischiefs  she  has  already  undergone.  I  hope  Connecticut  will  preserve  her 
steady  and  temperate  conduct. 

Col.  Wadsworth  arrived  last  evening.  I  will  write  you  soon,  in  answer  to  a 
part  of  a  former  letter.  I  am,  with  esteem,  your  ob't  humble,  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

N.  B.  Some  circumstances  attend  Mr.  Bond's  communication,  that  strongly 
militate  against  its  communication  in  the  papers. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  April  25,  1796. 

Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  18th  inst.  is  received.  The  answer  given  to  the  House  by 
the  President  has  been  extremely  gratifying  to  every  person  whom  I  have  heard 


332  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

mention  it,  and  great  anxiety  was  felt  lest  it  should  have  been  given  otherwise. 
A  different  answer  wrould  only  have  increased  the  difficulty,  and  given  a  deep 
stab  to  the  constitution.  I  am  most  fully  persuaded  that  the  House  are  opposing 
all  the  good  sense,  and  by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  property  of  America,  and 
that  they  must  finally  sink  into  abhorrence  and  contempt ;  but  no  one  can  say 
what  folly  led  by  villainy  will  not  do.  You  may,  I  believe,  be  assured  that  the 
conduct  of  the  House  has  excited  the  most  serious  alarm  and  indignation  in  this 
part  of  the  country,  and  I  do  not  believe  that  any  material  change  of  opinion  of 
Massachusetts  is  to  be  inferred  by  their  electing  Mr.  Adams  their  Governor ;  he 
is  an  old  and  infirm  man.  They  would  not  wish,  at  least  many  of  them,  to  ha 
zard  the  peace  of  the  state  by  a  contest,  but  when  their  legislature  shall  meet,  I 
think  that  the  same  general  sentiment  will  prevail  as  in  their  last.  The  resolu 
tion  of  the  House  to  call  for  the  papers  was  carried  to  Boston  in  fifty  hours.  The 
Chronicle  was  immediately  published,  a  day  sooner  than  usual,  to  promulgate  the 
news  through  the  state,  and  this  at  the  moment  of  their  election,  which  was 
probably  a  preconcerted  plan. 

Most  interesting  events  must  soon  be  ascertained.  I  will  risk  an  opinion  with 
considerable  confidence,  that  it  is  the  secret  wish  of  George  the  Third  and  his 
ministry  that  the  treaty  may  be  defeated,  and  that  there  are  secret  orders  given 
to  irritate  the  Americans  to  induce  a  violation.  Great  Britain  can  collect  their 
debts  when  they  please.  The  conduct  of  Congress  proves  the  impotence  and 
distraction  of  our  government ;  with  such  proof  they  will  not  wish  to  part  with 
the  western  posts.  They  have  nothing  to  fear  from  America  ;  they  can  plunder 
our  commerce  at  once.  A  respect  to  mercantile  opinion  and  interest  are  their 
only  restraints.  The  French  Minister  is  better  supplied  with  money  than  Fau- 
chet  said  he  was,  which  he  distributes  liberally,  and  the  patriots  of  Virginia 
are  promoting  the  views  of  the  enemies  of  our  peace, 'and  prostrating  the  honour 
of  America  in  the  dust,  with  a  view  to  bring  in  Jefferson  as  President.  Whether 
the  present  tempest  shall  end  in  fume  or  not,  I  believe  we  are  to  calculate  upon 
an  early  termination  of  our  present  system.  The  ^principle  of  government  at 
present  is  to  be  understood  as  founded  on  the  predominancy  of  popular  faction 
only,  and  he  who  "per  fas  aut  nefas"  can  engage  the  greatest  number  is  to 
rule. 

I  sincerely  wish  that  the  President  would  not  announce  a  wish  to  retire  from 
the  cares  of  government  during  the  present  public  distraction,  how  great  soever 
his  wishes  may  be  for  retirement.  I  think  it  will  be  most  for  his  honour  at  any 
event  not  to  quit  the  helm  during  a  storm.  I  am  certain  that  it  will  be  utterly 
inconsistent  with  our  safety,  and  I  am  very  certain  that  it  is  impossible  for  these 
people  to  dispossess  him  of  the  public  confidence.  It  is  too  firmly  rooted  to  be 
moved. 

You  will  easily  believe  that  I  have  not  taken  one  step  to  influence  the  public 
elections  of  this  state.  It  is  said  that  I  am  elected  to  supply  the  place  of  Gov 
ernor  Huntington,  and  without  opposition.  Mr.  Trumbull  will  probably  have  a 
plurality  of  votes  for  Lieutenant-Governor.  *  *  * 

Yours,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  333 


FROM  JOEL  BARLOW. 

ALGIERS,  27  April,  1796. 
My  Dear  Friend, 

You  see  I  am  drawn  into  another  scrape  which  detains  me  still  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic.  On  arriving  in  Paris  last  summer,  I  found  that  the  work  which  I 
contemplated  on  the  history  of  the  French  revolution,  would  detanrme  there  till 
it  would  be  too  late  to  make  the  voyage  that  season,  and  as  I  suffer  so  terribly 
with  sea  sickness,  I  could  not  think  of  embarking  for  a  winter  passage.  After 
this,  Mr.  Humphreys,  thinking  I  might  render  some  service  to  the  public  by  com 
ing  to  this  place,  persuaded  me,  much  against  my  inclination  to  come,  and  I  shall 
probably  have  more  than  one  reason  to  repent  of  the  undertaking.  I  found  our 
affairs  here  in  such  a  desperate  state,  that  in  order  to  secure  a  chance  of  doing 
any  good,  it  was  necessary  to  make  engagements  which  are  very  likely  to  be 
disapproved.  \ 

If  you  will  take  the  trouble  of  looking  through  what  I  have  written  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  on  the  subject,  which  goes  by  this  conveyance,  you  will  see 
the  ground  on  which  we  now  stand,  and  have  some  idea,  though  an  imperfect 
one,  of  that  on  which  we  have  stood,  and  you  will  be  able  to  judge  of  the  mo 
tives  which  guided  me  in  the  part  I  have  taken  in  this  transaction.  I  was  so 
strongly  impressed  with  the  great  advantage,  and  even  necessity  of  being  at 
peace  with  Barbary,  that  had  I  b^een  sure  of  increasing  censure,  I  could  not  in 
conscience  act  otherwise  than  I  have  done. 

In  my  letters  to  the  Secretary,  Nos.  1, 4,  and  5, 1  have  laid  before  him  as  com 
plete  a  view,  as  the  short  time  I  have  been  here  has  enabled  me  to  take,  of  every 
subject  connected  with  our  interests  in  this  quarter.  What  I  have  said  with  re 
spect  to  placing  ourselves  on  a  friendly  footing  with  Turkey  and  the  states  of 
Italy,  appears  to  me  important,  and  that  the  business  ought  not  to  be  delayed. 
Should  the  Executive  adopt  the  measure  of  sending  a  commissioner  to  establish 
treaties  with  those  powers,  I  have  a  fayour  to  ask  of  you  in  which  you  may  ren 
der  me  a  service,  if  you  think  there  is  no  impropriety  in  it.  It  is  that  you  would 
recommend  me  to  be  sent  on  that  mission.  My  reason  for  wishing  this  is  a  very 
simple  one,  and  I  have  no  hesitation  to  expose  it  to  you,  though  to  you  it  may 
appear  frivolous.  My  only  motive  that  is  in  any  way  personal,  is  that  it  would . 
give  me  an  opportunity  to  see  those  countries.  I  do  not  wish  for  the  appoint 
ment  as  a  place,  and  I  did  not  intend  to  hold  one,  either  in  or  under  any  govern 
ment.  When  I  get  to  America,  I  intend  to  sit  down  to  my  books.  What  might 
be  seen  in  such  a  tour  would  increase  my  little  stock  of  knowledge,  and  I  can 
not  afford  to  make  the  journey  at  my  own  expense.  I  should  regret,  indeed, 
that  it  would  keep  me  another  year  from  America  ;  but  I  think  it  would  be  use 
fully  employed  for  myself,  and  I  will  farther  add,  that  I  do  not  think  that  any 
person  they  will  be  likely  to  send,  could  do  the  business  better  than  I,  or  would 
do  it  at  so  little  expense. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  the  proposition  I  here  make  to  you,  I  hope 
the  general  object  will  not  be  neglected.  It  appears  to  me  that  this  measure 
would  extend  our  commerce  considerably  in  some  points,  and  secure  and  facili- 


334  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

tate  our  navigation  in  all.  It  must  be  done  some  time  or  other,  and  I  think  the 
sooner  the  better.  I  am,  dear  sir,  with  sincere  attachment,  your  friend  and 
servant, 

JOEL  BARLOW. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  29,  1796. 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  20th.  The  affair  with  Bond  stands  thus, 
and  is  truly  attended  with  some  perplexing  circumstances. 

The  communication  states  that  provisional  orders  have  been  given  for  the  sur 
render  of  the  posts  whenever  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  have  indicated 
an  intention  to  give  effect  to  the  treaty,  and  when  an  article  shall  have  been  ne- 
gociated  explanatory  of  the  sense  of  the  two  nations,  that  the  8th  article  of  our 
treaty  with  the  Indians  shall  not  derogate  from  the  rights  stipulated  in  favour  of 
British  subjects  by  the  3d  article  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  The  style  of 
the  memorial  is  respectful,  and  the  doubtful  article  in  the  Indian  treaty  is  attri 
buted  to  want  of  information  on  our  part  of  the  stipulation  in  the  British  treaty. 

I  have  thought  that  a  declaration  by  the  Executive,  that  we  admit  the  doctrine 
of  the  law  of  -nations,  ought  to  be  sufficient,  and  that  insisting  upon  an  explana 
tory  article  was  pressing  a  point  rather  unreasonably  against  us.  As,  however, 
Mr.  Bond  says  that  he  is  instructed  to  insist  on  an  article,  and  as  the  terms  can 
be  adjusted  so  as  completely  to  save  the  national  honour,  perhaps  we  are  bound 
to  consent.  I  feel,  however,  that  the  Executive  ought  not  to  have  been  embar 
rassed  at  present. 

There  being  two  points  to  settle  before  we  obtain  the  posts,  one  concerning 
the  Legislature  and  the  other  the  Senate,  it  has  appeared  to  me  that  a  partial 
communication  would  be  improper,  and  that  a  general  one  would  be  inexpedi 
ent.  A  message  to  the  House  would,  moreover,  unnecessarily  stimulate  the  pas 
sions  of  the  opposition.  A  resolution  for  giving  effect  to  the  treaty  is  under 
consideration.  The  presumption  ought  to  be  that  they  will  do  their  duty.  On 
this  ground  the  Senate  have  forborne  to  connect  a  provision  for  the  British  treaty 
with  the  bills  which  have  been  sent  up  respecting  the  other  treaties.  The  prin 
ciple  which  has  governed  the  Senate,  if  correct,  requires  the  Executive  to  forbear 
his  interference.  Some  difficulty  may  be  apprehended  in  obtaining  a  ratification 
of  the  explanatory  article  in  the  present  state  of  the  Senate  ;  but  it  will  be  sur 
mounted. 

I  think  the  government  will  succeed  in  the  present  contest ;  but  it  remains 
doubtful  whether  order  can  be  long  preserved.  Unless  a  radical  change  of  opin 
ion  can  be  effected  in  the  southern  states,  the  existing  establishments  will  not 
last  eighteen  months.  The  influence  of  Messrs.  Gallatin,  Madison  and  Jeffer 
son  must  be  diminished,  or  the  public  affairs  will  be  brought  to  a  stand.  No 
proper  attention  is  paid  to  the  current  business  of  the  government  by  the  House. 
Every  thing  is  in  the  hands  of  the  committees.  Nothing  is  understood,  and  few 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  335 

matters  of  importance  in  a  train  for  being  completed.  Before  the  treaty  question 
commenced,  the  treaty  furnished  a  pretext  for  delay.  The  length  of  the  session, 
and  the  languor  of  the  members,  will  furnish  another  pretext  after  that  question 
shall  have  been  determined. 

Mr.  Patten,  the  postmaster,  communicated  to  me  yesterday  a  singular  circum 
stance.  Some  time  since,  letters  were  delivered  into  his  office  for  Robert  Cow- 
per  and  a  Doctor  Graham  of  Suffolk,  in  Virginia.  By  some  means  Mr.  Patten 
discovered  that  these  letters  had  been  brought  from  Virginia  ;  and  this,  he  says, 
induced  him  to  suspect  some  mischief,  and  to  write  to  Virginia.  I  have  seen  the 
answer  which  he  (Patten)  received  from  Robert  Cowper,  in  which  he  says  that 
the  letter  to  him  was  signed  with  your  name  ;  that  to  Dr.  Graham  with  the 
name  of  Mr.  Van  Allen  of  Congress.  It  seems  that  the  letters  were  forgeries, 
and  contain  something  which,  if  true,  might  injure  yours  and  Mr.  Van  Allen's 
character.  This  is  doubtless  some  Jacobin  trick.  I  shall  try  to  detect  it,  and 
give  you  information.  At  present,  I  have  no  particulars. 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  4th,  1796. 
Sir, 

After  the  anxiety  and  disgust  you,  in  common  with  the  discerning  and  virtu 
ous  friends  of  the  government,  have  experienced  in  respect  to  an  opposition  to 
the  treaty,  it  will  give  you  peculiar  satisfaction  to  learn  that  a  bill  yesterday 
passed,  making  appropriations  for  its  execution.  To  increase  our  happiness  on 
this  occasion,  the  main  point  is  not  only  secured,  but  without  any  marks  of  stig 
ma  fixed  on  the  Executive,  or  its  measures.  The  public  papers  I  send  by  this 
mail,  render  any  detail  unnecessary.  Congress  will  rise,  probably,  about  the  first 
of  June.  We  shall  probably  pass  the  laws  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  means  which  are  requisite  for  its  improvement  must  be  left  for  a  more 
favourable  opportunity.  The  members  will  now,  one  after  the  other  be  daily  set 
ting  out  for  home.  I  hope  the  public  will  begin  to  discern  that  our  government 
confides  too  much  to  private  sacrifices.  It  costs  individuals  too  much.  Our  ex 
ecutive  establishments  are  not  sufficiently  extended  in  the  states,  and  the  whole 
texture  is  too  weak  for  the  stress  that  bears  upon  them.  The  energy  of  the 
President's  popularity  has  not  yet  been  estimated  at  one-half  its  value.  We 
expect,  if  the  circumstance  of  his  retirement  from  office  must  be  submitted  to,  a 
more  federal  house  will  succeed  the  present,  and  a  chance  be  offered  to  set  things 
more  to  rights.  Certainly  the  leaders  are  crest  fallen.  They  were  wretchedly 
deceived  in  the  firmness  of  the  President,  the  spirit  of  the  country,  and  the  union 
and  unbending  resolution  of  their  opposers  in  our  House.  All  of  these  circum 
stances  have  had  their  perfect  work  ;  and  when  the  bill  passed  it  was  evident 
that  they  were  as  solicitous  as  we  to  end  the  business.  One  of  the  party,  who 
the  day  before  had  declared  his  resolution  to  call  the  yeas  and  nays,  desisted 
therefrom,  no  doubt  by  preconcert.  The  members  from  Virginia  who  opposed 
in  the  committee,  voted  for  the  bill.  Mr.  Hancock  was  with  us  on  both  ques 
tions.  Varnum  was  accidentally  out  when  the  question  was  taken  in  commit- 


336  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

tee,  and  voted  for  the  bill  in  the  House.     No  persons  are  more  inveterate  than 
Lyman,  Dearborn  and  Smith. 

We  have  sufficient  inducements  to  invite  our  return  to  our  firesides  in  Con 
necticut.  The  mortifying  scenes  which  we  have  had  to  encounter,  of  themselves 
make  me  impatient  to  quit  Congress  Hall.  One  of  the  representatives  from 
New  York  state  informs  me,  his  letters  from  the  city  apprise  him,  that  though 
the  votes  have  not  been  canvassed,  there  is  almost  a  certainty  of  Mr.  Burr's  not 
having  succeeded  in  the  election  for  State  Senator.  1  am,  sir,  respectfully  your 
obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY   GOODRICH. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  6,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  am  to  acknowledge  the  favour  of  your  two  letters,  received  since  the  date  of 
my  last  to  you.  Nothing  new  has  happened.  We  receive  by  every  mail,  evi 
dence  of  the  determinate  sense  of  our  country  for  an  execution  of  the  treaty, 
and  of  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  executive  administration.  So  far  as 
opportunity  has  been  had  in  Virginia  for  an  ascertainment  of  public  sentiment, 
it  appears  in  unison  with  other  places.  Whole  counties  have  petitioned  ;  and 
yesterday  a  very  spirited  petition  or  remonstrance,  said  to  have  been  drawn  by 
Gov.  Lee,  was  read.  This  spirit  mortifies  their  representatives  beyond  expres 
sion.  It  excites  the  chagrin  of  spirits  doubly  damned 

Yesterday  a  joint  committee  cf  both  Houses  reported  for  an  adjournment  on 
the  20th  of  this  month,  and  a  long  list  of  busine&s  is  to  be  completed.  It  is 
probable  neither  will  happen  ;  but  that  we  may  rise  about  the  first  of  June.  The 
plan  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  be  now  adopted.  Yesterday  the  bill 
was  read  in  committee  of  the  whole,  and  passed  to  a  third  reading  without  op 
position.  I  refer  only  to  the  plan  for  funding  the  anticipated  sums  borrowed  of 
the  banks,  and  payment  to  them  by  a  stock  irredeemable  till  1819.  If  this  ope 
ration  had  been  adopted  early  in  the  session,  the  stock  could  then  have  been  sold 
at  or  above  par.  The  delay,  and  the  wound  to  public  credit,  from  the  preposter 
ous  conduct  of  the  House,  during  the  session,  has  created  some  embarrassments 
to  a  successful  administration  of  the  finances.  I  believe  they  will  be  surmount 
ed.  An  opinion  seems  to  prevail,  that  it  is  advisable  to  defer  an  extension  of 
the  revenue  system  to  other  objects,  till  next  session.  In  the  present  temper  of 
the  House,  we  cannot  promise  an  increase  of  compensation  to  the  officers  of 
government ;  the  present  incompetency  of  which  threatens  serious  evils.  The 
best  informed  and  disposed,  as  yet  have  no  idea  how  much  remains  to  perfect  a 
system  of  a  free  and  energetic  government.  At  present  we  exist  on  the  labours 
of  our  predecessors.  Every  exertion  ought  now  to  be  pointed  to  form  the  pub 
lic  mind  ;  and  in  case  the  effervescence  of  sansculottism  in  our  House  shall  serve 
the  valuable  purpose  of  giving  the  union  a  more  virtuous  and  intelligent  repre 
sentation,  the  opportunity  must  be  improved  to  fix  our  system  on  a  more  un 
shaken  foundation. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  337 

The  opinion  generally  prevails,  on  what  authority  I  don't  know,  that  the  Pre 
sident  will  retire  on  the  expiration  of  his  present  term.  I  know  he  has  embraced 
an  opinion,  that  the  effort  this  session  is  the  last  grasp  of  an  expiring  faction,  and 
that  the  European  war  out  of  which  it  grows,  and  on  which  it  feeds  as  its  natu 
ral  aliment,  will  end  with  the  present  year.  I  hope,  but  without  any  other 
ground  perhaps  than  my  own  wishes,  that  he  will  still  continue  in  office,  if  his 
expectations  shall  not  be  gratified,  f  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  opinion  here  designates 
Mr.  Adams  as  his  successor,  and  some  fit  character  in  the  southern  states  for 
Vice-President ;  perhaps  Mr.  Pinckney ,  now  at  London,  or  Patrick  Henry  of  Vir- 
ginia.  I  believe  the  business  ought  to  be  confided  to  some  persons  to  find  out, 
on  what  decided  and  federal  character  most  votes  can  be  centered.  Every 
movement  of  the  disorganizers  evinces  their  electioneering  zeal  for  Jefferson,  and 
a  total  overthrow  of  the  executive  systems.  Probably  some  are  duped  in  the 
expectation  of  his  conduct  when  in  office.  If  however  he  does  not  justify  their  ex 
pectations,  he  will  have  a  difficult  part  to  play,  and  as  his  election  can  be  avoided 
by  union,  we  must  not  suffer  a  lukewarmness  to  mar  our  designs.  It  may  be 
well  to  watch  circumstances  in  Connecticut,  to  see  if  any  temper  peeps  out  there 
indicative  of  an  exertion  for  Jefferson  or  Burr.  Letters  have  been  received  from 
an  unexpected  quarter  there,  urging  an  execution  of  the  treaty.  The  friends  of 
the  government  have  full  right  to  wait  for  continued,  long  and  consistent  fruits 
of  change  of  opinion,  before  they  yield  their  entire  confidence.  I  hope  to  accom 
pany  this  with  another,  in  answer  to  a  part  of  a  former  one  of  yours  that  had 
been  too  long  neglected  ;  in  case  I  do  not  it  shall  not  be  delayed  longer  than  the 
ensuing  mail. 

Accept  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  letters,  and  be  assured  we  shall  be  happy 
if  your  leisure  shall  serve  to  communicate  the  proceedings  of  your  legislature. 
I  am,  respectfully,  your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


JONATHAN  TRUMBULL  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  6th  May,  179€. 
Sir, 

Our  situation  in  Congress  has  lately  been  so  critical  and  alarming,  that  it  has 
been  feared  I  should  have  been  obliged  to  request  an  immediate  appointment  of 
an  additional  senator  from  our  state  ;  but  happily  Providence  has  interposed, 
and  our  circumstances  are  so  much  altered  for  the  better,  that  the  necessity  is 
now  removed,  and  the  legislature  will  be  left  to  their  own  time  to  fill  the  vacancy. 
Happy  indeed  has  been  the  issue  of  the  great  question  on  the  execution  of  the 
British  treaty  ;  much  happier  than  it  might  have  been,  had  the  decision  come  to 
a  contest  between  the  two  branches  of  the  legislature.  Although  in  that  event 
I  had  no  doubt  of  the  final  issue,  yet  the  division  of  sentiment,  and  perhaps  ani 
mosity  which  might  have  been  produced,  would  have  been  serious  in  their  exist 
ence,  and  unhappy  in  their  consequences.  Much  danger  has  been  encountered 
from  the  delay  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  make  the  necessary  provisions 
for  the  British  treaty,  and  some  ill  consequences  are  still  to  be  apprehended, 

VOL.  i.  29 


338  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

resulting  from  their  late  opposition  and  hesitation,  but  none  I  hope  which  may 
not  be  eventually  surmounted.  The  1st  of  June  is  near  at  hand,  and  the  final 
orders  for  the  evacuation  of  the  posts  have  been  suspended  on  this  issue  in  the 
House.  Other  points  of  execution  on  the  British  part  have  also  been  probably 
retarded  by  this  non-executing  disposition  of  the  Representatives  in  Congress, 
but  all  I  hope  will  terminate  well.  A  new  British  minister  is  daily  expected  in 
this  city  from  New  York.  What  his  disposition  or  instructions  may  be,  must  be 
left  till  his  arrival.  The  character  however  which  has  preceded  him  is  favourable. 
•  I  hope  it  may  prove  so  on  trial. 

Since  the  opposition  in  the  House  of  Representatives  has  been  broken,  our 
business  in  both  Houses  goes  on  briskly  and  harmoniously,  and  it  is  expected 
that  the  session  of  Congress  may  be  brought  to  a  close  in  all  this  month,  per 
haps  sooner.  The  20th  has  been  reported  by  a  joint  committee,  as  the  day  on 
which  we  may  be  adjourned.  With  much  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your 
obedient  and  humble  servant, 

J.  TRUMBULL. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  13,  1796, 
Sir, 

By  this  morning's  mail  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  favour  of  the  8th 
instant,  and  fully  accord  with  the  sentiments  you  express,  and  particularly  in  that 
of  our  ultimate  success,  in  the  treaty  being  accomplished  by  the  President's  repres 
sion  of  the  outrageous  assumption  of  power  on  the  part  of  the  House.  Present 
defeat  may  learn  some  of  the  file  leaders  a  more  cautious  policy,  but  we  shall 
promise  ourselves  too  much  in  expecting  any  substantial  change  in  their  general 
course  of  conduct.  Of  all  animals,  a  perverse  or  weak  politician  is  the  least 
teachable  ;  on  most  questions  where  there  has  been  a  division,  it  has  been  nearly 
the  same  since,  as  before  the  treaty  was  acted  on. 

Of  this,  their  proceedings  on  the  organizing  and  admitting  the  territory  of  the 
United  States  [Tennessee]  into  the  Union  as  a  state,  is  a  singular  instance.  The 
people  of  that  country  have  cashiered  the  temporary  government,  self  created 
themselves  into  a  state,  adopted  a  constitution,  chosen  their  officers,  taken  a  census 
under  a  law  of  their  own,  apparently  on  the  face  of  it  open  to  fraud,  and  now 
claim  to  be  a  state  already  in  union  with  the  original  states.  A  resolution  of  that 
purport  has  been  in  our  House.  Some  of  the  leaders  etrenously.  insist  that  a 
simple  resolution  of  each  branch  is  necessary. 

One  of  their  spurious  senators  has  arrived,  and  a  few  days  since  went  into  the 
Senate  and  claimed  his  seat,  by  virtue  of  his  credentials  from  our  new  sister 
Tennessee,  as  she  is  called,  and  the  rights  of  man.  As  the  former  was  a  new 
kind  of  coin,  and  the  latter  has  been  often  declared,  and  even  counterfeited  by 
rogues  and  rascals,  a  majority  of  the  up  stair  folks  determined  to  take  time  to 
inspect  both,  and  with  some  difficulty  persuaded  the  bearer  to  leave  them.  Mr. 
Burr  and  his  associates  are  quite  zealous  for  a  declarative  resolution  of  their  pre 
sent  right.  Probably  the  report  of  a  committee  of  the  Senate,  which  I  enclose  as 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  339 

a  fair  state  of  the  case,  will  be  adopted  in  that  branch,  and  a  bill  be  sent  to  the 
House  of  Representatives.  No  doubt  this  is  one  twig  of  the  electioneering  cabal 
for  Mr.  Jefferson.  It  probably  originated  from  the  quarter  where  much  mischief 
is  brewed.  It  threatens  disquiet  to  that  country,  and  vexation  to  the  govern 
ment. 

Mr.  Liston  arrived  here  last  evening.  The  resolution  of  the  court  of  Great 
Britain  in  respect  to  the  posts,  originated  from  the  mad  conduct  of  the  democrats 
in  our  country.  In  that  we  can't  so  highly  blame  them,  but  their  impressments 
are  to  me,  unaccountable  and  provoking.  I  hope,  however,  the  country  will 
continue  quiet,  and  trust  in  the  Executive  for  redress  and  future  protection.  Mr. 
Livingston's  bill  on  that  subject  was  a  mere  firebrand,  calculated  to  embroil  the 
two  governments,  and  expose  a  numerous  class  of  our  seamen.  Many  of  those 
I  commonly  act  with,  I  know  were  as  much  opposed  to  the  bill,  as  those  who 
voted  against  it,  but  supposed  it  expedient  to  consent.  It  is  amended  by  the 
Senate,  but  as  it  is  purged  of  its  inflammatory  particles  it  is  uncertain  whether 
it  will  finally  pass. 

We  are  rejoiced  to  find  the  session  drawing  to  a  close,  both  on  a  public  and 
personal  account ;  the  exact  day  of  adjournment  cannot  be  predicted,  I  believe  it 
will  not  exceed  the  first  of  next  month.  In  this  uncertainty  I  will  not  request 
any  further  letters,  as  it  is  possible  we  may  rise  even  earlier.  Yours,  respectfully, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  27th,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  am  happy  to  find  from  your  letter  of  the  15th,  and  others  irom  my  friends, 
that  your  election  has  been  conducted  with  so  much  unanimity,  and  so  highly 
for  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  state.  I  need  not  add  my  sincere  wishes  that 
your  virtuous  administration  may  be  followed  with  your  own  personal  hap 
piness. 

Mr.  Hillhouse  set  out  for  home  this  morning  and  will  be  at  Hartford  early 
next  week  ;  the  cause  of  his  early  return,  is  his  aid  being  necessary  on  the  ap 
plication  of  the  college  before  the  legislature.  He  will  tell  you  the  state  of  pub 
lic  business.  The  most  serious  embarrassment  is  in  the  treasury  department, 
owing  to  the  perverse  and  ruinous  delay  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  not 
seriously  and  early  adopting  the  system  devised  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
That,  I  have  before  advised  you,  was  to  create  stock  to  pay  the  anticipations  at 
the  bank.  Two  months  ago  stock  would  have  sold  at  par — ^now  that  can't  be 
done.  The  Senate  have  given  an  unexpected  and  unfortunate  direction  to  the 
business.  You  will  be  informed  by  Mr.  Hillhouse  relative  to  it.  Our  anxiety 
has  this  session  been  constantly  in  exercise  on  the  perilous  aspect  of  pub 
lic  affairs,  but  to  our  mortification  it  has  been  increased  by  the  absence  of  too 
many  of  the  friends  of  the  government  in  both  Houses. 

So  far  as  I  am  advised  by  my  letters  from  Hartford,  I  imagine  the  current  sets 
in  favour  of  Mr.  Hillhouse's  appointment  as  Senator.  If  that  should  be  the  case, 
I  still  hope  Col.  Wadsworth  will  not  refuse  being  a  candidate.  Not  having  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  Mr.  Trumbull  since  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  I  dont  know 


340  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

what  arrangements  he  will  make  ;  so  many  are  absent  or  have  liberty  of  absence, 
I  should  conclude  he  will  think  his  presence  cannot  be  dispensed  with.  I  am 
not  authorized  to  give  any  information  about  his  final  answer  as  to  the  appoint 
ment  ;  the  opinion  of  his  friends  is  that  it  will  be  an  affirmative  one. 

We  have  this  instant  passed  a  resolution  for  an  adjournment  of  Congress  on 
Wednesday  of  next  week.  Mrs.  Wolcott  and  the  children  will  spend  the  hot 
months  of  the  summer  a  few  miles  from  the  city.  I  forgot  to  mention  that  Mr, 
Listen,  the  English  Ambassador,  appears  to  be  an  amiable  and  worthy  man  ;  if  he 
proves  a  candid  envoy,  he  will  be  a  new  and  valuable  acquisition  to  the  United 
States. 

A  bill  of  more  than  usual  consequence  is  in  reading,  which  obliges  me  to  con 
clude  with  my  respects  to  yourself  and  my  sentiments  of  affection  for  Mr.  Mose- 
ly  and  Laura.  I  am,  your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


JONATHAN  TRUMBULL  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  19th  May,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  4th  instant.  Disposed  as  I  am  at  all  times, 
to  follow  the  voice  of  my  fellow  citizens  in  their  call  for  my  services,  I  now 
cheerfully  listen  to  the  late  honourable  expression  of  their  will,  and  accept  with 
gratitude  and  pleasure  the  appointment  which  your  Excellency  has  announced  to 
me,  of  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  State.  But  as  our  State  has  at  this  time  but 
one  member  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  as  several  sena 
tors  are  absent  from  that  body,  I  shall  think  it  my  duty  to  remain  in  my  present 
situation,  either  until  I  am  especially  called  from  here,  or  until  the  close  of  the 
present  session  of  Congress,  which  I  expect  will  probably  terminate  in  the  course 
of  next  week. 

Your  Excellency  justly  observes  that  Congress  ought  to  do  some  material  pub 
lic  good  to  compensate  for  the  vexation  they  have  occasioned.  Some  valuable 
acts  will  be  completed,  but  perhaps  it  will  appear  that  the  most  material  good 
that  will  be  accomplished,  will  be  the  prevention  of  the  evil  which  was  intended. 
A  truly  valuable  object  this,  if  pretty  fully  effected.  All  necessary  treaty  appro 
priations  are  completed,  and  all  arrangements  are  made  and  making  for  their 
full  execution — in  consequence  of  which  our  happy  country  will,  I  trust,  continue 
to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  neutrality,  peace  arid  security. 

The  new  British  Minister  has  arrived,  and  has  been  presented  to  the  President. 
It  is  said  he  is  furnished  with  full  instructions  to  conciliate  the  affections,  and 
to  further  the  interests  of  our  country,  and  that  he  possesses  the  best  dispositions 
towards  effecting  these  desirable  objects.  I  am  sure  the  President  and  Execu 
tive  will  be  prepared  to  meet  him  in  these  estimable  views. 

I  beg  leave  most  sincerely  to  congratulate  your  Excellency  on  your  election 
to  the  first  chair  of  the  State,  and  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  esteem  and 
regard,  sir,  your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

J.  TRUMBULL. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  341 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  20th,  1796. 
Sir, 

Yesterday  Mr.  King  was  nominated  as  Minister  to  the  Court  of  London,  in 
stead  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  who  requests  permission  to  return. 

On  the  eve  of  an  election  for  a  part  of  the  Senate,  we  regret  that  so  many  of 
its  ablest  members  will  either  resign  or  decline  a  re-election.  Mr.  Strong  intends 
a  resignation  to  their  present  legislature  ;  Mr.  Cabot,  the  like  in  case  of  certainty 
of  a  right  successor.  Others  now  express  a  determination  not  to  accept  a  future 
appointment.  There  is  not  danger  of  an  anti-federal  Senate,  but  the  loss  of 
tried  characters  is  a  misfortune,  and  when  old  rats  leave  a  house,  it  has  always 
been  considered  as  a  bad  omen.  There  is  now  left  only  a  bare  majority  of  good 
men  in  the  Senate,  so  many  are  absent.  I  believe,  however,  we  shall  get  along. 

Yours  respectfully, 

C.  GOODRICH, 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  22d,  1796. 
Sir, 

The  expectation  of  an  adjournment  of  Congress  the  present  week  is  become 
doubtful.  On  the  bills  relative  to  military  establishment,  and  the  payment  of  the 
debts  due  the  bank  are  different  votes  of  the  Houses,  and  a  great  deal  of  busi 
ness  remains  unfinished.  I  will  not  set  any  day  for  our  quitting  this  place. 

In  the  papers  I  enclose  for  yourself  and  Mr.  Moseley,  you  will  find  the  only 
news.  The  ostensible  design  of  the  leaders  in  one  House,  as  to  the  question  of 
a  major  general  being  retained  in  the  army,  is  that  of  economy.  The  true  ob 
ject  is  to  get  aid  of  General  Wayne,  and  place  the  army  in  the  hands  of  a  Jacobin, 
and  what  is  worse,  a  western  incendiary.  I  am  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH, 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  May  26,  1796. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  observe  the  result  of  the  election,  and  the  evi 
dences  of  stability  and  moderation  in  the  conduct  of  the  Legislature.*  While 
the  northern  States  continue  firm,  and  while  honest  and  able  men  can  be  induced 
to  hold  public  offices,  we  shall  be  able  to  maintain  the  present  government.  It 
will  fail  whenever  it  shall  be  administered  by  the  demagogues  of  the  day. 

As  yet,  Congress  have  done  nothing  of  consequence.  The  measures  for  improv 
ing  the  revenue, for  obtaining  loans,  for  establishing  the  military  department,  and 
many  objects  which  require  appropriations,  remain  undetermined.  By  absence  and 
other  causes,  the  Senate  is  become  weak,  and  the  majority  of  ill-disposed  men  in  the 

•  Of  Connecticut. 
29* 


342  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

House  greater  than  at  any  former  period.     The  principal  mischief  which  will  be 
attempted,  is  the  admission  of  Tennessee,  and  this  I  think  probable. 

After  the  session  is  over,  I  will  write  you  a  full  account  of  the  state  of  our 
affairs ;  at  present  I  will  only  say,  that  they  are  precarious,  in  consequence  of  the. 
prevalence  of  faction.  They  might  go  on  well,  if  the  Legislature  was  well  dis 
posed  ;  and  if  they  fail,  the  House  of  Representatives  will  be  solely  responsible. 

People  here  are  alarmed  with  the  report  that  the  New  Englanders  are  over 
running  the  lands  of  this  State,  and  suspect  that  they  are  encouraged  covertly  by 
the  State  of  Connecticut.  I  tell  them  that  it  is  not  true.  It  is  said  that  Gov, 
Mifflin  has  applied  for  some  act  to  be  done  by  way  of  restraint  or  disavowal  of 
irregular  settlements.  I  do  not  know  what  will  be  proper,  though  I  should 
think  that  measures  ought  to  be  taken  to  secure  the  honour  of  the  State  from  in 
jurious  imputations. 

JONATHAN  TRUMBULL  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,   SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA.  27  May,  179G. 
Sir, 

When  I  wrote  your  Excellency  Jast,  I  expected  Congress  would  have  been  ad 
journed  in  all  this  week,  but  it  is  now  found  that  our  business  will  press  us  into 
the  next  week,  not  however  (I  hope)  beyond  the  1st  of  June.  The  claim  of  the 
intended  new  State  of  Tennessee  for  admission  into  the  Union,  has  given  us 
much  trouble,  and  is  not  yet  brought  to  a  close  between  the  two  Houses ;  the 
financial  provisions  are  not  yet  worked  into  the  shape  that  the  Secretary  would 
wish,  but  are  still  suspended  between  the  Houses.  I  hope  however,  they  will 
eventually  assume  a  shape  more  favourable  than  has  been  feared.  The  military 
establishment,  with  its  necessary  appropriations,  has  also  been  a  subject  of  con 
test,  but  will  probably  be  favourably  terminated.  These  contested  points,  with 
some  other  objects  of  smaller  consequence,  have  protracted  the  session  beyond 
what  had  been  contemplated  ;  but  we  shall  finally  close,  I  hope,  in  tolerable  har 
mony,  and  with  tolerable  satisfaction  as  to  its  great  objects. 

I  have  entertained  the  hope  that  I  should  have  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting 
your  Excellency  and  the  Legislature  before  your  adjournment,  but  I  fear  a  disap 
pointment  in  this  expectation.  I  shall  however,  hasten  to  Connecticut  as  speed 
ily  as  possible,  after  my  releasement  from  my  present  duty.  With  very  great 
respect  and  esteem,  I  am.  sir,  your  Excellency's  mostob't  and  humble  servant, 

J.  TRUMBULL. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  28,  1796. 

I  much  fear  that  the  new  stock  will  not  sell  on  the  terms  proposed,  nor  on  any 
terms  without  an  enormous  discount,  probably  not  in  sufficient  sums  at  more 
than  17s. 

Treasury  drafts  cannot  be  negociated  for  the  sums  wanted,  without  a  still 
greater  loss,  unless  they  are  made  payable  at  a  short  date,  say  three  or  four 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  343 

months  ;  this  will  endanger  the  public  credit  and  affect  the  banks,  especially  that 
of  the  United  States.  The  consequence  is,  the  frigates  must  stop,  or  the  new 
stock  must  be  sold  on  any  terms.  Sales  of  bank  stock  are  urged  ;  this  idea 
has,  however,  been  strenuously  opposed  by  me.  There  is  but  one  other  resource 
which  I  can  think  of,  and  that  is,  to  pledge  sufficient  sums  of  the  new  stock  to 
be  sold,  after  the  expiration  of  six  or  eight  months  if  not  redeemed.  *  * 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

May  30th,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  perceive  Congress  are  invading  the  sinking  fund  system.  If  this  goes 
through  and  is  sanctioned  by  the  President,  the  fabric  of  public  credit  is  pros 
trate,  and  the  country  disgraced.  Treasury  bills  and  every  expedient,  however 
costly,  to  meet  exigencies,  must  be  preferable  in  the  event,  to  such  an  overthrow. 
Yours  truly, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  1st,  1796. 
Sir, 

Congress  meets  this  afternoon  to  close  the  business  of  the  session,  and  we  have 
little  more  to  do  than  mere  matters  of  form,  before  we  adjourn.  Inclosed  is  a 
list  of  acts  ;  the  one  for  the  admission  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  was  carried 
by  the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Livermore,  President  of  the  Senate.  It  must  be- left 
for  him  to  account  for  his  conduct ;  his  friends  are  chagrined.  It  is  possible  this 
act  may  have  most  serious  effects  ;  I  don't  think  it  so  probable  as  others,  whose 
opinions  I  respect. 

After  the  perilous  and  irksome  part  of  the  friends  of  government  in  the  House , 
it  has  wounded  us  extremely  that  no  remonstrances  or  respect  for  public  business 
have  been  able  to  keep  the  Senators  and  members  of  our  House  here  a  few  days 
or  a  week,  and,  what  was  not  to  be  expected,  that  most  mismanagement  has 
happened  in  the  Senate.  More  mischief,  has  however  been  prevented,  than  could 
have  been  expected,  and  the  most  essential  laws  have  been  passed  to  keep  the 
government  moving.  Its  wheels  are  not  to  stop.  If,  however,  we  promise  our 
selves  an  end  of  difficulties,  we  shall  disregard  prognostics.  Every  summer  for 
several  years  past,  has  waked  up  some  ferment,  and  this,  it  is  likely,  will  have  its 
share. 

We  set  out  for  home  to-morrow  morning,  in  a  carriage  with  our  Connecticut 
friends.  I  am,  your  ob't,  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


To  return  to  the  concerns  of  the  Treasury,  excepting 


344  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  the  most  important  and  the 
most  exciting  subject  of  debate. 

A  few  of  the  suggestions  of  the  Secretary  were  adopt 
ed  during  the  session.  Thus  the  time  for  receiving  on 
loan  the  domestic  debt  of  the  United  States,  still  unsub 
scribed,  was  further  extended.  The  change  in  the  method 
of  reimbursing  the  six  per  cent,  stock  was  made,  and  the 
reimbursement  extended  to  the  stock  issued  for  balances 
due  the  states.  Some  alterations  were  also  made  in  the 
internal  revenue  laws,  and  the  mode  of  collection  was 
rendered  more  efficient. 

But  the  subject  of  an  increase  of  the  revenue  was  not 
easily  arranged.  While  both  parties  acknowledged  that 
more  was  wanting  for  an  effectual  diminution  of  the  debt, 
they  differed  totally  as  to  the  mode  of  providing  it.  The 
federalists  proposed  extending  the  system  of  indirect  tax 
ation  ;  but  while  a  majority  in  the  House  were  in  the  op 
position,  this  was  impossible.  "  From  an  opinion,"  says 
Marshall,  "  that  direct  taxes  were  recommended  by  in 
trinsic  advantages,  or  that  the  people  would  become  more 
attentive  to  the  charges  against  the  administration,  should 
their  money  be  drawn  from  them  by  visible  means  ;  those 
who  wished  power  to  change  hands  had  generally  mani 
fested  a  disposition  to  oblige  those  who  exercised  it,  to 
resort  to  a  system  of  revenue  by  which  a  great  degree  of 
sensibility  will  always  be  excited."a  There  was  now 
perhaps  less  disposition  than  ever,  to  relax  in  their  efforts 
to  make  the  administration  unpopular,  and  quite  as  little 
to  assume  the  onus  of  an  unpopular  act  themselves. 

The  committee  of  ways  and  means  on  the  17th  of 
March  made  a  report,  based  on  the  representations  of  the 
Secretary,  stating  two  sums,  either  of  which  annually  ap 
plied,  in  addition  to  the  present  revenues,  would,  though 
within  different  periods,  be  sufficient  for  the  liquidation  of 

a  Life  of  Washington,  V.  566. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  345 

the  debt  not  already  provided  for.     The  report  concluded 
as  follows  : 

"  The  committee  having  contemplated  the  various  resources  of  the  United 
States,  which  may  be  resorted  to  in  the  present  exigency,  and  having  in  the  first 
instance  turned  their  attention  to  the  subject  of  indirect  taxes,  were  not  able  to 
agree  upon  objects  suitable  for  that  kind  of  taxation,  from  which  an  adequate 
revenue  could  be  obtained  without  great  inconvenience  and  embarrassment.  On 
recurring  to  objects  of  direct  taxation,  they  are  of  opinion  that  those  are  alone 
competent  to  yield  such  a  revenue  as  appears  necessary  ;  the  subject  being,  how 
ever,  of  a  new  impression,  and  presenting  various  difficulties  which,  although  of 
a  nature  to  be  overcome,  yet  are  such  as  prevent  the  completion  of  a  proper  sys 
tem,  during  the  present  session,  the  committee  have  concluded  to  go  no  further 
at  this  time,  than  to  report  a  resolution  preparatory  to  that  object.1 

The  committee  are,  moreover,  of  opinion  that  some  further  revenues,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  improvements  of  the  present  internal  revenues,  already  and  herein 
after  proposed,  may  during  this  session  be  obtained  from  an  extension  of  the  in 
direct  taxation,  and  therefore  submit  certain  resolutions  to  that  effect. 

But  inasmuch  as  the  actual  receipts  into  the  Treasury  will  be  inadequate  to 
discharge  the  current  expenses  of  the  government,  and  the  loans  had  of  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  which  fall  due  in  the  course  of  the  present  year  ;  and  as 
future  loans  and  anticipations  may  become  necessary,  the  committee  are  of 
opinion  that  a  loan  to  the  amount  of  five  millions  of  dollars  ought  to  be  opened, 
for  the  purpose  of  discharging  the  said  debt  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States." 

A  series  of  resolutions  were  subjoined — one  directing 
the  Secretary  of  Treasury  "  to  prepare  and  report  to  the 
House  at  the  next  session  a  plan  for  raising  two  millions 
of  dollars  by  apportionment  among  the  several  states, 
agreeably  the  rule  prescribed  by  the  constitution  ;  adapt 
ing  the  same  to  such  objects  of  direct  taxation,  and  such 
modes  of  collection  as  might  appear  by  the  laws  and 
practice  of  the  "states  respectively,  to  be  most  eligible  in 
each."  Others  proposed  a  duty  on  testamentary  disposi 
tions,  descents,  and  successions  to  estates  of  intestates, 
other  than  to  parents,  husbands,  wives,  or  lineal  descen 
dants  ;  on  stamps  ;  an  increased  duty  on  carriages  for 
the  conveyance  of  persons ;  and  a  loan. 

a  By  "  direct  taxes"  in  the  constitution,  revenue  of  the  people  ;  by  indirect,  such 
it  was  generally  considered  were  meant  as  are  raised  on  their  expense.  Gallatin's 
those  which  are  raised  on  the  capital  or  "  Sketch  of  the  Finances,"  p.  12. 


346  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

A  bill  was  introduced  into  the  House,  authorizing  the 
commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund  to  issue  6  per  cent, 
stock  to  the  amount  of  $5,000,000,  to  be  applied  to  the 
payment  of  such  debts  of  the  United  States  as  were  due, 
or  should  become  so  during  the  year,  including  both  for 
eign  and  domestic  loans  ;  but  providing  that  the  stock 
should  not  be  sold  under  its  par  value.  As  this,  however, 
did  not  cover  some  of  the  extraordinary  appropriations, 
and  was  liable  to  contingencies,  the  Secretary,  on  the  6th 
of  May,  addressed  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of  ways 
and  means,  enclosing  a  second  statement  of  the  probable 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  United  States,  including 
the  appropriations  already  made,  and  those  contemplated 
by  bills  then  before  Congress,  the  results  of  which  show 
ed  that  the  further  sum  of  $1,310,605,  must  be  obtained 
from  loans  or  new  revenues,  for  those  objects,  and  for  the 
instalment  of  the  foreign  debt,  of  which  the  amount  was 
necessarily  to  be  raised  in  the  United  States.  In  other 
respects,  the  statement  agreed  with  that  accompanying 
the  report  made  at  the  commencement  of  the  session. 

The  estimates  for  the  service  of  1796,  as  thus  deter 
mined,  were  as  follows : 

EXPENDITURES  : 

Interest  on  the  debt  of  all  kinds,  -  $4,015,197  27 
Reimbursement  of  Dutch  loan,  -  414,100  00 
Civil  list,  mint,  annuities  and  grants,  light  houses  and  mis 
cellaneous  expenses,  -  -  568,064  94 
Indian  trade,  -  158,000  00 
Civil  list,  (additional)  24,000  00 
War  department,  -  1,480,247  00 
Naval  department,  73,934  00 
Naval  department,  (former  grant)  -  -  296,917  82 
Military  pensions,  85,098  00 
Contingent  expenses  of  government,  -  20,000  00 
Diplomatic  department,  -  -  341,132  00 
Expenses  incident  to  treaties,  -  134,49100 

$7,611,182  03 


1796.]                                    OF  WASHINGTON.                                    347 

RECEIPTS  : 

Duties  on  imports  and  tonnage,  -                                        -         $5,679,41858 

Internal  revenues,        -  ...         337,255  36 

Postage  of  letters,  35,000  00 

Letters   patent,  660  00 

Dividends  on  bank  stock,  160,000  00 

Proceeds  of  the   sinking  fund,  -             -             -           88,242  79 


$6,300,576  73 
Sum  to  be  provided,  1,310,60530 


$7,611,182  03 

In  respect  to  the  mode  of  obtaining  this  sum,  the  Sec 
retary  observed  :  "It  being  known  to  the  committee  that 
no  loans  can  at  present  be  negotiated  in  Europe,  and  that 
the  high  profits  which  reward  commercial  enterprise, 
though  beneficial  to  the  community,  are  obstacles  to  the 
success  of  domestic  loans  beyond  a  limited  amount ;  I 
cannot,  consistently  with  my  duty,  omit  expressing  it  as 
my  opinion,  that  some  effectual  measures  for  improving 
and  extending  the  revenue,  ought  to  be  adopted  during  the 
present  session  of  Congress." 

The  proposition  of  further  indirect  taxes,  which  had 
been  strongly  opposed  in  the  committee  itself,  failed  in 
the  House,  except  as  to  an  additional  duty  on  pleasure 
carriages.  With  regard  to  the  tax  on  devises  and  succes 
sions,  there  seems  to  have  been  some  doubt  entertained 
as  to  its  nature.  Some  of  the  federal  members  opposed 
the  resolution  concerning  the  actual  direct  tax  ;  by  others 
it  was  advocated  as  a  wise  precautionary  measure. 

The  bih1  funding  the  bank  debts  passed  the  House  with 
the  clause  restricting  the  sale  of  the  stock  below  par  ;  but 
the  United  States  Bank  claiming  the  payment  of  the  in 
stalment  and  loans  due  them,  and  urging  that  the  provis 
ion  made  should  not  be  thus  defeated,  Wolcott,  on  the 
12th,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Senate,  stating  that  the 
bill,  with  this  restriction,  would  not  furnish  an  adequate 
resource.  There  being  no  possibility  of  obtaining  the 


348  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  11. 

money  abroad,  or  that  effectual  provision  of  revenue 
would  be  made  during  the  session,  he  suggested  the  ne 
cessity  of  vesting  in  the  commissioners  power  to  obtain 
loans,  unclogged  by  any  conditions  which  could  possibly 
occasion  a  failure  of  public  credit.  The  act  was  in  con 
sequence  modified,  so  as  to  allow  not  more  than  one-half 
the  stock  to  be  sold  under  par,  and  it  was  rendered  irre 
deemable  before  1818.  In  case  they  saw  fit,  the  com 
missioners  were  allowed  as  a  final  resource,  to  sell  the 
bank  shares  held  by  the  United  States  for  the  same  pur 
pose.  Provision  was  made  in  the  foreign  intercourse  bill 
and  the  supplementary  appropriation  act,  for  the  other 
requisite  funds,  by  temporary  loans. 

The  expedient  of  selling  the  bank  stock  was  reproba 
ted  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  as  a  violation  of  system  ;  its  use 
was  opposed  by  Wolcott,  and  was  only  resorted  to  by 
the  Commissioners  upon  the  most  urgent  compulsion. 

On  all  these  questions  the  debates  were  vehement  and 
protracted.  It  was  only  towards  the  end  of  May  that  the 
several  acts  passed,  insufficient  as  they  were  for  their  ob 
ject.  The  loan,  as  will  be  hereafter  noticed,  proved  un 
successful  ;  and  thus  for  another  year,  a  year  of  perplexity 
and  distress,  was  an  adequate  provision  for  the  debt  de 
ferred,  while  events  were  fast  thickening  to  render  the 
provision  more  difficult,  as  it  was  more  urgent.  The 
course  pursued  by  the  opposition  justified  the  charge,  that 
these  embarrassments  were  not  without  design  ;  that  their 
motive  was,  in  the  language  ascribed  to  one  of  their  lead 
ers,  "  to  stop  the  wheels  of  the  government."  AH  the 
accumulations  which  had  hitherto  taken  place,  had 
occurred  during  the  years  in  which  they  possessed  a 
majority  in  the  Representatives,  and  while  the  appropria 
tions  were  made  by  them,  the  means  of  payment  were 
withheld.  It  was  thus  that  they  enabled  themselves  to 
charge  the  increase  upon  the  administration. 

Some  of  the  other  laws  of  this  session  may  be  enumer- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  349 

ated  as  of  historical  importance  ;  such  were  those  estab 
lishing  trading-houses  with  the  Indians  ;  regulating  trade 
and  intercourse  with  them  ;  providing  for  the  sale  of  the 
public  lands  in  the  territory  north  west  of  the  Ohio,  and 
establishing  the  military  force  of  the  United  States.  By 
the  act  providing  for  the  relief  and  protection  of  Ameri 
can  seamen  in  foreign  countries,  the  President  was  au 
thorized  to  appoint  agents,  of  whom  one  was  to  reside  in 
Great  Britain,  whose  duty  it  was  made  to  procure  the 
release  of  seamen  impressed  or  detained. 

Authority  to  complete  three  of  the  six  frigates  whose 
construction,  under  the  act  of  the  last  session,  depended 
on  the  result  of  the  negotiation  with  Algiers,  was  obtain 
ed.  No  peace  having  been  concluded  with  the  remaining 
Barlmry  powers,  this  measure  was  vitally  important  for 
the  safety  of  our  commerce  in  the  Mediterranean  ;  but 
the  hostility,  of  the  anti-federalists  to  any  national  estab 
lishments  was  unabated,  and  it  was  only  with  great  diffi 
culty  that  even  this  miserable  embryo  of  a  navy  was 
permitted,  at  a  time  of  general  war,  and  when  our  com 
merce  was  every  where  subject  to  depredation.  A  law 
also  passed,  admitting  the  state  of  Tennessee  into  the 
Union.  On  the  first  of  June  a  long  and  stormy  session 
terminated  by  the  adjournment  of  Congress. 

Several  changes  took  place  in  the  legations  this  spring. 
In  May,  Mr.  King  was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary 
to  Great  Britain,  in  place  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  who  had  re 
quested  his  recall ;  Col.  Humphreys  was  transferred  to  the 
court  of  Spain  as  minister  resident,  in  place  of  Mr.  Short, 
and  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams  as  plenipotentiary  to  that  of 
Portugal,  in  place  of  Col.  Humphreys.  The  several 
boards  of  Commission  under  the  treaties  with  Great 
Britain  and  Spain  were  filled. 

VOL.  i.  30 


CHAPTER   XII. 


SUMMER    AND    FALL    OF    1796. 


THE  following  papers  are  memoranda  of  certain  disclos 
ures,  which  induced  the  belief  that  the  Directory  now 
meditated  some  decisive  movement  in  the  western  parts 
of  the  United  States,  or  at  least  that  it  was  disposed  to 
put  itself  in  a  position  to  accomplish  such  a  plan  in  case 
of  war.  The  conduct  of  Genet  before  the  cpnclusion  of 
the  peace  between  France  and  Spain,  in  setting  on  foot 
expeditions  against  Florida  and  Louisiana,  and  in  promot 
ing  a  separation  of  the  western  people  from  the  Atlantic 
states,  manifested  that  France  was  capable  of  entertain 
ing  such  a  scheme,  while  the  increase  of  French  emis 
saries,  and  with  them  increasing  discontent  in  that  section 
of  the  country,  had  already  given  rise  to  suspicions  that 
it  had  not  yet  been  abandoned.  The  facts  now  discov 
ered  were  well  calculated  to  strengthen  them. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  19th,  1796. 

In  the  latter  part  of  March  last,  a  gentleman  in  whose  honour  and  veracity  I 
have  entire  confidence,  called  upon  me  at  my  office  and  informed  me,  that  M. 
Collot  and  M.  Warin,  with  another  Frenchman,  whose  name  he  did  not  know, 
were  shortly  to  proceed  on  a  tour  through  the  western  parts  of  the  United  States  ; 
that  they  were  to  visit  the  western  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  the  northwestern  ter 
ritory,  Kentucky  and  the  southwestern  territory,  and  that  they  were  to  be  fur 
nished  with  maps  and  drafts  of  those  countries. 

That  they  were  instructed  by  M.  Adet,  the  French  minister,  to  observe  the 
posts  of  the  United  States  on  the  lakes  and  elsewhere,  and  to  note  all  places  pos 
sessing  remarkable  natural  advantages,  either  for  defence  or  commerce  ;  that  they 


1796.]  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  351 

were  to  proceed  down  the  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans,  and  were  there  in  concert 
with  officers  of  the  Spanish  government,  to  ascertain  the  proper  place  for  a  depot  ; 
that  in  their  travels  they  were  to  ascertain  and  note  the  names  of  the  persons  of 
most  influence,  in  every  town  and  village,  and  were  to  avail  themselves  of  proper 
opportunities  of  observing  the  temper  of  the  country  in  respect  to  a  political  con 
nection  with  France  ;  that  they  were  to  cherish  sentiments  favourable  to  such  a 
connection,  by  observing  that  the  interests  of  the  eastern  and  western  parts  of 
the  United  States  were  in  collision,  that  the  period  was  not  distant  when  a  sepa 
ration  must  take  place,  and  the  range  of  mountains  on  this  side  the  Ohio,  waa 
the  natural  boundary  of  the  new  government,  and  that  in  the  event  of  a  separation 
the  western  people  ought  to  look  to  France  as  their  natural  ally  and  protector. 

The  Frenchmen  before  mentioned  were  moreover  instructed  to  use  all  means 
in  their  power  to  promote  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  as  Presidentof  the  United 
States. 

The  gentleman  who  gave  me  the  information  before  related,  said  that  I  might 
rest  satisfied  with  its  truth,  as  he  had  seen  the  instructions  in  writing  from  M. 
Adet,  the  French  minister.  He  moreover  said  the  expenses  of  the  mission  to  the 
western  country  were  to  be  borne  by  the  French  government. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  what  is  herein  said  of  the  instructions,  is  literally 
exact,  as  the  gentleman  relied  upon  his  memory.  He  said  however,  that  he  had 
seen  and  read  the  instructions  but  two  days  before  he  informed  me  of  their  pur 
port  as  above  stated. 

I  communicated  the  information  immediately  to  the  President,  with  the  name 
of  the  gentleman  from  whom  I  received  it,  and  took  measures  for  observing  the 
conduct  of  the  Frenchmen,  particularly  Collot,  and  am  well  assured  that  they 
left  Philadelphia  for  the  westward  about  the  latter  part  of  April.  I  have  reason 
to  believe  that  they  carried  letters  from  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Findley. 

Having  conferred  this  day  with  the  gentleman  who  gave  me  the  information 
before  stated,  he  admitted  it  to  be  correctly  related  in  this  paper, 


MEMORANDUM. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  21,  1796. 

I  was  yesterday  again  with  the  gentleman  who  informed  me  of  the  object  of 
Collot  and  Warin's  journey  to  the  westward,  and  collected  the  following  circum 
stances. 

That  Gallatin  has  been  in  frequent  conferences  with  M.  Adet,  and  had  doubt 
less  assisted  in  devising  the  plan  and  instructions,  which  manifest  a  minute  know 
ledge  of  the  western  country.  That  he  had  seen  Hutchins'  map  in  the  possession 
of  Collot,  with  a  line  of  march  marked  on  it  with  red  ink,  which  Collot  said  waa 
done  by  Gallatin.  This  line,  was  partially  copied  on  a  map  by  the  gentleman, 
which  he  lent  to  me,  and  is  the  same  which  I  have  traced  with  a  pencil  on  a  map 
belonging  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

In  this  conversation  I  collected,  though  it  wag  not  intended  to  be  mentioned, 
that  all  the  information  which  I  have  was  extracted  from  Collot  himself,  who  as 


352  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12 

the  gentleman  observed,  is  too  communicative  for  the  service  with  which  he  has 
been  entrusted. 

It  was  said  to  me  that  the  plan  of  a  memorial  was  to  be  drawn  by  Gallatin, 
showing  the  policy  of  a  cession  of  Louisiana  by  Spain  to  P'rance,  founded  partly 
on  suggestions  contained  in  the  archives  of  the  French  legation,  in  the  time  of 
Compte  de  Moustiers,  and  partly  on  circumstances  resulting  from  recent  events. 
Of  the  latter,  the  following  ideas  were  most  material. 

1st.  That  the  Atlantic  States  would  remain  commercial  and  defenceless,  and 
of  course  susceptible  of  influence  from  Great  Britain  ;  that  the  only  or  best 
means  of  continuing  the  influence  of  France,  would  therefore  be  to  give  her  the 
command  of  the  Mississippi,  which  would  enable  her  of  course  to  control  the 
western  country. 

2d.  That  Spain  would  by  a  cession  to  France,  form  a  barrier  against  the 
incursions  of  the  Americans,  and  secure  the  safety  of  her  American  dominions. 

It  was  told  me  that  M.  Jaudenes  had  furnished  Collot  and  Warm  with  pass 
ports. 

In  consequence  of  this  information  a  confidential  per 
son  was  sent  to  follow  Collot,  and  ascertain  if  possible 
his  motions.  The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  him 
confirms  these  statements.  What  steps  were  ultimately 
taken  by  government  to  defeat  the  plan  are  unknown, 
though  it  appears  that  so  far  at  least  as  these  persons 
were  concerned,  they  were  effectual. 

PITTSBURGH,  June  15,  1796. 

This  morning  I  paid  a  visit  to  Gen.  C*****,in  company  with  his  adjutant,  who 
came  to  see  me  about  10  o'clock  and  desired  me  to  go  and  see  the  General,  who 
arrived  last  evening  from  Makee's  port  and  is  lodged  at  the  Green  Tree.  I  found 
I  was  expected,  and  was  very  politely  received.  After  the  usual  compliments  of 
introduction,  the  conversation  turned  upon  the  situation  of  this  place  which  he 
had  viewed  in  the  course  of  the  morning.  He  passed  a  very  severe  censure  on 
Fort  Fayette  with  respect  to  its  weakness,  and  more  so  on  account  of  the  im 
proper  situation  in  which  it  stands.  The  British  treaty  came  next  in  play.  His 
observations  on  it  were  such  as  could  be  expected  from  an  Enrage  or  a  Jacobin, 
who  cannot  bear  any  contradiction  to  his  opinion.  After  many  caricatures  both 
on  the  Executive  and  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  he  concluded  that  we 
would  reap  very  little  benefit  by  the  surrender  of  the  western  posts,  as  he  knew 
well  the  British  had  built  a  new  fort  opposite,  and  effectually  commanding  that 
of  Detroit ;  that  upon  trial  the  bullets  had  reached  with  success. 

He  observed  that  he  was  most  sure  that  the  Court  of  Spain  would  not  ratify 
the  treaty,  because  it  was  through  the  French  influence  that  such  generous  terms 
had  been  granted,  on  the  supposition  that  the  British  treaty  would  be  rejected  by 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  353 

the  United  States,  and  that  if  necessary  the  Americans  would  join  France  and 
Spain  against  England,  to  which  plan  it  was  very  probable  Portugal  would  ac 
cede.  At  all  events  he  had  no  doubt  that  the  administration  of  Louisiana  would 
not  comply  with  the  clause  respecting  the  Mississippi,  &c.  I  have  been  informed 
by  his  adjutant,  that  when  in  Philadelphia  he  was  daily  and  hourly  in  conference 
with  the  Spanish  Minister,  Jaudenes ;  indeed,  he  says  so  himself,  and  that  ex 
plains  his  speaking  so  boldly  and  confidently  of  the  Spanish  interest. 

#  #  #  # 

About  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  he  came  to  Jno.  Marie's  where  I  had  dined, 
and  where  I  was  in  conversation  with  his  adjutant.  He  seemed  pleased  to  see 
me  again,  and  politely  intimated  that  he  intended  to  pay  me  a  visit.  He  re 
newed  the  conversation  of  the  morning,  in  the  course  of  which  he  informed  me 
that  the  plan  of  his  voyage  was  to  go  down  the  Ohio  as  far  as  Limestone,  where 
he  would  leave  his  boat  and  procure  horses  to  go  to  Lexington  and  Danville,  and 
from  thence  ride  across  the  country  to  Fort  Washington.  He  promises  himself 
a  great  deal  of  satisfaction  in  Kentucke",  as  he  had  12  or  15  letters  of  introduc 
tion  for  gentlemen  of  the  first  rank  in  that  country,  and  where  his  friend  Sebas- 
tien  would  introduce  him  to  many  others.  From  Fort  Washington  he  proposes 
to  procure  fresh  horses  and  visit  all  the  posts  as  far  as  Greenville,  where  he  is  to 
spend  some  days  with  General  Wilkinson,  for  whom  he  has  several  letters  of 
strong  recommendation.  When  returned  to  Fort  Washington  he  will  cross  again 
the  Ohio  and  ride  through  the  country  to  Danville  and  Louisville.  Within  six 
miles  of  this  last  place  lives  Mr.  Sebastien,  and  with  him  he  proposes  to  stay  a 
week  or  ten  days.  From  thence  he  intends  to  ride  to  Cumberland  and  visit  the 
whole  southwestern  territory.  His  next  excursion  will  be  to  Port  Vincennes,  and 
perhaps  go  by  land  to  Kaskaskias  and  Cahokia  ;  then  to  cross  the  Mississippi  to 
St.  Louis  on  the  Spanish  side,  view  the  country,  come  down  to  St.  Genevie've, 
New  Madrid,  and  all  the  other  Spanish  posts  down  the  Mississippi  to  New  Or 
leans,  where  he  proposes  to  spend  the  winter, 

He  asked  me  a  great  many  questions  about  Galliopolis,  how  many  people  re^- 
mained  there,  what  they  were  doing,  and  in  what  dispositions  they  were  towards 
our  government. 

*  *  *  # 

General  C.  gave  me  to  understand  that  the  French  government  would  not 
quietly  put  up  with  the  ratification  of  the  British  treaty,  and  that  the  moment 
the  despatches  sent  by  Adet  were  arrived,  an  order  would  issue  to  stop  any 
American  vessel  bound  to  England  or  any  part  of  the  British  possessions ;»  that 
in  all  probability  Spain  would  adopt  the  same  measures,  and  perhaps  Portugal. 
He  went  as  far  as  to  say  that  he  would  bet  that  seizures  would  begin  in  less  than 
three  months.  We  shall  see,  said  he,  how  the  mass  of  the  people  of  this  country 
will  like  the  British  alliance,  and  how  they  will  treat  those  characters  who  have 
given  it  support ;  the  energy  and  resources  of  France  are  not  known  in  this  country, 
for  if  they  were,  they  should  have  been  a  sufficient  motive  to  defeat  British  in- 

a  An  arr'le  of  the  Directory  had  ac-    same   treatment    as   they  submitted   to 
tually  been  announced  in  August,  sub-    from  England, 
jecting  the  commerce  of  neutrals  to  the 

30* 


354  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12, 

fluence.  The  timid  Executive  of  the  United  States  was  afraid  of  a  war  with 
Britain,  because  she  has  a  powerful  navy  and  has  Canada,  &c.  France  has  also 
a  navy,  though  perhaps  not  so  great,  but  sufficient  to  take  American  vessels. 
France  has  no  footing  on  this  continent,  but  who  knows  how  soon  they  may  get 
possession  of  Louisiana  and  both  Floridas  from  the  Spaniards  in  exchange  for 
some  other  property  1  If  that  should  be  the  case,  as  there  is  a  great  probability, 
what  will  become  of  the  produce  of  your  Kentucke,  your  western  territory,  in 
deed  of  all  the  country  this  side  of  the  Alleghany  mountains'?  You  will  be  re 
duced  to  the  necessity  of  throwing  yourself  into  the  arms  of  the  French,  and 
abandon  the  Union  which  cannot  give  you  a  market,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 


Further  elucidation  of  this  affair  is  found  in  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's  "  Ana,"  where  the  following  account  is  given,  ap 
parently  for  the  purpose  of  perpetuating  something  dis 
creditable  to  Senator  Ross : 

"  March  the  27th,  1800.  Judge  Breckenridge  gives  me  the  following  infor 
mation.  He  and  Mr.  Ross  were  originally  very  intimate  ;  indeed  he  says  he 
found  him  keeping  a  little  Latin  school,  and  advised  and  aided  him  in  the  study 
of  the  law,  and  brought  him  forward.  After  Ross  became  a  Senator,  and  par 
ticularly  at  the  time  of  the  western  insurrection,  they  were  still  in  concert.  Af 
ter  the  British  treaty,  Ross  on  his  return  informed  him  that  there  was  a  party  in 
the  United  States  who  wanted  to  overturn  the  government,  who  were  in  league 
with  France  ;  that  France  by  a  secret  article  of  treaty  with  Spain  was  to  have 
Louisiana  ;  and  that  Great  Britain  was  likely  to  be  our  best  friend  and  depend 
ence.  On  this  information,  he,  Breckenridge  was  induced  to  become  an  advo 
cate  for  the  British  treaty,  During  his  intimacy  with  Ross,  he  says  that  General 
Collot,  in  his  journey  to  the  western  country  called  on  him,  and  he  frequently 
led  Breckenridge  into  conversations  on  their  grievances  under  government,  and 
particularly  the  western  expedition  ;  that  he  spoke  to  him  of  the  advantages  that 
country  would  have  in  joining  France  when  she  should  hold  Louisiana  ;  showed 
him  a  map  he  had  drawn  of  that  part  of  the  country  ;  pointed  out  the  passes  in 
the  mountains  and  the  facility  with  which  they  might  hold  them  against  the  Uni 
ted  States,  and  with  which  France  could  support  them  from  New  Orleans.  He 
says  that  in  these  conversations  Collot  let  himself  out  without  common  prudence. 
He  says  Michaux  (to  whom  I,  at  the  request  of  Genet,  had  given  a  letter  of  in 
troduction  to  the  Governor  of  Kentucky  as  a  botanist,  which  was  his  real  pro 
fession)  called  on  him  ;  that  Michaux  had  a  commissary's  commission  for  the 
expedition  which  Genet  had  planned  from  that  quarter  against  the  Spaniards  ; 

that ,  the  late  Spanish  commandant  of  St.  Genevieve,  with  one  Powers,  an 

Englishman,  called  on  him  ;  that  from  all  these  circumstances,  together  with 
Ross's  stories,  he  did  believe  that  there  was  a  conspiracy  to  deliver  our  country 
or  some  part  of  it  at  least  to  the  French  ;  that  he  made  notes  of  what  passed  be 
tween  himself,  and  Collot,  and  the  others,  and  lent  them  to  Mr.  Ross,  who  gave 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  355 

them  to  the  President,  by  whom  they  were  deposited  in  the  office  of  the  board 
of  war ;  that  when  he  complained  to  Ross  of  this  breach  of  confidence,  he  en 
deavoured  to  get  off  by  compliments  on  the  utility  and  importance  of  his  notes. 
They  now  cooled  towards  each  other,  and  his  opposition  to  Ross's  election  as 
Governor,  has  separated  them  in  truth,  though  not  entirely  in  appearance."* 

Corroborative  proof  of  the  main  fact,  the  intentions  of 
the  French  government  with  respect  to  the  western  coun 
try,  was  also,  during  the  summer,  furnished  by  Mr.  Mon 
roe.  From  a  hint,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,b 
written  in  July,  it  appeared  that  a  design  of  some  kind 
was  entertained,  and  the  following  extracts  from  that 
dated  August  27th,c  pretty  clearly  indicated  what  it  was. 
The  coincidences  between  the  statement  of  Collot  in  the 
spring,  and  the  rumours  at  Paris  in  August,  are  at  any 
rate  curious. 

"  I  am  told  that  a  treaty  with  Spain  is  probably  concluded,  by  which  France  is 
to  have  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas.  This  might  have  been  obtained  when 
peace  was  made  with  Spain  ;  but  was  declined  from  the  fear  it  might  ultimately 
embroil  them  with  us.  The  acceptance  of  it  now,  therefore,  shows  that  that  mo 
tive  has  less  weight  at  the  present  time  than  it  had  then.  *  *  *  *  It  is 
even  whispered  that  an  attempt  on  Canada  is  to  be  made,  and  which  is  to  be 
united  with  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  to  the  south,  taking  in  such  parts  of  our 
western  people  as  are  willing  to  unite.  This  is  worthy  your  attention  though  it 
may  be  mere  report." 

In  a  subsequent  letter,  it  is  true,  Mr.  Monroe  states  that 
in  a  conversation  with  the  French  Minister  of  foreign  af 
fairs,  such  an  intention  was  denied,  but  the  denial  ap 
pears  not  of  much  weight,  as  he  could  hardly  have  been 
expected  to  avow  it.  That  a  cession  of  Louisiana  and 
Florida  to  France  at  this  time  was  actually  contemplated, 
is  now  known,  although  it  was  not  included  in  the  treaty 
made  between  those  powers,  and  did  not  actually  take 
place  until  1800,  when  it  was  made  secretly.  The  reason 
of  the  abandonment  of  the  project,  and  consequently  the 

a  Jefferson's  Writings,  p.  514.  t>  Monroe's-  "  View  of  the  Conduct  of 

c  Ibid.  p.  376.  the  Executive." 


356  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

loss  of  present  motive  for  further  machinations  in  the  west, 
was  the  fact  that  Spain,  being  then  at  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  could  better  retain  the  possession  of  those  pro 
vinces  than  France.  It  may  also  be  remarked  as  possi 
bly  having  a  connection  with  this  subject,  that  the  arrest 
of  Collot,  on  civil  process  by  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
formed  the  subject  of  a  very  angry  correspondence  be 
tween  M.  De  la  Croix  and  Mr.  Monroe,  in  September  of 
this  year. 

The  situation  of  affairs  with  France  was  now  daily  be 
coming  more  perplexing.  During  the  course  of  Mr.  Jay's 
negotiation  the  same  anxiety  had  been  manifested  by 
the  Directory,  in  its  correspondence  with  Mr.  Monroe, 
that  their  minister  and  agents  had  exhibited  in  this  coun 
try,  to  wit :  that  the  treaty,  if  concluded  at  all,  should  be 
confined  to  a  mere  redress  of  grievances^  Unfortunately 
Mr.  Monroe  had  encouraged  the  supposition  that  this  was 
the  case,  and  the  discovery  that  it  extended  to  other  ob 
jects,  to  "  amity,  commerce  and  navigation,"  excited 
therefore  a  displeasure  the  more  vehement.  This  state  of 
feeling  was  not  decreased  by  the  delay  of  that  minister  to 
to  meet  the  objections  he  knew  to  be  entertained,  until 
they  should  be  specifically  urged  upon.  They  had  been 
offered  by  M.  Adet  and  answered  by  Mr.  Randolph  in 
the  summer  of  1795,  and  the  notes  passed  were  forward 
ed  to  Mr.  Monroe.  Mr.  Pickering  had  also,  in  September 
of  that  year,  transmitted  to  him  a  complete  reply  to  all 
anticipated  objections  to  the  treaty,  as  well  as  to  the  other 
complaints  of  France.  As  early  as  February,  1796,a  M. 
De  la  Croix  informed  Mr.  Monroe  "  that  the  Directoire 
had  at  length  made  up  its  mind  how  to  act  in  regard  to 
the  treaty  with  England  ;  that  it  considered  the  alliance 
as  ceasing  to  exist  from  the  moment  that  the  treaty  was 
ratified  ;"  that  an  envoy  extraordinary  would  be  appoint 
ed  to  attend  and  represent  the  same  to  the  government  of 

a  Vide  Monroe's  "  View,"  p,  321, 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  357 

the  United  States,  and  that  Adet  had  asked  and  obtained 
his  recall;  and  yet  it  was  not  until  March  of  that  year, 
when  the  Directory  were  about  to  dispatch  their  ambas 
sador  to  remonstrate  against  the  treaty,  that  Mr.  Monroe 
asked  and  obtained  a  specification  of  their  complaints.  So 
far  as  regarded  the  treaty,  they  were  the  same  that  had 
been  offered  in  the  previous  year  by  Adet — that  the 
United  States,  to  the  injury  of  France,  had  not  insisted,  in 
treating  with  Great  Britain,  that  that  power  should  recog 
nize  as  part  of  the  law  of  nations,  two  principles  unknown 
to  that  law,  and  which  in  treating  with  France  itself  had 
been  a  subject  of  specific  agreement.  The  construction 
put  upon  Mr.  Jefferson's  consular  convention  was  another 
and  fruitful  source  of  disagreement.  Mr.  Monroe's  reply, 
although  a  refutation  of  these  complaints,  was  not  the  more 
satisfactory  to  the  Directory  on  that  account.  This  reply 
too,  though  decreed  on  the  15th  of  March,  was  not  sent  in 
until  sometime  after,  and  he  delayed  notifying  the  depart 
ment  of  state  of  even  this  tardy  movement,  until  the  2d  of 
May.  Before  the  receipt  of  his  communication  his  recall 
had  been  determined  on. 

Relying  upon  a  refusal  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  execute  the  treaty  which  their  partizans  in  America 
had  confidently  expected,  the  French  government  did 
not  press  the  subject  at  this  time.  But  the  final  vote  on 
that  question,  the  news  of  which  was  received  late  in 
June,  destroying  this  hope,  determined  their  policy.  From 
this  time  the  tone  of  the  French  government  became  more 
and  more  accrimonious,  and  in  the  beginning  of  October 
all  dissimulation  ended  by  the  issuing  of  an  arret,  in  di 
rect  violation  of  their  treaty  with  the  United  States,  order 
ing  the  seizure  of  British  property  on  board  of  American 
vessels  and  of  provisions  bound  for  England.  Why  they 
went  no  further  at  this  time,  will  presently  appear.  Such 
was  the  course  of  affairs  in  France  during  this  summer. 

Besides  the  evil  consequences  arising   from  the  luke- 


358  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

warm  and  dilatory  conduct  of  their  minister,  the  govern 
ment  was  yet  more  embarrassed  by  the  seditious  spirit  of 
his  friends  at  home.  The  agents  of  France  had  never  de 
fended  the  pretentious  of  their  government,  or  the  particu 
lar  acts  of  injustice  and  violence  of  the  citizens  with  more 
zeal  than  did  the  Jacobin  Americans.  Supported  by  an 
unprincipled  and  alien  press,  by  numerous  pamphleteers 
and  by  hosts  of  orators,  sustained  too  by  the  countenance 
of  such  men  as  Jefferson,  Madison  and  other  leaders,  if 
not  by  their  undisguised  influence,  they  openly  and  bold 
ly  vindicated  and  encouraged  every  aggression,  every  in 
sult,  every  demand.  "Not  with  more  zeal,"  indignantly 
exclaims  Marshall,  "can  the  ardent  patriot  maintain  the 
choicest  rights  of  his  country  than  was  manifested  in  sup 
porting  all  the  claims  of  the  French  Republic  upon  the 
United  States."  No  wonder  that  these  claims  multiplied, 
or  that  insult  and  aggression  were  repeated.  No  wonder 
that  Adet  was  led  to  suppose  that  he  could  obtain  by 
menaces,  what  his  predecessors  had  failed  to  obtain  by 
intrigue,  and  that  he  held  out  to  his  government  induce 
ments  to  persist  in  their  course.'  That  minister,  although 
he  had  obtained  his  recall,  was  suffered  at  his  own  re 
quest,  to  remain  for  one  great  and  final  trial  of  his  power 
by  direct  interference  in  the  approaching  election. 

A  circumstance  calculated  to  add  to  the  existing  fever, 
was  the  disclosure  at  this  time  of  the  queries  propounded 
to  the  cabinet  in  the  spring  of  1793,  on  the  course  to  be 
pursued  in  reference  to  England  and  France.  They  ap 
peared  at  large  in  Bache's  Aurora,  of  June  9th.  As  they 
had  been  communicated  in  the  strictest  confidence  and  to 
four  persons  only,  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Knox  and  Ran 
dolph,  and  as  two  of  these  were  beyond  suspicion  in  the 
matter,  the  identity  was  confined  to  narrow  limits.  Mr. 
Jefferson  thought  proper  to  address  a  letter  to  the  Presi 
dent  stating  that  it  was  not  he  who  was  guilty  of  that 
breach  of  official  trust.  The  President  in  reply  observed : 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  359 

"If  I  had  entertained  any  suspicion  before,  that  the 
queries  which  have  been  published  in  Bache's  paper  pro 
ceeded  from  you,  the  assurances  you  have  given  to  the 
contrary  would  have  removed  them — but  the  truth  is,  I 
harbored  none.  I  am  at  no  loss  to  conjecture  from  what 
source  they  flowed,  through  what  channel  they  were  con 
veyed,  nor  for  what  purposes  they,  and  similar  publica 
tions  appear." 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  14,  1796. 

*  #  *        •  * 

The  plan  of  the  French  and  our  patriots  begins  to  develope.  The  history  of 
the  capture  of  the  Mount  Vernon,  and  the  apology,  or  rather  hypothesis  offered 
in  Mr.  Bache's  paper  of  this  morning,  are  important  facts  when  taken  in  connec 
tion  with  what  we  before  knew.  If  more  seizures  shall  be  made,  or  if  M.  Adet 
shall  not  give  a  satisfactory  explanation,  I  do  not  see  but  that  Mr.  Monroe  must 
be  recalled,  and  a  special  confidential  minister  sent.  I  shall  be  glad  to  know 
your  opinion  of  what  is  to  be  done.  If  a  minister  is  sent,  who  should  he  be  ? 


FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  June  15,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  post  of  to-day  brought  me  a  letter  from  you.  From  some  recent  information 
which  I  have  obtained  here,  I  have  scarcely  a  doubt  that  the  plan  of  the  French 
is,  1st.  To  take  all  enemy  property  in  our  ships,  contrary  to  the  treaty  between 
the  two  countries.  2d.  To  seize  and  carry  in  all  vessels  laden  with  provisions 
for  any  English  port.  Among  this,  all  that  they  choose  to  think  enemy  property, 
will  be  seized,  and  for  the  residue  they  will  promise  to  pay.  This  state  of  things 
is  extremely  serious.  The  government  must  play  a  skilful  card,  or  all  is  lost. 
No  doubt  an  explanation  has  been  asked  of  Mr.  A.  There  is  room  enough  for 
asking  it,  and  the  result  if  explanatory,  ought,  in  some  convenient  way,  to  be 
made  known.  Moreover,  the  government  must  immediately  set  in  earnest  about 
averting  the  storm.  To  this  end,  a  person  must  be  sent  in  place  of  Mr.  Mon 
roe.  General  Pinckney,  John  Marshall,  Mr.  Desaussure  of  South  Carolina, 
young  Washington,  the  lawyer,  Me  Henry,  Secretary  of  War,  Judge  Peters,  oc 
cur  as  eligible  in  different  degrees — either  of  them  far  preferable  to  Monroe.  It 
may  be  understood  that  the  appointment  is  permanent  or  temporary,  at  choice  of 
the  person  sent.  Under  this  idea,  perhaps  Pinckney  may  be  prevailed  upon — per 
haps  Marshall,  it  being  well  urged  as  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  the  coun- 


360  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

try.  I  mentioned  to  Col.  Pickering  an  idea  which  has  since  dwelt  perpet 
ually  in  my  mind.  Mr.  King  ought  not  to  be  empowered  to  do  any  thing  to 
prolong  the  treaty  beyond  the  two  years  after  the  war.  This  will  afford  the 
government  a  strong  argument.  I  earnestly  hope  this  idea  will  prevail  in  the 
instructions.  Yours  truly, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  After  turning  the  thing  over  and  over  in  my  mind,  I  know  of  nothing 
better  that  you  have  in  your  power,  than  to  send  Me  Henry.  He  is  not  yet  ob 
noxious  to  the  French,  and  has  been  understood  formerly,  to  have  had  some  kind 
ness  towards  their  revolution.  His  present  office  would  give  a  sort  of  importance 
to  the  mission.  If  he  should  incline  to  an  absolute  relinquishment,  his  mission 
might  be  temporary,  and  Col.  Pickering  could  carry  on  his  office  in  his  absence. 
He  is  at  hand  and  might  depart  immediately.  I  believe  he  would  explain  very 
well,  and  do  no  foolish  thing.  Though  unusual,  perhaps  it  might  be  expedient 
for  the  President  to  write  himself,  a  letter  to  the  Executive  Directory,  explaining 
the  policy  by  which  he  has  been  governed,  and  assuring  of  the  friendship  ;  but 
this  would  merit  great  consideration.  Our  measures,  however,  should  be  prompt. 
Sometimes  I  think  of  sending  Pinckney  who  is  in  England,  but  various  uncer 
tainties  of  possible  delays,  deter  me  from  this  plan.  Remember  always  as  a 
primary  motive  of  action,  that  the  favourable  opinion  of  our  own  country  is  to  be 
secured.  A  frigate  or  two  as  convoys,  would  not  be  amiss.  If  the  English  had 
been  wise,  they  would  neither  have  harrassed  our  trade  themselves,  nor  suffered 
their  trade  with  us  to  be  harrassed.  They  would  see  this  a  happy  moment  for 
conciliating  us  by  a  clever  little  squadron  in  our  ports  and  on  the  coast.  A  hint 
might  perhaps,  do  no  harm. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  17,  1796. 

I  have  your  letters  of  the  15th  and  16th  instant.     That  for  the  President  will 
go  by  the  next  mail. 

The  affair  of  the  capture  assumes  a  more  equivocal  character,  as  respects 
the  French  government,  than  at  first.  In  a  confidential  way  from  some  of 
our  merchants,  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  proposals  were  made  to  Mr.  Mur- 
gatroyd  who  built  the  ship,  by  a  Mr.  Dunkinson,  an  English  gentleman  not  yet 
naturalized,  to  become  the  purchaser ;  that  Dunkinson  on  finding  that  he  could 
not  obtain  a  register  in  his  own  name,  made  a  conditional  purchase  of  the  vessel 
deliverable  in  England,  after  which,  the  vessel  was  registered  in  Murgatroyd's 
name ;  that  the  loading,  though  in  the  names  of  Willings  and  Francis,  is  in  fact 
British  property,  and  that  these  circumstances  were  known  or  strongly  suspected 
by  the  owner  of  the  French  privateer.  If  these  things  are  true,  and  the  sole 
motives  of  the  capture,  the  thing,  though  perhaps  wrong,  is  not  alarming.  I  do 
not  find  that  any  other  capture  has  been  made. 

M.    Adet,    I  understand,  has  written    to   Col.  Pickering,  that    the   priva- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  361 

teer  was  commissioned  by  the  French  government  of  St.  Domingo,  but 
that  he  is  ignorant  what  the  orders  of  the  privateer  are,  or  what  orders  the 
French  Directory  in  the  West  Indies  are  Authorized  to  give  in  respect  to  neutral 
vessels.  This  answer  is  neither  satisfactory  nor  the  contrary.  It  is  nothing  ex 
cept  that  it  leaves  ground  to  suspect  that  the  West  India  Directory  possess  some 
discretionary  authority  which  may  be  used  to  distress  us,  if  circumstances  should 
render  it  expedient.  What  now  gives  me  more  concern  than  the  capture,  is  the 
complexion  of  Bache's  paper,  which  is,  I  think,  calculated  to  prepare  the  public 
mind  to  expect  a  new  course  of  conduct  by  the  French,  contrary  to  our  treaty 
and  distressing  to  our  commerce. 

I  have  for  some  time  been  inclined  to  think  that  Mr.  Monroe  ought  to  be  recalled  ; 
but  as  others  have  doubted,  and  as  the  thing  was  not  demonstrable,  I  have  never 
urged  it.  Every  event  shows,  however,  new  reasons  for  believing  that  we  must 
stop  the  channels  by  which  foreign  poison  is  introduced  into  the  country,  or  suffer 
the  government  to  be  overturned.  At  all  hazards,  the  attempt  must  be  made. 

I  have  the  power  of  the  President  to  borrow,  and  have  been  making  attempts 
in  the  manner  you  have  intimated,  but  without  prospect  of  success.  Bills  can 
only  be  used  in  a  case  of  the  utmost  emergency,  as  the  discount  would  be  ruinous. 
I  will  however,  carry  on  the  public  business  this  summer,  some  way  or  other, 
though  I  know  that  we  shall  ultimately  fail  unless  some  miraculous  change  in 
the  public  measures  shall  speedily  take  place. 


TO  WILLIAM  HETH. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  19th,  1796. 

I  acknowledge  and  return  you  thanks  for  your  favour  of  the  9th  instant,  and  as 
the  gentleman  for  whom  the  enclosed  paper  was  designed  is  absent  in  the  coun 
try,  I  shall  dispose  of  it  agreeably  to  your  permission. 

I  rejoice  that  the  conduct  of  the  President  is,  as  it  ought  to  be,  approved  ;  not 
that  I  imagine  that  his  well  earned  character  can  be  elevated  or  depressed  by  the 
variable  and  uncertain  breath  of  popularity.  Public  favour  is  frequently  enjoyed 
for  a  time  by  the  worst  of  men  ;  at  the  present  time  it  is  in  fact  enjoyed  in  a 
great  degree,  by  some  whom  I  know  to  be  very  undeserving.  I  rejoice  at  the 
President's  popularity,  because  under  present  circumstances  the  public  confidence 
in  his  administration  is  essentially  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and 
happiness  of  this  country.  If  our  pretended  patriots  had  succeeded  in  their 
projects,  the  President  would  have  been  rendered  unpopular,  but  he  would  not 
have  been  less  a  man  of  distinguished  wisdom  and  virtue,  than  he  is  at  present ; 
his  claims  to  the  public  veneration  would  have  been  what  they  are  now  justly 
considered  to  be,  the  truth  would  finally  have  been  known,  the  President's  char 
acter  would  have  been  justified  to  the  world,  and  the  names  of  his  opposers 
branded  with  deserved  infamy — in  the  mean  time,  however,  our  country  would 
have  been  torn  by  factions,  villainy  and  hypocrisy  would  have  enjoyed  a  triumph, 
we  might  have  been  involved  in  war,  and  our  government  might  have  been  sub 
verted.  But  though  truth  has  at  this  time  prevailed  over  cunning,  our  troubles 
VOL.  I.  31 


362  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

are  not  at  an  end  ;  faction,  calumny  and  opposition  will  be  continued  with  as 
much  violence  as  ever,  until  the  great  body  of  the  people  are  brought  to  form  a 
true  judgment  of  the  characters  of  those  men  who  perplex  the  public  councils. 
It  is  folly  to  suppose  that  this  government  can  be  long  administered  against  the 
opposition  which  now  exists — either  the  people  must  change  their  representatives, 
or  change  their  government.  Light  and  darkness  can  as  well  exist  together,  as 
'  the  hostile  principles  in  our  government  with  a  regular  administration.  The 
people  of  this  free  and  happy  country  would  not  probably  believe  what  I  have 
stated,  on  any  authority,  certainly  not  on  mine  ;  they  have  heard  of  contests  in 
public  bodies,  and  as  yet  they  have  found  no  very  bad  consequences  resulting 
from  them.  Let  any  man,  however,  review  the  history  of  the  last  three  years,  and 
consider  the  progress  of  opposition  during  this  short  period — what  dangers  have 
been  experienced  ]  what  inroads  have  been  made  upon  characters  ?  who,  except 
the  President,  has  not  been  assailed  with  success  ?  Is  not  malice  now  attempting 
to  destroy  his  fame  by  perfidiously  creating  misfortunes  for  our  country,  with 
which  to  excite  discontents  1  If  the  men  who  have  done  these  things  have  not 
fully  succeeded,  have  they  not  made  progress  towards  the  accomplishment  of 
their  purposes  1  Supposing  them  to  succeed,  what  then  will  be  our  situation  ? 
Have  they  virtue,  courage,  talents  to  conduct  the  government  1  These  are,  in  my 
opinion,  serious  questions,  and  much  happiness  or  misery  depends  upon  the  reply 
which  Virginia  shall  give  to  them.  At  any  rate,  this  is  certain,  that  the  new  fan- 
gled  systems  of  democratic  philosophy  will  not  suit  in  practice  the  people  of 
any  part  of  the  United  States,  and  the  people  of  Virginia  less  than  any  other  \, 
and  that  if  once  these  systems  are  introduced,  irreconcilable  animosity  against 
the  authors  will  be  the  consequence. 

The  decision  to  recall  Mr.  Monroe  was  accelerated  by 
the  affair  of  the  Mount  Vernon,  alluded  to  above. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

MOTWT  VERNON,  24th  June,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

If  in  the  opinion  of  judges,  it  is  thought  best  for  my  India  wine  to  remain  un 
disturbed  where  it  now  is,  I  am  content  it  should  remain  there.  I  had  however 
directed  Mr.  Kitt,  my  household  steward,  to  learn  when  it  should  be  ready  for 
landing  ;  and  to  have  it  brought  up  and  stored  in  my  own  cellar,  where  it  would 
not  only  have  been  safe,  but  would  also  have  remained  undisturbed  ;  which  may 
not  be  the  case  in  a  merchant's  cellar,  which  is  continually  receiving  and  dis 
gorging  its  liquors,  and  frequently  removing  one  cask  to  get  another. 

You  will  perceive  by  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  goes  from  me  to  Col.  Pickering,* 
by  the  post  of  to-morrow  from  Alexandria,  that,  be  the  circumstances  of  the 
Mount  Vernon  as  they  may,  there  is  strong  ground  to  believe  that  the  French 

•  Vide  Sparks'  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  XL,  p.  130, 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  363 

mean  to  continue  the  practice  of  seizing  our  vessels  in  their  commerce  with 
Great  Britain.  It  is  the  buzz  of  the  democrats,  and  the  Aurora  is  evidently  pre 
paring  the  public  mind  for  the  event,  as  the  natural  consequence  of  the  ratifica 
tion  of  the  British  treaty, 

This  measure  will  merit  serious  consideration,  and  close  investigation  ;  and  I 
hope  it  will  meet  with  them  accordingly,  that  the  decisions  of  the  government 
may  be  wise,  temperate  and  consistent.  With  very  great  esteem  and  regard,  I 
am,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate, 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 


FROM  THEODORE  SBEDGWICK. 

STOCKBRIDGE,  26th  June,  1796. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

*  *  *  * 

The  views  of  the  disorganizes  of  our  government  were  never  so  well  under 
stood  by  the  people  here,  as  at  the  present  moment,  and  yet  I  much  fear  that 
Mr.  Skinner  will  prevail  in  the  election  in  this  district.  In  politics  he  is  exactly 
the  counterpart  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Varnum,  and  yet  he  has  had  the  address  to 
make  many  good  people  believe  him  to  be  highly  federal.  Though,  however,  I 
do  fear,  my  hopes  preponderate.  I  need  not  say  to  you  that  the  election  of  a 
Senator  in  the  place  of  Strong,  is  very  disagreeable  to  me.  I  had  contemplated 
retirement  with  much  pleasure,  and  when  that  event  can  now  happen,  consis 
tently  with  my  idea  of  duty,  God  only  knows. 

I  know  it  will  give  you  pleasure  to  be  informed  that  Mrs.  Sedgwick  is  restored 
to  her  family  perfectly  recovered,  and  happy  in  it.  I  beg  you  to  present  to  Mrs. 
Wolcott  my  affectionate  regards,  and  believe  me  to  be,  as  is  true,  with  much 
esteem,  your  sincere  friend, 

THEODORE  SEDGWICK. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YORK,  June  26,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  learn  from  a  gentleman  of  character,  that  a  prize,  brought  into  Boston  by  a 
French  privateer,  is  about  to  be  sold.  This  being  in  direct  breach  of  our  treaty 
with  Great  Britain,  how  does  it  happen  1  Though  no  particular  law  passed,  the 
treaty  being  the  law  of  the  land,  our  Custom  Houses  can  and  ought  to  prevent  the 
entry  or  sale  of  prizes  upon  executive  instruction.  If  any  thing  is  wanting  to 
this  end,  for  God's  sake,  my  dear  sir,  let  it  be  done,  and  let  us  not  be  disgraced. 
Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  Considering  what  is  going  on,  and  may  go  on  in  the  West  Indies,  it 
appears  to  me  essential  that  the  President  be  empowered  to  lay  embargoes,  in 
the  interval  between  the  present  and  the  next  session  of  Congress. 


364  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

This  seizure  of  the  Mount  Vernon  occurred  thus.  The 
Flying  Fish,  a  French  privateer,  which  had  been  for  some 
time  lying  at  Philadelphia,  watching  the  departure  of 
vessels,  on  the  9th  of  June  dropped  down  to  the  capes 
of  the  Delaware,  and  there  captured  and  carried  off  that 
ship,  the  property  of  an  American  citizen  ;  although,  as 
afterwards  appeared,  contracted  to  be  sold  to  an  English 
resident.  To  all  demands  for  an  explanation,  the  French 
minister  answered  as  usual,  evasively.  The  case  being- 
one  which  could  not  be  passed  over,  and  it  moreover  ap 
pearing  probable  that  general  orders  must  have  already 
issued  for  the  seizure  of  American  vessels  .engaged  in 
commerce  with  England,3  Washington  called  upon  the 
cabinet  for  their  opinions  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued. 

The  President  had  long  since  been  dissatified  with  the 
impotency  of  Mr.  Monroe's  negociations,  and  Mr.  Picker 
ing  had,  on  the  13th  of  June,  written  to  the  latter  expressing 
that  dissatisfaction,  and  requiring  him  to  come  to  an  im 
mediate  explanation  with  the  French  government.  As 
has  been  already  mentioned,  information  of  what  he  had 
at  length  done,  was  not  received  till  sometime  after  this 
period.  But  upon  the  refusal  of  Adet  to  give  a  satisfac 
tory  reply  to  the  first  letter  on  the  subject,  the  members 
of  the  cabinet  became  convinced  that  the  longer  continu 
ance  of  Mr.  Monroe  abroad  was  impolitic  ;  that  all  fur 
ther  delay  in  bringing  the  directory  to  a  settlement  of  the 
disputes  between  the  two  nations,  was  injurious  and  de 
grading  ;  and  that  a  minister  must  be  sent,  whose  views 
should  be  in  accordance  with  those  of  the  administration, 
and  upon  whose  efficiency  it  could  depend. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
Wolcott,  contains  the  questions  which  Washington  had 
submitted  for  consideration. 


a  In   the  beginning  of  July,  a  decree    fiscation,  searches    or   capture,  as  they 
was  actually  issued,  that  neutral  flags    permitted  the  English  to  treat  them, 
should  be  treated  by  France,  as  to  con- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  365 

FROM  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

June  30th,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  questions  of  which  you  requested  a  memorandum,  are  these  : 
"  1st.  Whether  immediate  explanations  should  be  asked  on  this  subject,  from 
the  minister  of  the  French  republic,  in  Philadelphia  1  And  in  that  case,  (which 
I  am  inclined  to  think  is  right)  to  proceed  without  delay  of  sending  to  me  to 
make  the  requisition  accordingly  ;  unless,  from  the  tenor  of  the  answer  to  the 
letter  you  had  draughted  before  I  left  Philadelphia,  respecting  the  capture  of  the 
Mount  Vernon,  it  should  in  your  judgment  be  rendered  unnecessary  1 

2d.  Whether  there  is  power  in  the  Executive,  and  in  that  case  whether  it  would 
be  expedient,  in  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  to  send  an  extra  character  to  Paris  to 
explain  the  views  of  this  government,  and  to  ascertain  those  of  France  ;  and  in 
the  affirmative  of  these,  to  suggest  for  my  consideration,  the  names  of  such  per- 
sons  as  in  your  opinion  are  best  qualified  to  subserve  these  purposes." 

Note.  The  President  desired  that  the  treaties,  the  laws  of  nations,  and  of  the 
United  States,  might  be  consulted  as  far  as  they  may  have  relation  to  the  subject. 

I  shall,  by  all  means,  be  desirous  of  sending  the  answer  to-morrow,  and  there 
fore  of  seeing  you  and  Mr.  McHenry  this  evening.  Your  ob't  servant, 

T.  PICKERING, 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  4th,  1796. 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter  of  June  27th,  and  have  disposed 
of  the  enclosures  agreeably  to  direction. 

Last  evening  I  called  upon  Mr.  F.  W.  Francis,  and  he  informed  me  that  your 
wine  was  in  good  condition,  and  perfectly  safe,  stored  in  the  compling  house  with 
two  pipes  of  Mr.  Willing's  :  it  was  Mr.  Francis'  opinion,  that  the  situation  was 
much  better  for  the  improvement  of  the  wine  than  any  cellar.  I  am  no  judge 
of  the  matter  myself,  and  can  cause  a  removal  at  any  time,  if  the  President 
judges  it  advisable.  There  is  nothing  new  in  town.  Bache's  paper  continues, 
as  usual,  to  be  filled  with  abuse  against  the  government,  and  predictions  of 
French  hostility.  I  believe,  however,  that  his  publications  produce  but  little  im 
pression.  Brown's  paper  of  last  evening,  stated  that  the  President  was  expected 
to  return  here  in  a  few  days.  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  the  origin  of  the 
report,  but  I  presume  it  to  be  a  trick  of  some  person  to  excite  alarm.  It  will 
be  contradicted. 

The  questions  proposed  by  the  President,  being  of  great  consequence,  we  have 
thought  it  best  to  keep  them  under  consideration  a  few  days.  The  pressure  of 
business  with  me  is  such,  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  bestow  all  the  attention 
which  I  wish.  The  new  stock  will,  I  fear,  remain  unsold,  notwithstanding  the 
long  credit  which  was  offered :  some  new  expedient  must  be  adopted  :  what 

31* 


366  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12, 

will  be  best,  I  cannot  yet  determine.     I  shall  act  with  caution,  and  pursuant  to 
the  best  advice  which  I  can  obtain. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  6th  July,  1796. 

[Private.] 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  private  letter  (without  date)  by  the  last  post  has  been  received. 

It  is  quite  agreeable  to  me  that  my  wine  should  remain  in  the  store  of  Messrs. 
Willing  &  Francis,  till  I  shall  have  occasion  to  remove  it. 

There  is  little  doubt  but  the  insertion  in  Brown's  paper  of  my  sudden  return, 
was  put  there  to  answer  some  insidious  purpose  ;  for  sure  I  am,  nothing  ever 
dropped  from  me  to  authorize  such  a  publication,  and  that  it  is  to  be  regretted  that 
the  authors  of  them  could  not  be  brought  to  light. 

A  report  has  circulated  here  that  the  William  Penn  has  been  captured  by  the 
Flying  Fish,  but  as  it  is  of  some  days  standing,  and  your  letter  is  silent  on  the 
subject,  I  hope  it  is  void  of  foundation.  That  Mr.  Bache  will  continue  his  at 
tacks  on  the  government,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  but  that  they  will  make  no 
impression  on  the  public  mind  is  not  so  certain,  for  drops  of  water  will  impress 
(in  time)  the  hardest  marble. 

I  hear  with  concern  that  the  new  stock  is  likely  to  remain  unsold,  notwithstand- 
the  long  credit  which  was  offered.  Let  the  expedient  (whatever  it  be)  be  well 
considered. 

If  any  thing  should  occur  of  an  interesting  nature,  although  it  should  not 
require  official  communication,  let  me  hear  it.  With  very  great  esteem  and 
regard,  I  am,  dear  sir,  always  yours, 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 

The  following  reply  was  at  length  agreed  upon. 

THE  SECRETARIES  OF  DEPARTMENTS  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  2d  July,  1796. 
Sir, 

Agreeably  to  your  directions,  we  have  consulted  together  on  the  subject  of  your 
letter  of  the  24th  of  June,  and  we  are  of  opinion  that  a  direct  explanation  should 
be  asked  of  M.  Adet,  the  minister  of  the  French  republic,  in  the  terms  of  the 
enclosed  draft  of  a  letter  to  him,  which,  asyou  desired,  will  be  sent  without  delay. 
We  are  all  of  opinion  that  the  Executive  has  not  the  power,  in  the  recess  of  the 
Senate,  to  originate  the  appointment  of  a  minister  extraordinary  to  France  ;  and 
that  the  recal  of  Mr.  Monroe,  by  creating  a  vacancy,  can  alone  authorize  the 
sending  of  a  new  minister  to  that  country. 

On  the  expediency  of  the  change  we  are  agreed.  We  think  the  great  inter 
ests  of  the  United  States  require  that  they  have  near  the  French  government 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  367 

some  faithful  organ,  to  explain  their  real  views  and  ascertain  those  of  the  French. 
Our  duty  obliges  us  to  be  explicit.  Although  the  present  minister  plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  at  Paris,  has  been  amply  furnished  with  documents,  to 
explain  the  views  and  conduct  of  the  United  States,  yet  his  own  letters  authorize 
us  to  say  that  he  has  omitted  to  use  them,  and  thereby  exposed  the  United  States 
to  all  the  mischiefs  which  could  flow  from  jealousies  and  erroneous  conceptions 
of  their  views  and  conduct.  Whether  this  dangerous  omission  arose  from  such 
an  attachment  to  the  cause  of  France,  as  rendered  him  too  little  mindful  of  the 
interests  of  his  own  country,  or  from  mistaken  views  of  the  latter,  or  from  any 
other  cause,  the  evil  is  the  same.  We  therefore  conceive  it  to  be  indispensably 
necessary,  that  the  present  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  Paris 
should  be  recalled,  and  another  American  citizen  appointed  in  his  stead. 

Such  being  our  opinion,  we  beg  leave  to  name  for  your  consideration,  Patrick 
Henry  and  John  Marshall  of  Virginia,  and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  and 
William  Smith  of  South  Carolina  ;  either  of  whom  would,  we  believe,  so  explain 
the  conduct  and  views  of  the  United  States  as  to  satisfy  the  French  republic,  and 
thereby  remove  the  danger  of  a  rupture,  or  inconvenient  controversy  with  that 
nation  ;  or  failing  of  this  desirable  effect,  to  satisfy  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  that  the  fault  was  not  to  be  imputed  to  their  own  government. 

In  confirmation  of  our  opinion  of  the  expediency  of  recalling  Mr.  Monroe,  we 
think  the  occasion  requires  that  we  communicate  a  private  letter  from  him,  which 
came  to  our  hands  since  you  left  Philadelphia.  This  letter  corresponds  with 
other  intelligence  of  his  political  opinions  and  conduct.  A  minister  who  has  thus 
made  the  notorious  enemies  of  the  whole  system  of  government  his  confidential 
correspondents,  in  matters  which  affect  that  government,  cannot  be  relied  on  to 
do  his  duty  to  the  latter.  This  private  letter  we  received  in  confidence.  Among 
other  circumstances  that  will  occur  to  your  recollection,  the  anonymous  letters 
from  France  to  Thomas  Blount  and  others,  are  very  noticeable.  We  know  that 
Mountflorence  was  the  writer,  and  that  he  was  the  chancellor  of  the  consul  Skip- 
with  ;  and  from  the  connection  of  Mr.  Monroe  with  those  persons,  we  can  enter 
tain  no  doubt  that  the  anonymous  letters  were  written  with  his  privity. 

These  anonymous  communications  from  officers  of  the  United  States  in  a 
foreign  country,  on  matters  of  a  public  nature,  and  which  deeply  concern  the 
interests  of  the  United  States  in  relation  to  that  foreign  country,  are  proofs  of 
sinister  designs,  and  show  that  the  public  interests  are  no  longer  safe  in  the  hands 
of  such  men. 

The  information  contained  in  the  confidential  communication  you  were  pleased 
to  make  to  us,  on  the  project  of  the  French  government  relative  to  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States,  is  confirmed  by  the  open  publication  of  the  same,  substan 
tially  and  more  minutely  in  the  newspapers.  Mr.  Fenno's,  in  which  it  first 
appeared,  we  now  enclose.  Even  the  execution  of  the  project  appears  to  have 
been  commenced.  The  following  article  is  in  Mr.  Fenno's  paper  of  the  28th 
ultimo. 

"  New  London,  June  23d. — Arrived,  brig  Aurora,  S.  Wadsworth,  of  Hartford, 
in  fourteen  days  from  Port  Paix.  Left  there  sloop  Crisis,  Cook,  of  Warwick, 
with  mules  ;  sloop  Scrub,  Williams,  of  Middletown  ;  and  a  brig  from  Philadel- 


368  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

phia,  all  carried  in  by  French  privateers.  It  was  not  pretended  to  make  prizes 
of  them  ;  but  their  cargoes  were  taken  by  the  administration  at  their  own  price, 
and  due  bills  given  therefor.  Those  who  go  there  to  trade,  and  those  carried 
in,  are  all  treated  alike.  Captain  Wadsworth  received  a  due  bill  for  eleven 
thousand  livres." 

The  foregoing  we  respectfully  submit  to  the  consideration  and  decision  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING,  Secretary  of  State, 
OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
JAMES  McHENRY,  Secretary  of  War. 

The  Attorney  General,  who  was  absent  from  Philadel 
phia  at  the  time  of  writing  the  above  letter,  addressed  a 
separate  one  to  the  President,  containing  the  same  views. 
The  opinion  of  the  cabinet  was  therefore  unanimous. 

The  President,  in  pursuance  of  this  advice,  determined 
to  supersede  Mr.  Monroe.  Much  deliberation  was  em 
ployed  in  the  choice  of  his  successor,  and  Gen.  CHARLES 
COTESWORTH  PiNCKNEY,  brother  of  the  late  minister  to 
Spain,  was  at  length  selected  ;  and  on  the  22d  of  August 
Mr.  Monroe  was  notified  of  his  recall.  Gen.  Pinckney 
embarked  for  France  early  in  September. 

It  was  high  time  that  Mr.  Monroe  should  be  recalled, 
though  Washington  did  not  at  the  time  know  all  the  rea 
sons.  It  has  remained  for  a  French  historian,  in  disclos- 
ino-  the  relations  between  Mr.  Monroe  and  the  French 

O 

government,  to  throw  new  light  upon  his  conduct,  and 
justify  the  wisdom  of  Fauchet's  advice  to  the  Directory, 
to  "  consult  Monroe."  M.  THIERS  says  : 

"  In  the  French  government  there  were  persons  in  favor 
of  a  rupture  with  the  United  States.  Monroe,  who  was 
ambassador,  gave  the  Directory  the  most  prudent  advice 
on  this  occasion.  '  War  with  France,'  said  he,  '  will  force 
the  American  government  to  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of 
England,  and  submit  to  her  influence  ;  aristocracy  will 
gain  supreme  control  in  the  United  States,  and  liberty 
will  be  compromised.  By  patiently  enduring,  on  the 
contrar}7,  the  wrongs  of  the  present  President,  you  will 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  369 

leave  him  without  excuse,  you  will  enlighten  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  decide  a  contrary  choice  at  the  next  election. 
All  the  wrongs  of  which  France  may  have  to  complain 
will  then  be  repaired.'  This  wise  and  provident  advice 
had  its  effect  upon  the  Directory.  Rewbel,  Barras  and 
Lareveillere,  caused  it  to  be  adopted  in  opposition  to 
the  opinion  of  the  systematic  Carnot,  who,  though  in 
general  favorably  inclined  to  peace,  insisted  on  the  cession 
of  Louisiana,  with  a  view  to  attempt  the  establishment  of 
a  republic  there."a 

During  this  month,  Mr.  Van  Polanen  announced  him 
self  minister  resident  from  the  United  Netherlands.  Don 
Carlos  Martinez  d'  Yrujo,  the  new  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
from  Spain,  had  arrived  in  June  to  succeed  Jaudenes. 

Col.  Pickering,  by  the  President's  direction,  again  ad 
dressed  the  French  minister,  requesting  the  explanation 
whether  any  new  regulations  or  orders,  relative  to  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States,  had  been  issued  by  his 
government.  Some  time  elapsed  before  a  reply  was  re 
ceived.  It  stated  the  ignorance  of  the  minister  on  the 
subject,  and  in  turn  demanded  whether  the  sale  of  prizes 
taken  by  French  privateers  had  been  forbidden  in  the 
ports  of  the  United  States.  This  subject  of  the  right  to 
sell  prizes  formed  one  of  considerable  difficulty,  and  much 
mutual  complaint  during  this  summer.  The  treaty  with 
France  gave  to  its  armed  vessels  a  right  to  conduct  their 
prizes  whithersoever  they  pleased,  without  paying  duty, 
and  to  depart  whithersoever  their  commissioners  express 
ed.  The  French  minister  claimed  the  like  right  to  sell 
them  without  payment  of  duty.  All  sales  as  regarded  the 
prizes  of  privateers  were  prohibited  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  in  a  circular  to  the  collectors,  as  inconsist 
ent  with  the  British  treaty.  For  the  present,  the  question 
as  respected  national  vessels  was  reserved.  The  legality 

•  Histoire  de  la  Rev.  Frangais,  Tom.  9.  ch.  1.  Idem,  Trans,  by  F.  Shoberl.  III.  189, 


370  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

of  this  order  was   disputed  by  the  minister,  and  every 
artifice  to  avoid  it  practised  by  the  consuls. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  4th  July,  1796. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  28th  ult.  with  its  enclosures,  was  received  by  the  mail  on 
Friday. 

I  wanted  no  delay  in  the  commissioning  of  Mr.  John  Davis  to  be  Attorney  for 
the  district  of  Massachusetts  ;  if  you  or  those  who  were  better  acquainted 
with  his  professional  knowledge  (before  he  embarked  in  the  Comptrollership) 
than  I  am,  thought  them  competent  to  the  duties  thereof. 

That  an  entire  section  of  a  bill  which  had  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress 
should  be  omitted  in  copying  of  it,  and  that  such  omission  should  have  escaped  the 
Committee  of  Enrolment,  is  a  circumstance  so  singular  in  its  nature,  as  scarcely 
to  have  a  parallel.  Being  desirous,  however,  of  carrying  the  intention  of  the 
legislature  into  effect,  I  have,  though  I  confess  unwillingly,  endeavored  to  supply 
the  defect  by  the  Executive  act,  which  is  herewith  enclosed.  The  consequences 
that  might  result  from  delay,  have  produced  this  act  on  my  part ;  otherwise,  as 
its  operation  is  to  be  exterior,  I  should  have  hesitated  longer  before  the  signature 
was  given,  if  at  all. 

By  the  last  mail,  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  re 
questing  "  that  I  would  direct  such  co-operative  measures  on  the  part  of  the 
officers  of  the  United  States,  as  may  effectually  counteract  the  danger  which  is 
apprehended  from  vessels  holding  an  intercourse  with  the  shores  of  New  Jersey, 
in  evasion  of  the  quarantine  prescribed  under  the  authority  of  the  laws  of  this 
State."  I  expected,  from  what  passed  previous  to  my  leaving  Philadelphia,  that 
circular  orders  had  issued  long  since,  to  the  collectors  of  the  different  ports,  and  to 
the  officers  commanding  the  fortifications  of  our  harbor,  to  afford  such  aid  agree 
ably  to  the  act  of  Congress  relative  to  quarantine.  As  there  are  two  letters  from 
the  Governor  on  the  same  subject,  I  shall  send  both  of  them  by  this  day's  post  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  ;  and  desire  that  if  anything  needful  remains  to  be  done, 
that  orders  to  that  end  may  issue  immediately. 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 
To  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  6th  July,  1796. 
Sir, 

When  the  letter  herewith  enclosed  [the  preceding  one]  dated  the  4th  instant, 
was  written  in  answer  to  yours  of  the  28th  ult.,  part  of  it,  as  you  will  perceive, 
was  dictated  under  the  impression  of  much  hesitation  and  doubt  ;  for  I  am  not 
fond  of  rectifying  legislative  mistakes  by  executive  acts.  I  determined  how 
ever,  to  take  the  Attorney  Generals  opinion  on  the  case :  resolving  if  it  ac- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  371 

corded  with  those  which  had  been  sent  me,  to  give  the  act  you  forwarded,  my 
signature. 

For  this  purpose  I  requested  that  his  opinion  might  be  fully  stated  to  me  in 
writing,  and  delivered  at  Alexandria  on  the  4th,  where  I  had  promised 
to  be  at  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  Independence,  that  I  might  by 
the  post  of  next  day,  or  rather  the  mail  of  that  evening,  if  his  opinion  had  not 
a  tendency  to  increase  my  own  doubts,  forward  the  act  to  you. 

Knowing  that  neither  time  nor  opportunity  would  be  allowed  at  a  crowded 
meeting  to  write,  I  prepared  my  letter  in  the  morning  before  I  left  here,  on  the 
supposition  of  a  concurrence,  and  in  that  case,  that  I  might  have  nothing  to  do 
but  to  sign  an  enclose  the  act  ;  but  his  opinion  being  adverse  to  this  (as  you  will 
see  by  the  enclosure  which  I  request  may  be  returned  to  me)  I  decline  doing  it  ; 
and  have  desired  him  to  draught  something  anew. 

This,  when  it  conies  to  hand,  (which  I  expected  would  have  been  in  time  for 
this  day's  post)  shall  be  sent. 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 
To  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 


The  fiscal  transactions  of  the  United  States  during  this 
summer,  were  of  but  little  interest.  The  same  causes 
which  had  operated  to  the  embarrassment  of  the  Treas 
ury  during  the  preceding  year,  continued  to  exist,  and 
of  the  loan  of  $5,000,000  created  by  the  act  of  May  31st, 
and  known  as  the  6  per  cent,  of  1796,  but  $80,000  was 
subscribed.  In  consequence  of  the  failure  of  other  means, 
the  Commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund  were  eventually 
driven  to  the  sale  of  a  portion  of  the  Bank  Stock  belong 
ing  to  the  government,  to  reimburse  the  instalment  of 
foreign  debt  and  the  Bank  loans.  The  act  authorizing 
this  measure  was  at  the  time  denounced  by  Hamilton  as 
a  fatal  invasion  of  the  system,  and  his  remonstrances 
against  carrying  it  into  execution  were  renewed  during 
the  summer.  In  this  opinion  Wolcott  coincided,  and  he 
opposed  it  until  there  was  found  to  be  no  alternative. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  July  4,  1796. 
Sir, 

The  inadequate  support  which  the  most  important  officers  of  the  government 
receive,  their  high  responsibility,  severe  services,  the  malignity  which  they  have 
to  encounter  from  the  envy  and  venal  influence  of  some,  and  the  stupid  pride 


372  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

and  ignorance  of  others,  must  be  very  discouraging  to  men  to  continue  in  services 
in  which  they  are  conscious  that  the  public  derive  every  attainable  benefit  from 
their  greatest  exertions  and  most  able  and  faithful  conduct. 

I  have  always  had  the  pleasure  to  know  that  you  were  respected  by  the  sensi 
ble,  the  virtuous  and  the  good.  These  are  great  rewards  which  a  man  ought  to 
receive  for  faithfully  conducting  a  business  of  the  greatest  national  importance 
under  government.  In  this  State,  which  is  very  economical,  I  never  heard  of  any 
complaint  of  the  extravagant  pay  of  the  officers  of  the  United  States.  I  believe 
that  they  are  very  willing  they  should  have  more  than  is  necessary  for  a  bare 
subsistence.  Men  without  merit  will  always  endeavour  to  level  every  man  to 
their  own  standard  of  meanness.  If  the  policy  of  many  in  the  United  States 
continues,  and  the  President,  whose  character  has  hitherto  supported  the  govern 
ment  against  the  attacks  of  the  base  and  perfidious,  refuses  a  re-election,  and  a 
provision,  not  merely  for  a  parsimonious  subsistence  according  to  public  opinion, 
but  for  a  pecuniary  reward,  be  not  made,  I  think  that  you  should  seriously  reflect 
whether  a  more  eligible  situation  cannot  be  obtained.  A  man  who  properly  con 
ducts  the  national  finances,  an  interest  of  such  high  importance,  ought,  within 
not  many  years'  service,  to  obtain  a  competent  estate  ;  but  this  is  not  to  be  ex 
pected,  if  a  Gallatin,  a  Madison  or  a  Giles  should  be  able  to  influence  the  na 
tional  councils — not  from  avarice  but  from  a  worse  motive,  if  worse  there  be. 
Avarice  indeed  is  the  national  vice  of  a  Swiss  ;  we  may  I  believe,  impute  all  his 
conduct  to  this  motive  in  every  respect. 

While  the  war  shall  last,  it  will  probably  become  more  predatory  and  cruel. 
The  French  have  told  their  armies  it  is  to  continue  ;  the  necessities  of  the  war 
ring  nations,  the  increased  inflammation  of  their  passions,  and  their  casting,  as  it 
were,  the  last  die,  will  lead  to  a  violation  of  every  right.  I  suppose  we  are  to 
expect  that  an  almost  general  piracy  will  ensue.  This  the  democrats  have  in 
vited,  and  they  will  be  much  consoled  if  it  shall  take  effect.  Should  all  Europe 
be  involved  in  general  strife,  a  democrat  would  consider  it  as  the  Age  of  Reason  ; 
a  Christian  would  view  it  with  horror,  and  as  an  evidence  of  the  divine  maledic 
tion  inflicted  on  nations  for  abusing  the  reason  which  God  has  given  them. 

I  sincerely  wish  that  the  President  would  suspend  the  enjoyment  of  retirement 
till  the  wars  of  Europe  shall  be  brought  to  a  final  close.  No  on"1,  on  the  ground 
of  services,  can  have  a  greater  claim  to  it  than  he  has  ;  but  our  country  will  be  in 
a  very  precarious  condition  if  he  shall  retire  before  t'ley  are  ended.  It  will  be 
impossible  for  this  country  not  to  be  deeply  affected  while  they  continue. 

My  congratulations  on  the  day.  Our  country  at  t'.ie  period  commemorated, 
was  united  but  distressed  ;  they  are  now  disunited,  rich  and  unhappy.  I  am, 
with  the  most  affectionate  regard, 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

MARTINSBURG,  IN  VIRGINIA,  July  5th,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  on  my  way  to  the  Berkeley  Springs,  where  friends  and  physicians  think 
health  may  be  had  by  drinking.  My  faith  in  the  bath  is  not  strong,  but  the 
good  effects  of  travelling  are  already  considerable  ;  I  am,  however,  still  feeble. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  373 

Opinion  is  at  last  yielding  in  Virginia  to  truth.  That  sort  of  men  who  are 
every  where  federal,  are  already  so  in  the  northern  neck  of  Virginia,  and  no 
small  impulse  of  the  like  kind  is  felt,  as  I  am  told  and  believe,  in  the  residue  of 
the  state.  Patrick  Henry,  if  he  would  serve,  would  have  more  votes  than  Jef 
ferson.  The  latter  in  every  event  will  fail  of  four.  Madison  will  be  opposed  by 
a  very  popular  General  Clark.  Most  of  the  others  will  be  opposed,  and  on  the 
whole  a  change  is  confidently  promised  to  give  four  true  federal  representatives 
in  the  next  Congress  ;  more  are  hoped  for.  John  Marshall  might  be  chosen,  but 
will  not  offer. 

I  am  greatly  consoled  by  the  style  of  conversation  here,  and  I  do  not  foresee 
that  in  the  event  of  coming  to  issue  with  the  democrats,  this  State  would  not 
compel  obedience  to  the  laws  within  its  limits.  Mr.  Rutherford  is  as  little  re 
spected  here  as  in  Philadelphia,  and  yet  the  many  whom  he  flatters  and  deceives, 
will  support  him  against  General  Morgan.  This  is  the  opinion  of  federal  men. 

I  expect  to  see  you  early  in  August,  and  I  hope  with  more  flesh  and  colour 
than  I  left  Philadelphia.  Respects  to  Mrs.  W.  and  my  best  wishes  for  yours 
and  the  children's  health.  Yours,  &c., 

FISHER  AMES. 

• 

HAGERSTOWN,  July  25th,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  on  my  return  from  Winchester  and  Bath  in  Virginia.  I  passed  a  week 
at  the  latter  and  drank  freely  of  its  waters.*  Their  powers  seem  to  be  undoubted, 
although  their  analysis  will  not  fully  account  for  them.  They  are  purgative,  stim 
ulant,  alterative,  and  require  a  longer  use  than  I  could  stay  to  make,  to  evince 
their  efficacy  on  my  poor  system.  Debility  and  bilious  cases  are  said  to  be 
within  its  powers  as  a  specific.  I  had,  unfortunately,  a  turn  of  fainting,  at  the 
place,  but  it  was  accidental,  and  although  I  was  reduced  to  extreme  weakness, 
and  much  discomposed  in  consequence  for  two  days,  I  hope  and  trust  I  am  al 
most  as  well  as  before.  I  expect  to  see  you  in  two  weeks  with  a  face  ten  or 
twenty  per  cent,  better  than  I  wore  when  I  saw  you  last. 

Virginia  has  been  grossly  deceived,  and  is  yet  unperfectly  informed.  Good 
men  depend  too  much  on  the  honesty  of  a  faction,  and  the  intelligence  of  a  pub 
lic.  We  owe  more  to  the  precipitate  rashness  of  the  party  than  to  either  or 
both.  Some  aid  to  good  government  and  some  change  in  the  representation 
and  the  votes  of  the  electors  for  President  and  Vice,  may  be  expected.  Four  of 
twenty-one  seem  to  be  relied  on.  Virginia  is ''  infinitely  nearer  right  and  more 
impressible  than  I  expected  ;  much  in  this  way  ought  to  be  attempted.  Excuse 
bad  and  soiled  paper  from  the  bar  of  a  tavern.  South  or  Low  Virginia,  I  ought 
to  add,  is  worse  disposed  than  the  Northern  Neck. 

Bankrupts  and  rogues  did  not  come  near  me,  but  the  other  sort  who  did,  seem 
to  think  as  the  Yankees  do.  Union,  constitution,  laws,  and  above  all  the  Presi 
dent,  are  the  objects  of  till  their  zeal.  But  they  do  not  seem  so  view  the 
danger  as  nearly  and  clearly  as  they  ought.  I  am  almost  cured  of  the  habit  of 
croaking  by  finding  how  they  are  disposed.  When  I  think  how  they  may  be 
lulled,  and  whom  they  will  choose,  I  relapse.  Yours  and  Mrs.  Ws, 

FISHER  AMES. 
VOL.    T.  32 


374  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

August  3d,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  1st.  I  deplore  the  picture  it  gives,  and 
henceforth  wish  to  forget  there  is  a  Bank  or  a  Treasury  in  the  United  States' 
though  I  shall  not  forget  my  regard  to  individuals. 

I  do  not  see  one  argument  in  any  possible  shape  of  the  thing,  for  the  sale  of 
bank  stock,  or  against  that  of  the  other  stock,  which  does  not  apply  vice  versa, 
and  I  shall  consider  it  as  one  of  the  most  infatuated  steps  that  ever  was  adopted. 

God  bless  you. 

A.  HAMILTON. 

It  will  be  known  on  Thursday  whether  anything  is  to  be  expected  here. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  3d,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  July  29  ;  the  one  referred  to  in  answer  of  mine 
dated  the  llth,  never  came  to  hand ;  to  what  cause  the  accident  is  to  be  attri 
buted  I  cannot  conjecture. 

We  have  no  news  more  than  appears  in  the  papers  ;  our  country  was  never 
more  tranquil  than  at  present ;  so  far  as  I  know,  the  public  business  is  in  a  good 
train,  except  that  the  treasury  is  in  want  of  loans.  I  shall  be  able  to  prevent  in 
jury  to  the  public  credit,  but  the  building  of  frigates  will  proceed  more  slowly 
than  I  could  wish,  and  some  arrears  in  the  war  department  will  accumulate. 
There  will  be  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund,  to  consider 
whether  circumstances  do  not  require  sales  of  the  bank  stock  held  by  the  United 
States.  Nothing  will  be  done  without  the  most  mature  consideration,  in  which 
I  shall  be  assisted  by  the  advice  and  opinion  of  the  Chief  Justice  and  the  Attor 
ney  General. 

I  take  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  copy  of  an  oration  delivered  by  Mr.  Smith  at 
Charleston,  which  I  understand  was  well  received  by  a  numerous  audience  of  all 
descriptions  of  people.  This  I  consider  as  a  proof  that  the  prejudices  which 
lately  existed  in  that  city  have  greatly  moderated. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  9,  1796. 

I  am  well,  and  so  is  my  family.  Mrs.  Wolcott  lives  at  a  farm-house  about 
six  miles  from  the  city.  The  place  is  healthy, but  inaccessible  to  company,  there 
being  no  road  near  the  house.  If  I  were  a  democrat,  I  might  raise  a  fund  of 
popularity  upon  a  circumstance  of  this  kind,  but  it  is  well  known  that  we  live 
as  we  do  because  we  cannot  afford  to  live  better,  and  this  destroys  all  title  to 
merit. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  375 

The  affairs  of  the  country  are  prosperous,  except  that  the  preservation  of  the 
public  credit  is  a  work  of  increasing  difficulty.  I  shall  get  along  for  the  present, 
and  at  any  rate  prove  that  nothing  has  been  wanting  on  my  part. 

Whether  the  President  will  decline  or  not,  is  not  certainly  known  to  the  pub 
lic — to  you  I  can  say  that  I  think  he  will  not.  This  decision  ought  not,  how 
ever,  to  be  anticipated. 

I  shall  be  able  to  write  you  shortly  upon  some  political  subjects  ;  as  yet  I  have 
not  been  able  to  dispatch  the  business  of  the  last  session. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

MOUNT  VEHXON,  10th  Aug.,  1796. 

[Private.] 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  3d  instant  did  not  get  to  my  hands  until  the  8th.  I  most 
assuredly  wrote  the  letter  mentioned  in  my  last,  but  I  find  it  is  no  uncommon 
thing  for  my  letters  to  miscarry.  The  originals  to  Gen.  Pinckney  of  the  —  ult., 
(one  of  which  contained  $300  in  bank  notes  for  the  sufferers  by  fire  in  Charles 
ton)  had  not  been  received  by  that  gentleman  on  the  26th  of  that  month,  altho' 
duplicates  despatched  eight  days  afterwards  had.  I  have  heard  of  no  miscar 
riage  of  a  mail,  and  I  have  evidence  that  the  above  letters  (under  one  cover) 
proceeded  safely  as  far  as  Richmond. 

General  Pinckney  accepts  the  appointment  to  France,  and  will  very  shortly 
with  his  lady  be  in  Philadelphia  to  embark.  As  this  circumstance  will  furnish  a 
new  subject  for  envenomed  pens,  it  merits  consideration  how  far  the  causes  which 
have  occasioned  it,  should  unofficially  be  spoken  of  by  the  officers  of  government. 

Let  me  desire  that  you  would  begin  to  note  such  occurrences  (not  only  those 
in  your  own  department,  but  all  others  which  may  occasionally  present  them 
selves)  as  may  be  fit  and  proper  to  communicate  to  Congress  at  their  next  ses 
sion.  It  is  from  these  materials  and  such  memorandums  as  I  take  myself,  my 
speech  is  composed.  It  is  better  to  note  down  everything  which  may  be  requi 
site  oij  this  occasion,  than  to  omit  anything,  because  it  is  easier  to  select  than  to 
collect  matter  at  the  moment  I  am  going  to  compose  it. 

I  am  sorry  the  treasury  is  unable  to  answer  all  the  appropriated  calls  upon  it. 
My  present  intention  is  to  leave  this  for  Philadelphia  in  the  course  of  next  week; 
but  as  I  shall  travel  slow,  and  have  to  halt  a  day  or  two  on  the  road,  my  arrival 
there  is  a  little  uncertain.  With  very  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  sir. 
your  affectionate 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 

FROM  RUFUS  KING. 

LONDON,  Aug.  14,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  here  too  short  a  time  to  pronounce  anything  respecting  our  affairs 
with  this  government.  The  newspapers  will  be  the  heralds  of  the  French  con- 


376  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

quests,  which  must  compel  the  neighbouring  nations  to  submit  to,  or  purchase 
peace  from  France.  Hammond  is  sent  to  the  continent.  His  object  is  peace, 
but  his  success  must  be  precarious  from  causes  too  obvious  to  require  recital. 

A  late  order  of  the  Directory  to  stop  the  cargoes  of  all  neutral  vessels  bound 
to  English  ports,  if  the  paper  is  genuine,  will  prove  vexatious  to  our  commerce, 
especially  in  the  West  Indies.  This  government  disavow  the  having  issued  the 
order  cited  by  the  Directory,  and  say  J;hey  have  issued  no  new  order  on  that 
subject. 

Every  account  that  I  have  received  since  my  arrival,  confirms  my  belief  that 
some  of  our  countrymen  at  Paris  have  been  the  means  of  deceiving  the  French 
government  respecting  the  temper  and  inclination  of  our  people.  We  may  suffer 
inconvenience  from  this  indiscretion.  Yours  sincerely, 

RUFUS  KING. 


FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  7th  September,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  18th  Dec.  last,  which 
remained,  with  many  others  from  my  friend  in  America,  in  the  hands  of  the 
Minister  here,  until  my  return  a  few  days  since  from  a  long  excursion  on  the 
continent.  I  did  not  often  write  to  my  friends  from  thence  for  various  reasons, 
and  particularly  lest  they  should  suspect  that  my  opinions  partook  either  of  the 
warmth  of  the  climate,  or  the  fumes  of  the  brandy  in  which  I  was  conversant. 

You  will  know  from  letters  which  Dr.  Edwards  (who  is  so  good  as  to  charge 
himself  with  this)  carries,  that  this  warmth  of  climate  has  lately  had  its  influence 
on  the  discussion  of  certain  points  between  us  and  a  neighbouring  nation.  It  is 
the  extraordinary  fate  of  the  late  treaty  to  originate  harsh  discussion  on  both 
sides  of  the  ocean  ;  but  I  hope  its  destiny  also  is  to  be  on  all  sides  the  better  es 
teemed  in  proportion  to  the  greater  latitude  and  earnestness  of  the  inquiries  to 
which  it  gives  rise.  Such  has  been  its  fate  with  you,  and  (so  far  as  I  know  the 
state  of  the  correspondence  between  the  nation  which  is  most  interested,  and  our 
minister  there,)  such  will  be  its  fate  I  presume  in  Europe.  It  is  certainly  an  odd 
spectacle  to  see  the  work  of  Jay  in  the  hands  of  this  defender ;  but  it  is  also  an 
interesting  one,  and  I  have  hopes  that  both  our  country  and  her  representative 
will  derive  honour  from  this  source.  So  far  as  I  am  permitted  to  know,  the 
argument  is  entirely  with  him  ;  and  whatever  his  private  opinions  may  be,  he 
has  so  well  spoken  the  opinions  and  language  of  his  country  as  to  put  his  oppo 
nent  in  the  wrong  upon  almost  all  points,  and  indeed  to  have  forced  him  to  aban 
don  all  the  original  grounds  of  controversy,  except  one  little  spot  which  he  ap 
pears  to  have  rendered  as  untenable  as  all  the  rest.  I  hope  and  trust  we  are  safe 
from  the  effects  of  the  political  tempest  which  has  so  universally  shaken  this 
quarter  of  the  globe. 

You  will  know  from  the  Secretary  of  State's  office,  that  I  am  placed,  by  the 
singular  concurrence  of  choice  and  destiny,  in  a  state  of  the  most  absolute  neu 
trality.  I  shall  find  it  sometimes  difficult,  perhaps,  to  distinguish  the  precise 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  377 

point  of  justice  and  equity,  and  my  endeavours  to  ascertain  it,  will  perhaps  al 
ternately  give  offence  to  both  the  interested  parties  ;  but  as  I  neither  sought  this 
situation,  nor  shall  ever  seek  any  other  situation  of  public  responsibility,  it  may 
at  least  be  relied  upon  by  both,  that  what  I  do  will  be  the  true  result  of  my  best 
knowledge  and  judgment,  imperfect  in  truth,  but  at  least  honest  in  its  intentions.* 
As  I  am  thus  banished  from  my  friends  for  another  two  or  three  years,  it  is  but 
charity  in  them  to  write  me  as  often  as  leisure  from  important  objects  will  allow 
them  time  to  attend  to  little  ones.  I  must  therefore  beg  you  to  steal  a  minute, 
oftener  than  once  a  year,  to  write  to  your  friend  and  servant, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 


The  presidential  election  was  now  fast  approaching. 
General  Washington  having  declined  a  third  nomination, 
Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney  were  named  by  the  fede 
ral  party  as  their  candidates  for  President  and  Vice 
President.  As  Washington's  determination  had  not  been 
certainly  known  except  by  a  few,  until  the  publication  of 
his  farewell  address  in  September,  the  opposition  had, 
during  this  last  summer,  broken  ground  openly  against 
him.  Pamphlets  and  papers  teemed  with  personal  abuse, 
and  his  whole  life,  military  and  civil,  was  attacked  with 
out  discrimination.  In  this  warfare,  Callender,  a  Scotch 
fugitive  from  justice,  and  Thomas  Paine,  both  of  whom 
it  has  been  proved  were  subsidized  by  Jefferson,  were 
conspicuous.  The  torrent  of  party  spirit,  however,  changed 
its  course,  when  it  was  known  that  he  was  no  longer  a 
candidate  for  reelection. 

Mr.  Adams  had,  from  the  time  of  Washington's  illness 
in  1791,  been  a  standing  mark  for  the  friends  of  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  as  a  formidable  rival.  It  was  supposed  that  these 
attacks  had,  by  this  time,  sufficiently  undermined  his 
popularity  to  render  his  success  more  than  doubtful,  and 
when  Washington's  intention  was  made  public,  the  elec 
tion  of  Jefferson  was  confidently  expected.  Wolcott  thus 
alludes  to  this  idea: 


a  Col.  Tnunbull  was  5th  Commissioner  responsible  duties  with  an  impartiality 
or  umpire,  under  the  Gih  Article  of  the  ability  and  good  sense,  that  scoured  the 
treaty  of  London,  und  discharged  his  esteem  of  every  one. 


378  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

"  When  President  Washington  announced  his  intention 
of  retiring  from  the  government,  the  Virginia  oligarchy 
entertained  no  doubt  of  being  able  to  accomplish  the 
election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  as  his  successor  ;  and  their  cal 
culations  on  this  subject  were  founded  on  grounds  appa 
rently  certain.  It  was  known  to  a  few,  that  the  President 
had  reluctantly  consented  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  second 
election,  and  the  inference  that  he  would  decline  a  third 
was  almost  certain.  The  popularity  of  Mr.  Adams,  who 
from  official  situation  and  other  circumstances,  was  the 
most  prominent  candidate  on  the  federal  side,  had  been 
systematically  assailed  ;  while  the  popularity  of  Mr.  Jef 
ferson  had  been  as  systematically  nourished."51 

Mr.  Adams,  to  borrow  a  recent  French  phrase,  was  an 
"  inevitable"  candidate  of  the  federal  party.  He  had 
been  an  early,  an  honest,  and  an  unflinching  supporter  of 
the  revolution  ;  he  had  represented  the  country  abroad 
with  fidelity  and  zeal,  if  not  with  tact  and  prudence  ;  he 
was  known  to  be  attached  to  the  existing  institutions  of 
government,  and  generally  believed  to  maintain  the  views 
and  opinions  of  the  federalists  ;  he  had,  moreover,  served 
for  eight  years  as  the  second  executive  officer  of  the  na 
tion,  and  had  from  that  reason  alone,  forcible  claims  to 
advancement ;  he  was  fitted,  at  least  by  experience  and 
attainments,  for  the  presidency  ;  and  lastly,  he  was  from 
Massachusetts,  which  was  in  fact  the  citadel  of  the  one 
system  as  Virginia  was  of  the  other.  There  were,  how 
ever,  those  in  the  federal  ranks  who  entertained  doubts  of 
Mr.  Adams'  fitness  in  some  essential  particulars.  He  was 
thought  by  them  to  be  deficient  in  coolness,  judgment, 
and  in  consistency ;  and  they  feared  that  the  strength  of  his 
prejudices,  and  the  violence  of  his  temper,  rendered  him 
particularly  unfit  in  the  then  critical  state  of  affairs.  The 
result  unfortunately  justified  their  apprehensions. 

a  Extract  from  a  paper  written  some  time  afterwards. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  379 

It  should  be  remarked,  that  some  of  these  gentlemen- 
were  desirous  that  the  votes  of  the  north  should  be  cast 
equally  for  Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Adams,  and  that  the 
election  of  the  former  as  President,  by  his  receiving  a 
greater  number  of  southern  votes  over  his  fellow  candi 
date,  would  not  have  been  displeasing  to  them.  The 
knowledge  of  this  by  Mr.  Adams  afterwards  led  to  seri 
ous  results.  Wolcott,  though  aware  of  this  distrust,  fa 
vored  the  choice  of  Mr.  Adams.  He  believed  that  the 
will  of  the  party  generally,  demanded  his  election  to  the 
first  office  ;  that  no  other  candidate  could  be  successful, 
and  he  then,  at  least,  thought  that  the  risk  of  unsoundness 
was  preferable  to  the  certain  consequences  which  would 
have  attended  the  election  of  Jefferson.a 

On  the  part  of  the  anti-federalists,  Mr.  Burr  was  the 
most  prominent  of  the  various  candidates  for  the  Vice 
Presidency.  Some  of  the  causes  which  at  this  time  pre 
vented  his  receiving  more  united  support  from  them,  are 
intimated  in  the  following  extract  from  the  same  paper 
with  the  preceding. 

"  The  character  which  Mr.  Burr  acquired  with  the  leaders  of  his  own  party, 
during  the  period  of  his  service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  was  fully  de 
lineated  in  the  year  1794,  in  a  convivial  moment,  by  a  public  character  from 
Virginia,  in  terms  of  nearly  the  following  import : 

*  The  two  most  efficient  actors  on  the  political  theatre  of  our  country,  are  Mr. 
Hamilton  and  Mr.  Burr  ;  and  as  a  friend  to  the  interests  of  the  southern  states,  I 
sincerely  wish  that  they  had  both  appeared  on  the  federal  side  ;  as  in  this  case, 
they  must  have  essentially  acted  in  concert,  and  but  little  more  time  and  labor 
would  have  been  necessary  to  subvert  the  popularity  of  both,  than  we  have  found 
necessary  to  employ  against  Hamilton  alone.  I  have  watched  the  movements  of 
Mr.  Burr  with  attention,  and  have  discovered  traits  of  character  which  sooner 
or  later  will  give  us  much  trouble.  He  has  an  unequalled  talent  of  attaching 
men  to  his  views,  and  forming  combinations  of  which  he  is  always  the  centre. 
He  is  determined  to  play  a  first  part  ;  he  acts  strenuously  with  us  in  public,  but 
it  is  remarkable  that  in  all  private  consultations  he  more  frequently  agrees  with 

a  Wolcott,  in  connection  with  William  tentipns    of  Thomas    Jefferson    to  the 

Smith    of   South    Carolina,  prepared  a  Presidency  examined,  and  the  charges 

pamphlet  which  had  some  celebrity  at  against  John  Adams  refuted." 
this  time,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Pre- 


380  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

nis  in  principles  than  in  the  mode  of  giving  them  effect.  Mr.  Burr's  habits  of 
thinking  are  of  a  military  cast.  His  manners  create  him  no  personal  enemies, 
and  we  all  know  that  mere  political  animosities  cease  with  the  causes  which 
produce  them.  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  Mr.  Burr  is  found,  in  a  few  years,  the 
leader  of  a  popular  party  in  the  northern  states  ;  and  if  this  event  ever  happens, 
this  party  will  subvert  the  influence  of  the  southern  states.  Notwithstanding  all 
the  scoffing  and  reproaches  against  us  as  slave-holders,  the  cause  of  republican 
ism  in  this  country  is  connected  with  the  political  ascendancy  of  the  southern 
states.  Freemen  cannot  be  employed  generally  in  laborious  and  servile  occupa 
tions,  without  debasing  their  minds.  It  was  a  wise  and  profound  observation  of 
Edmund  Burke, in  a  speech  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  that  the  people  of 
the  southern  colonies  were  much  more  strongly,  and  with  a  higher  and  more 
stubborn  spirit,  attached  to  liberty  than  those  to  the  northward.  Such  will  all 
masters  of  slaves  be,  who  are  not  slaves  themselves.' 

These  sentiments  of  a  prime  agent  of  the  Virginia  party,  furnish  a  clue  by 
which  many  intricacies  of  our  political  labyrinth  may  be  traced." 

The  period  of  this  election  was  marked  by  an  outrage 
on  the  part  of  the  French  minister  which  should  have 
aroused  some  outward  expression  of  displeasure  from 
even  his  most  devoted  partisans.  Genet  had  defied  the 
President,  and  threatened  an  appeal  from  his  decisions  to 
the  people  who  made  him  President.  Adet  now  went 
one  step  farther,  and  in  his  final  despatch,  published  im 
mediately  in  the  leading  Jacobin  paper,  threatened  the 
wrath  of  the  Directory  in  case  that  people  did  not  aban 
don  their  policy  and  pursue  a  course  consonant  with  the 
wishes  of  France.  And  this,  the  grossest  insult  ever  of 
fered  to  a  nation  not  yet  subjugated — an  open  interference 
by  another  in  its  elections — was  welcomed  by  the  "pa 
triots  "  and  used  by  them  to  further  the  success  of  their 
candidate.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  Vice-President, 
and  came  within  a  few  votes  of  the  higher  office,  by  the 
support  of  the  men  who  applauded  Adet  and  sustained 
his  cause,  and  with  a  French  minister  electioneering  for 
their  candidate  and  the  French  government  threatening 
war  in  case  of  his  defeat,  the  "  republican  "  party  raised 
anew  their  war-cry  of  British  influence. 

It  may  be  expected  that  some  testimony  will  be  given 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  381 

in  Wolcott's  life  of  the  authorship  of  Washington's  fare 
well  address.  The  only  notice  of  it  existing  among  his 
papers  is  the  following  paragraph  : 

"  The  principles  which  governed  President  Washing 
ton's  administration  are  perspicuously  detailed  in  the  final 
address  to  the  people,  which  he  personally  prepared  and 
which  passed  through  my  hands  to  and  from  General 
Hamilton." 

FROM  JONATHAN  DAYTON. 

ELIZABETHTOWN,  Sept.  4th,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

Will  you  be  so  obliging  as  to  inform  me  whether  a  Surveyor-General  has  yet 
been  appointed  pursuant  to  the  act  of  last  session  for  that  purpose,  and  whether 
it  is  probable  that  the  surveys  of  the  public  lands  will  commence  this  fall.  I 
make  this  enquiry,  both  because  I  deem  it  important  to  the  United  States  that 
this  business  should  be  completed  as  far  as  possible  in  the  present  autumn  and 
winter,  and  because  there  are  persons  of  my  acquaintance,  both  in  this  state  and 
New  York,  who  are  applying  to  me  for  information  upon  this  subject  and  whose 
journey  thither  depends  upon  that  event  alone. 

Do  you  yet  know,  and  are  you  at  liberty  to  make  known  the  President's  de 
termination  as  to  the  acceptance  of  the  office  which  he  now  holds,  for  the  next 
term  of  four  years  ?  All  ranks  of  people  in  this  state  very  anxiously  wish  that 
he  may  consent  to  serve  s"till  longer.  There  have  been  great  apprehensions  lest 
he  would  decline,  but  some  circumstances  and  late  intimations  seem  to  encour 
age  the  hope  that  those  apprehensions  will  not  be  realized.  I  pray  to  God  that 
this  hope  may  prove  well  founded,  and  that  that  man,  whom  most  of  all  I  love 
and  respect,  will  permit  his  fellow-citizens  once  more  at  least  to  reelect  him. 

I  cannot,  whilst  writing  in  this  friendly  and  confidential  manner,  forbear  to 
express  to  you  the  satisfaction  which  I  experienced  upon  learning  that  our  Exe 
cutive  had  recalled  Mr.  Monroe  from  France.  It  has  been  a  source  of  continual 
alarm  with  many  of  the  best  friends  of  our  government,  lest  influenced  by  an  in 
temperate  democratical  zeal,  or  impelled  by  a  desire  to  connect  us  more  insepa 
rably  and  exclusively  to  France,  he  should  implicate  us  in  some  acts  or  some  en 
gagements,  from  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  extricate  ourselves  without  very 
serious  risks.  Even  in  matters  of  etiquette  merely,  much  will  always  depend 
upon  the  right  disposition  and  prudent  discretion  of  the  Minister,  to  preserve  his 
government  free  from  unnecessary  difficulties  and  embarrassments,  and  in  some 
instances,  perhaps  his  country  from  war.  I  am  likewise,  much  pleased  with  the 
appointment  of  General  Pinckney  as  his  successor.  Possessing  great  frankness, 
candour,  and  integrity,  he  unites  with  a  nice  sense  of  honour,  talents,  which, 
though  not  the  most  brilliant,  are  nevertheless  good  and  may  be  equally  useful. 
Is  he  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  and  is  it  yet  ascertained  when  and  at  what  port  ho 


382  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

will  embark  for  Europe  1  Shall  we  not  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Mrs.  Wol- 
cott  and  yourself  in  this  place  this  season,  for  a  few  days  at  least  1  Mrs.  Dayton 
joins  with  me  in  requesting  that  happiness  and  to  be  remembered  affectionately 
to  your  lady.  With  the  sincerest  esteem,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant, 

JONA.  DAYTON. 


TO  JONATHAN  DAYTON. 

PHILA.,  Sept.  7,  1796, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  4th  instant.  No  appointment  of  Surveyor- 
General  has  been  announced,  and  I  am  not  certain  that  any  character  has  been 
designated  in  the  President's  mind.  He  is  apprised  of  the  importance  of  com 
mencing  business  speedily,  and  you  may  be  assured  that  he  has  not  been  inatten 
tive.  It  is,  however,  a  difficult  matter,  as  you  will  easily  believe,  to  find  a  man 
who  will  accept  the  office,  and  who  unites  proper  qualifications  with  that  noto 
riety  and  respectability  of  character  which  is  desirable.  I  hope  and  presume 
that  the  office  will  be  soon  filled. 

I  can  say  to  you,  but  in  confidence,  that  the  President  will  decline  a  reelection. 
We  must  therefore  take  all  the  risks  of  a  change  in  the  interesting  situation  he 
now  possesses.  Your  regrets  on  this  occasion  cannot  exceed  mine.  I  fear  the 
country  is  not  sufficiently  united  to  make  a  choice  by  the  electors.  A  choice  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  would  be  a  very  unfortunate  event. 

It  is  fully  ascertained  that  the  opposition  party  calculate  upon  dividing  the 
votes  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  the 
majority,  they  say,  will  be  for  Mr.  Jefferson.  On  what  ground  this  opinion  is 
formed  I  cannot  say,  though  I  know  it  to  be  a  fact  that  active  exertions  will  be 
made.  Will  you  favour  me  with  your  calculation  on  this  subject1?  Who  do  you 
understand  is  intended  to  be  associated  with  Mr.  Jefferson  ]  The  reports  circu 
lated  here  are  various. 

I  am  happy  to  find  that  the  appointment  of  General  Pinckney  is  likely  to  give 
satisfaction.  The  measure  was  necessary.  Every  day  adds  to  the  proofs  which 
before  existed  of  the  importance  of  impartiality  and  sincerity  to  American  poli 
tics  and  interests,  in  whatever  concerns  foreign  powers.  We  must  rely  upon 
ourselves,  and  must  manage  our  affairs  according  to  our  own  views,  or  we  shall 
be  grievously  deceived.  I  believe  General  Pinckney  in  every  respect  deserves 
the  confidence  you  express  in  his  favour.  He  is  expected  daily  to  arrive  here  or 
at  New  York,  but  at  which  place  is  uncertain.  I  have  been  overwhelmed  in 
business  every  day  this  summer.  Though  my  situation  is  unusually  difficult  from 
causes  with  which  you  are  acquainted,  yet  I  shall  be  successful  in  conducting  the 
public  business  ;  all  is  now  safe.  It  will  not  be  possible,  however,  to  leave  the 
office.  Mrs.  Wolcott  lives  in  a  part  of  a  farm-house  in  the  country  with  the 
children,  and  is  well.  Whatever  aristocratical  principles  she  may  have  contract 
ed  by  an  acquaintance  with  me,  she  is  obliged  to  conform  to  a  style  'of  living 
which  will  not  excite  the  envy  of  the  most  strict  democrats.  She  is  contented, 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  383 

however,  and  that  is  sufficient.  If  she  was  here,  she  would  join  me  in  present 
ing  respects  to  yourself  and  Mrs.  Dayton,  and  in  thanking  you  for  your  obliging 
offer,  which  it  is  our  misfortune  not  to  be  able  to  accept. 


FROM  JONATHAN  DAYTON. 

ELIZABETHTOWN,  Sept'r.  15th,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  8th  inst.  You  say  it  is  fully  ascertained 
that  the  opposition  party  calculate  upon  dividing  the  votes  of  New  Jersey  be 
tween  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  upon  obtaining  a  majority  of  them  for 
the  latter.  If  such  are  their  expectations,  you  may  be  assured,  sir,  that  they 
will  be  egregiously  disappointed.  They  cannot,  I  am  very  confident,  however 
active  they  may  be  in  their  exertions,  procure  a  majority  of  our  votes  in  favour 
of  the  man  of  Monticelli,  nor  is  it  thought  with  us  at  all  probable,  that  he  will 
have  the  suffrage  of  a  single  elector. 

I  cannot  answer  with  certainty,  your  enquiry  who  is  to  be  associated  with  Mr. 
Jefferson  by  his  party,  but  I  know  that  Chancellor  Livingston  has  been  talked  of, 
and  I  do  not  learn  that  he  has  been  as  yet  relinquished  with  a  view  to  any  other 
candidate.  Their  attachment  to  him,  however,  is  not  supposed  to  be  such  as  to 
prevent  their  giving  him  up  when  they  discover  that  he  cannot  strengthen  their 
interest,  or  when  they  can  find  a  man  from  some  other  middle  or  eastern  State 
disposed  and  able  to  aid  them  more  effectually.  Altho'  the  admission  of  Tenn 
essee  into  the  Union  must  render  Mr.  Adams'  success  less  certain  than  before  that 
event,  yet  I  persuade  myself  that  he  will  have  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  all  the 
electors,  especially  if  any  interest  can  be  made  for  him,  or  even  a  diversion 
brought  about  by  good  management  in  the  State  of  South  Carolina.  Unfortunate 
indeed  would  it  be,  if  the  result  of  the  first  competition  should  be  such  as  to 
throw  the  choice  upon  the  House  of  Representatives. 

I  am  happy  to  learn  from  you  that  the  public  business  is  extricated  from  the 
embarrassments  under  which  it  was  labouring,  and  that  "  all  is  now  safe." 

How  have  you  fulfilled  our  engagement  at  the  Bank  ?  Have  you  satisfied 
their  demands  by  sales  of  six  per  cents,  at  par  or  under  par>  or  by  disposing  of 
Bank  shares,  or  have  you  obtained  from  them  a  further  indulgence  1 

The  appointment  of  a  Surveyor  General  is  anxiously  expected,  and  will,  I  hope, 
be  announced  within  a  few  days,  and  given  to  some  person  who  will  enter  upon 
his  duties  without  delay.  If  the  subordinate  appointments  of  deputies  should 
soon  be  made,  the  lands  may  yet  be  surveyed  this  fall  and  winter,  and  brought 
into  market  the  next  autumn  ;  but  a  delay  of  one  month  more  in  the  nomination 
of  the  deputy  surveyors,  must  occasion  a  year's  delay  in  the  surveys,  and  of  con 
sequence  in  the  sales.  Those  officers  and  soldiers  who  yet  hold  the  warrants  for 
lands,  the  reward  of  their  services,  (and  there  are  not  a  few  in  this  State)  are 
very  impatient,  and  even  murmur  at  their  not  having  been  enabled  to  locate 
them  from  the  time  of  peace  to  the  present  day.  Seventeen  officers  and  about 
seventy  men,  lodged  their  warrants  in  my  hands  to  be  laid  on  the  Wabash  tract, 
set  apart  for  the  military,,  two  or  three  years  ago,  and  they  received,  not  very 


384  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

placidly,  the  information  that  after  waiting  eleven  or  twelve  years,  the  tract  to 
which  they  had  turned  their  attention,  was  given  up  by  the  government  to  the 
Indians. 

I  mention  these  things  to  impress  upon  you  the  importance  of  an  immediate 
provision  for  the  survey  and  location  of  the  lands  selected  for  military  donations, 
by  an  act  of  the  last  session  ;  it  will  reconcile  many  meritorious  persons  who 
conceive  themselves  neglected  and  injured  ;  it  will  pacify  their  friends  who  listen 
to  their  complaints  and  make  a  common  cause  with  them,  and  it  will  be  doing 
an  act  of  real  justice. 

I  hear  some  of  them  remark  with  pain,  that  the  President  and  members  have 
lands  of  their  own  to  sell,  or  they  would  not  be  so  neglectful  in  providing  for  the 
location  of  the  military  warrants,  which  then  might  come  in  competition  with 
them.  The  fact  as  to  many  of  us  holding  such  lands  being  undeniable,  the  im 
putation  becomes,  from  that  circumstance,  more  plausible,  and  enforces  the  neces 
sity  on  the  part  of  our  government  to  defeat,  as  soon  as  possible,  the  charge  of 
neglect.  With  very  sincere  esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obed't.  serv't., 

JONA.  DAYTON. 


FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

DEDHAM,  Sept.  26,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

While  I  have  gained  health  by  riding,  I  hope  you  and  yours  have  not  lost  or 
impaired  it  by  remaining  at  rest  in  Philadelphia,  where  indeed,  the  summer  heat 
sometimes  forbids  rest.  The  chill  of  this  season  has  a  little  deranged  my  relaxed 
system,  and  exposed  me  to  suffer  some  languid  and  half  sick  hours  in  a  day,  for 
some  time.  I  trust  I  shall  take  a  new  start  soon,  .after  having  become  hardened 
to  the  fall.  I  came  first  to  Dedham  and  then  returned  for  my  family  to  Spring 
field,  which  has  given  me  good  exercise.  I  contemplate  a  trip  to  see  Tracy  and 
Sedgwick,  but  I  have  many  doubts  whether  I  shall  effect  it.  I  need  a  good  deal 
of  drilling  to  fit  me  for  a  winter's  journey  to  Congress  in  the  stage. 

The  address  of  the  President  is  just  published  here,  and  will  be  read  with  ad 
miration.  It  will  serve  as  a  signal,  like  dropping  a  hat,  for  the  party  racers  to 
start,  and  I  expect  a  great  deal  of  noise,  whipping,  and  spurring  ;  money,  it  is 
very  probable  will  be  spent,  some  virtue  and  more  tranquillity  lost ;  but  I  hope 
public  order  will  be  saved.  Here  the  horizon  is  clear.  You  will  see  the  toasts 
at  a  feast  of  fraternity  in  Boston  for  M.  Adet ;  there  is  an  incorrectness  in  them 
and  in  the  whole  business ;  some  good  men  incautiously  yielded  to  the  project 
which  the  antis  set  on  foot,  but  could  not  execute  even  decently,  unless  their 
betters  in  character  and  principle,  should  concur.  A  second  set  followed  the 
first,  who  were  entrapped  because  they  would  not  leave  them  to  be  mortified. 
This  may  palliate  it  to  you  and  a  few  others,  but  the  face  of  the  business  is  bad 
and  foolish  at  home  and  abroad. 

In  and  near  Boston,  the  cause  of  order  seems  to  stand  better  than  ever;  but 
you  know  how  changeable  our  sky  is.  I  hope  my  successor  will  be  a  federal  man, 
but  there  is  danger  of  a  trimmer.  On  the  whole,  I  think  Massachusetts  will  im- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  385 

prove  in  the  next  House,  as  to  federalism.  I  even  flatter  myself  we  shall  not 
have  one  democrat.  W.  Lyman  is  not  countenanced  by  many  in  his  district. 
Varnum  will  be  displaced,  it  is  thought,  though  not  by  Dexter.  Dearborn  is 
said  to  be  almost  the  only  anti  in  his  district.  Should  Virginia  adopt  the  senti 
ments  in  the  President's  address,  and  choose  better  men  than  formerly,  the  next 
House  may  perhaps  think  it  a  duty  to  aid,  instead  of  obstructing  the  business  of 
the  government.  With  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  W.,  I  am,  dear  sir,  yours 
truly, 

FISHER  AMES. 

P.  S.  I  have  begged  of  Mr.  Rundle  to  call  on  Mr.  Cox  about  my  Windsor 
chairs,  which  possibly  the  latter  may  be  green  enough  to  refuse  sending,  unless  by 
a  command  from  Mrs.  Wolcott.  If  it  should  be  so,  I  request  a  little  treasury 
influence.  Captain  Anthony  will  send  them  on. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFJELD,  Oct.  3d,  1796. 
Sir, 

*  *  *  The  President's  declining  to  be  again  elected,  constitutes  a 
most  important  epoch  in  our  national  affairs.  The  country  meet  the  event 
with  reluctance,  but  they  do  not  feel  that  they  can  make  any  claim  for  the  fur 
ther  services  of  a  man  who  has  conducted  their  armies  through  a  successful  war, 
has  so  largely  contributed  to  establish  a  national  government,  has  so  long  presi 
ded  over  our  councils  and  directed  the  public  administration,  and  has,  in  the 
most  advantageous  manner,  settled  all  national  differences,  and  who  can  leave 
the  administration  when  nothing  but  our  folly  and  internal  discord  can  render 
the  country  otherwise  than  happy.  His  secession  from  the  administration  will  \ 
probably,  within  no  distant  period,  ascertain  whether  our  present  system  and 
union  can  be  preserved.  It  may  exist  a  few  years,  but  the  violent  symptoms 
which  have  attacked  it  so  early,  evince  to  my  mind  that  it  will  be  but  of  short 
duration.  We  have  not  the  least  evidence  that  this  is  the  age  of  reason.  The 
retirement  of  the  President  will  induce  among  many  very  serious  reflections,  and 
his  advice  to  his  country,  which  is  the  best  which  could  possibly  be  given,  will 
be  much  read  and  will  make  a  pretty  strong  temporary  impression  ;  but  like  all 
other  advice,  however  good,  will  not  be  lasting.  Pride  and  ambition,  supported 
by  ignorance  and  vice,  will  not  be  confined  within  the  limits  he  has  prescribed. 

The  extreme  scurrility  and  abuse  with  which  the  President  has  been  treated, 
gives  an  additional  proof  of  human  baseness.  Constant  reiterations  of  this  kind, 
suffered  to  pass  with  impunity,  would  lead  to  debase  the  character  of  an  angel. 
As  reluctant  as  I  feel  at  the  retirement  of  the  President,  I  believe,  upon  reflec 
tion,  it  is  probable  he  has  chosen  the  proper  time,  both  for  himself  and  the  coun 
try.  Matters  will  be  brought  to  a  test.  If  Jefferson  shall  supply  his  place,  which 
I  trust  will  not  be  the  case,  however  plausible  his  conduct  will  be,  he  never  will 
have  the  northern  confidence.  Literary  abilities  and  practical  knowledge  are 
not  frequently  conjoined,  and  he  never  will  be  thought  to  act  but  under  the  veil 

VOL.    I.  33 


386  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

of  hypocrisy.  The  politics  which  he  has  adopted  and  which  he  will  always 
insidiously  support,  are  inconsistent  with  the  honor  and  safety  of  our  country, 
and  his  mind  is  too  limited  not  to  act  under  a  partial  bias. 

*  *  *  * 

I  am,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  Oct.  11,  1796. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

It  is  about  a  fortnight  since  I  received  the  letter  you  had  the  goodness  to 
write  on  the  9th  of  July,  by  Mr.  Mercier.  This  gentleman  put  your  letter  into 
the  hand  of  Mr.  Higginson,  who  neglected  to  deliver  it  to  me  until  two  \veeks 
ago.  I  have  twice  been  to  town  for  the  sole  purpose  of  finding  Mr.  Mercier, 
and  at  last  discovered  he  was  gone  to  Newburyport.  If  he  returns  to  Boston,  I 
shall  be  happy  to  see  him,  and  to  promote  his  views  in  any  thing  in  my  power. 

By  a  vessel,  now  on  the  point  of  sailing  for  Philadelphia,  (I  think  she  is  a 
schooner  called  the  Industry,  and  the  Captain's  name  Thomas)  I  have  shipped 
a  barrel  of  St.  Germain  pears,  which,  it  is  hoped,  will  arrive  in  good  order,  and 
prove  acceptable  to  you  and  Mrs.  Wolcott,  as  from  Mrs.  C.  and  rne.  In  this 
climate  they  are  easily  preserved  till  December  and  January,  and  are  the  best 
winter  fruit  we  have. 

The  President's  advice  is  an  excellent  coronation  of  an  excellent  public  life. 
I  think  it  will  do;  as  much  as  any  thing  can,  toward  saving  us  from  the  miserable 
servitude  to  which  our  folly  and  vices  seem  to  destine  us. 

Mr.  J.  B.  Cutting  tells  us  that  the  French  successes  in  Italy  will  entirely  secure 
the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  France,  he  says,  must  be  appeased,  by  our  making 
the  President  she  likes.  If  the  report  be  true  that  she  has  a  powerful  fleet  at 
Halifax,  I  imagine  Mr.  Cutting's  opinion  will  be  adopted  by  many,  who  have 
always  considered,  and  some  of  them  desired,  that  our  national  independence 
should  depend  on  France. 

Mr.  Quincy  tells  me  he  saw  you  and  Mrs.  Wolcott,  and  that  you,  with  your 
little  ones  were  all  well,  ten  days  since.  Mrs.  Cabot  is  in  good  health,  and  joins 
most  cordially  in  my  prayers  that  you  may  long  be  happy.  Yours  truly, 

G.  CABOT. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  October  17th,  1796. 

I  have  received  your  several  letters,  and  am  glad  to  know  that  I  have  been 
anticipated  in  my  apology  for  not  replying  to  them. 

The  present  is  truly  a  critical  epoch  in  our  affairs ;  if  the  elections  are  favoura 
ble,  all  will  be  safe  ;  if  unfavourable,  French  democracy  may  prevail,  in  which 
case  all  will  be  lost. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  387 

The  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President  will  be  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr. 
Thomas  Pinckney  on  one  side,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Coi.  Burr  on  the  other. 
The  antis,  however,  do  not  expect  that  Col.  Burr  will  succeed,  and  they  secretly 
wish  that  Mr.  Adams  may  be  elected  to  his  present  station.  They  will  vote 
against  him,  however,  to  prevent  his  election  to  the  office  of  President.  It  is 
expected  that  Mr.  Adams  will  decline,  if  not  chosen  President.  This  will  enable 
them  to  impute  ambition  and  resentment  to  him,  and  the  public  will  in  any  event 
lose  his  influence  and  services  in  the  Senate.  It  will,  besides,  give  the  party  an 
opportunity  of  stimulating  the  ambition  of  some  Northern  character  to  cooperate 
in  their  schemes.  It  is  of  the  utmost  moment  that  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney 
should  both  be  elected.  This,  I  expect,  may  be  accomplished  ;  but  system  in  the 
Northern  States  will  be  necessary.  It  has  been  apprehended  that  Mr.  Pinckney 
may  be  elected  President ;  of  this  there  may  be  a  degree  of  risk,  though  I  am 
satisfied  that  it  is  not  desired  by  Mr.  Pinckney's  most  intimate  and  influential 
friends.  The  votes  may  be  calculated  as  follows  :' 

For  the  Federal  candidates,  all  the  votes  of  the  five  eastern  States,  except 
those  allowed  for  accidents,  all  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  one  half 
of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  and  about  four  chance  votes  to  the  southward  for 
Mr.  Adams,  and  perhaps  seven  or  eight  for  Mr.  Pinckney.  This  result  would 
place  Mr.  Pinckney  President,  and  Mr.  Adams  Vice  President.  To  guard 
against  this,  some  of  the  votes  which  might  be  obtained  for  Mr.  Pinckney,  maybe 
given  to  an  indifferent  character  ;  care  must  be  taken,  however,  that  sucK  a  num 
ber  is  not  thrown  away  as  would  leave  Mr.  Jefferson  President  or  Vice  President. 
Measures  have  been  taken  here  to  ascertain  the  complexion  of  the  electors  as 
soon  as  possible.  It  will  be  best  that  the  preponderating  voice  in  favour  of 
Mr.  Adams,  should  be  given  in  the  middle  States  ;  it'  Mr.  Pinckney  should  lose 
the  election  for  want  of  support  at  the  eastward,  a  distrust  may  be  excited  which 
both  now  and  hereafter  may  be  very  prejudicial^  You  will  see,  therefore,  that 
in  my  opinion,  the  eastern  States  ought  to  support  both  gentlemen  fairly  and 
impartially.  It  is  possible  that  the  event  may  be  different  from  our  wishes,  but 
it  will  be  the  fault  of  the  constitution  if  such  be  the  case. 

The  French  are  assuming  a  very  haughty  tone,  and  will,  if  possible,  dictate  sub 
mission  to  the  world.  The  late  order  against  neutral  nations  may  not  be  precisely 
as  has  been  published,  but  it  is  certain  that  something  offensive  and  injurious  has 
been  adopted.  A  new  minister,  said  to  be  Mangourit,  lately  one  of  Genet's 
consuls,  is  expected.  The  violence  of  this  man's  character,  if  he  has  been  in  fact 
appointed,  is  no  good  omen.a  The  French  are  practising  every  species  of 
seduction  to  divide  this  country,  but  they  will  be  detected  and  defeated.  What 
I  most  fear  is,  that  by  the  terms  of  peace  which  they  mean  to  dictate,  they  may 
gain  a  footing  on  this  continent.  If  they  succeed,  we  shall  find  they  will  be  the 
worst  and  most  dangerous  neighbours  we  could  have.  With  England  we  may 
now  and  then  have  a  war,  which  though  a  bad  thing  is  not  the  worst  thing  possi. 

a  Adet  was  to  have  been  recalled  in  Adet's  actual  recall  did  not  take  place  till 

August  and  Mangourit  sent  as  Charge  November.     See    Monroe's  "  View    of 

only,  but  on  Mr.  Monroe's  remonstrance  the  Conduct  of  the  Executive,"  p.  360. 
the    appointment    was  not    made,  and 


388  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

ble.  The  French  will,  if  they  have  an  opportunity,  be  like  ants  and  weasels  in 
our  bams  and  granaries.  Out  of  pure  love  to  us  and  to  liberty,  they  will  put  our 
property  and  interests  into  a  common  stock  with  their  own,  and  will  then  assume 
the  sole  management  of  both.  In  short,  we  shall  be  in  danger  of  being  first 
corrupted,  and  afterwards  enslaved. 

The  probability  of  absolute  success  on  the  part  of  France  is  great ;  the  avarice 
of  England  has  tempted  her  to  divide  her  force,  and  of  course  to  make  establish 
ments  disproportioned  to  her  population.  A  wound  to  her  commerce,  now  the 
sole  basis  of  her  strength,  may  be  a  death  blow  to  the  nation.  If  the  United 
States  can  be  wise  and  united,  we  may  derive  strength  from  the  calamities  which 
afflict  mankind.  The  arts,  the  commerce,  and  the  wealth  of  Europe,  may  be 
rapidly  transplanted  here.  This  strength,  though  not  to  be  desired  by  means 
incompatible  with  justice  and  humanity,  is  an  advantage  which  happily  may  be 
purchased  by  means  compatible  with  both. 

The  subject  of  the  sale  of  prizes  by  French  national 
ships,  as  distinct  from  privateers,  continued  to  be  a  sub 
ject  of  discussion. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  17,  1796. 

Permit  me  to  ask  your  opinion  on  the  following  points : — 

1st.  Ought  we,  or  ought  we  not,  to  permit  sales  of  prizes  to  French  national 
ships  of  war  as  formerly,  on  payments  of  duties'? 

2d.  In  case  of  an  affirmative  answer  to  the  first  question,  what  is  to  be  regarded 
as  evidence  of  a  national  ship — will  the  certificate  of  a  French  Commissioner  in 
the  West  Indies,  or  of  a  Consul  or  the  French  minister  in  the  United  States,  be 
sufficient,  provided  nothing  appears  in  the  commission  of  the  vessel  contradictory 
to  their  certificate. 

3rd.  May  we  keep  an  Inspector  on  board  a  prize  during  her  continuance  in 
our  ports? 

4th.  In  case  a  prize  requires  reparation,  may  a  part  of  her  cargo  be  sold, 
sufficient  to  defray  expenses  on  payment  of  duties  ? 

5th.  In  case  a  prize  vessel  is  condemned  as  incapable  of  reparation,  may  the 
prize  goods  be  exported  in  our  own  or  other  neutral  vessels,  as  French  property  1 

6th.  Who  is  to  judge  when  it  is  necessary  to  unlade  a  vessel  for  the  purpose  of 
making  reparations?  Is  the  suggestion  of  a  French  prize  master  or  consul 
sufficient  ? 

7th.  May  the  cargoes  of  prizes  be  sold  or  any  part  of  them,  for  the  reparation  of 
any  vessel,  or  the  payment  of  any  expense  not  incidental  to  the  identical  vessel  in 
which  the  cargoes  arrived  ? 

8th.  Who  is  to  judge  of  the  quantity  sufficient  for  making  reparations,  in  case 
any  sale  is  lawful  ? 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  389 

9th.  If,  after  a  vessel  is  condemned  as  incapable  of  reparation,  she  should  be 
notwithstanding  repaired,  is  she  to  be  permitted  to  depart  1 

10th.  Is  it,  or  is  it  not,  the  right  of  a  Collector  to  treat  French  prizes  in  the 
same  manner  as  vessels  which  report  themselves  as  bound  to  a  foreign  port,  or 
which  arrive  in  distress?  See  Section  18th  and  38th  of  the  Collection  Law. 

The  18th  and  38th  sections  of  the  Collection  Law  appear  to  have  provided  for 
cases  not  very  dissimilar  from  those  of  prizes  to  privateers,  which  in  contemplation 
of  law,  must  be  considered  as  coming  into  our  ports  merely  for  refreshment ;  the 
requiring  of  a  bond  on  their  departure  may  not,  however,  be  proper. 

We  shall,  on  the  subject  of  these  prizes  be  vexed  with  every  kind  of  uncandid 
ingenuity.  There  is  danger  of  losing  the  revenue,  while  at  the  same  time  sales 
may  not  be  prevented.  You  will  see  that  not  only  public  questions  which  affect 
our  neutrality,  but  revenue  questions  are  concerned ;  there  are  too  many  who 
will  not  miss  a  good  opportunity  of  purchasing  West  India  produce,  when  it  can 
be  had  below  the  market  price. 

In  every  point  of  view  the  subject  is  embarrassing.  Please  to  reply  as  soon  as 
possible. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Oct.  22d,  J796. 

Sir, 

Mr.  Tracy  is  chosen  senator,  vice  Mr.  Trumbull ;  Mr.  J.  Hillhouse  is  re-elected 
to  serve  from  the  third  of  March.  The  present  representatives  and  Mr.  Dana 
are  elected  for  the  fifth  Congress.  Mr.  Davenport  is  elected  representative  till 
next  March,  vice  Mr.  Hillhouse.  This  criss-cross  election  is  probably  owing  to 
a  confusion  in  the  minds  of  many  freemen,  who  supposed  it  would  be  improper 
for  them  to  vote  for  the  same  person  twice,  at  the  same  time.  A  new  writ  of 
election  will  soon  issue,  when  probably  both  these  gentlemen  will  be  elected  to 
supply  the  existing  vacancies. 

Nothing  material  has  been  transacted  yet  in  the  session.  I  shall  hope  to  write 
to  you  again  before  I  leave  the  town.  I  am,  &c., 

OLIV.  WOLCOTT. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  Oct.  27,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  17th  instant  found  me  at  Albany,  attending  the  Supreme 
Court.  I  have  no  copy  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  at  hand,  but  I  am  well 
satisfied  from  memory  that  the  true  interpretation  of  that  treaty,  enforcing  in  this 
respect  the  true  rule  of  neutrality,  forbids  our  permitting  the  sale  of  a  prize  taken 
and  brought  in  by  a  French  national  ship,  equally  as  if  by  a  privateer,  and  that 
the  pri/e  vessel  herself,  with  her  cargo,  ought  to  depart  our  ports.  I  hasten  to 
give  you  my  opinion  thus  far.  I  reserve  to  consider  more  at  leisure,  what  excep 
tions  absolute  necessity  may  justify  ;  but  this  is  clear,  that  as  far  as  it  may  admit 

33* 


390  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

any,  the  exceptions  must  be  measured  and  restricted  by  the  necessity,  and  as  soon 
as  possible  you  must  return  into  the  path  of  the  treaty.  Thus,  if  the  prize  vessel 
was  absolutely  unfit  to  proceed  to  sea,  her  cargo  ought  to  be  sent  out  of  the 
country  in  another  vessel,  and  care  ought  to  be  taken  that  it  does  not  go  out 
under  false  colors.  Our  own  officers,  no  doubt,  must  inspect  and  ascertain  any 
case  of  necessity  which  may  be  suggested. 

Pray,  my  good  friend,  let  there  be  no  evasions.     Yours,  affectionately, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


NEW  YORK,  Nov.  1,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  a  line  from  Albany,  expressing  an  opinion  from  memory,  that  our 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  prohibited  the  sale  of  prizes  made  by  French  national 
ships.  Being  just  returned  to  town,  I  have  looked  into  the  article  which  relates 
to  the  point,  and  I  fear  that  opinion  was  wrong.  In  a  day  or  two  I  will  write 
you  more  particularly. 

Adet's  late  communication  demands  a  very  careful  and  well  managed  answer. 
Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  1,  1796. 

I  have  received  your  letters  from  Hartford  and  New  Haven,  and  am  glad  to 
hear  of  the  issue  of  our  elections.  The  services  of  good  men  were  never  more 
needed  than  at  present. 

Inter  nos  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  French  have  got  a  cession  of 
Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  from  Spain.  The  object  is  to  have  the  means  of  in 
fluence  over  the  western  country. 

There  is  something  very  unintelligible  in  the  movements  of  France  towards 
this  country.  Whether  they  really  mean  to  distress  our  commerce  generally,  or 
only  to  excite  alarm  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  the  approaching  election,  is 
uncertain.  I  hope  all  will  turn  out  right. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

NEW  YOKE,  Nov.  3,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  more  carefully  examined  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  and  I  return  to 
the  opinion  given  you  from  Albany.  My  hesitation  yesterday,  arose  from  the 
terms  of  the  24th  article,  which  were  confined  to  privateers,  a  word  that  has  an 
appropriate  sense,  meaning  ships  of  private  persons  commissioned  to  cruise. 
But  the  following  article  contains  the  equivalent  one  to  that  with  France,  upon 
which  we  refused  all  bringing  in  and  sale  of  prizes  by  her  enemies.  The  words 
are  "  no  refuge,"  &c.,  the  major  including  the  minor,  And  though  France,  by 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  391 

our  treaty  with  her,  may  bring  in  prizes,  yet  the  treaty  gives  her  no  right  to  sell. 
The  clause  in  question  in  the  English  treaty  cannot  take  away  the  right  she  be 
fore  had  to  bring  in  her  prizes  ;  but  as  she  had  not  a  positive  right  to  sell,  it  will 
oblige  her  to  depart  with  them.  In  other  words,  it  will  preclude  her  from  what 
ever  she  has  not  a  positive  right  to.  This,  also,  is  Mr.  Jay's  opinion,  and  it  is 
certainly  agreeable  to  the  whole  spirit  of  the  treaty.  Yours, 

A.  H. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  6,  179G. 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  your  opinion  of  Nov.  3rd,  is  founded  on  a  partial 
view  of  the  case. 

You  know  that  it  has  all  along  been  a  received  opinion  that  the  French  had  a 
right  by  treaty,  to  an  indefinite  asylum  for  their  ships  ;  but  that  they  could  not 
claim,  as  a  right,  the  privilege  of  selling  prizes  in  our  ports.  The  right  to  an  in 
definite  asylum  was  also  granted  to  British  ships  of  war  and  letters  of  marque, 
provided  they  had  not  made  prizes  of  French  vessels.  On  this  ground  the  25th 
article  of  the  British  treaty  cannot  be  construed  to  impair  the  right  of  an  asylum 
accorded  by  our  prior  treaty  with  France. 

The  right  of  selling  prizes  stands  on  different  grounds  ;  it  might  have  been 
refused,  in  all  cases,  to  France  ;  it  was,  however,  granted  in  all  cases.  The 
British  treaty,  however,  has  taken  away  this  privilege  from  privateers  ;  but  it 
leaves  the  other  cases  of  prizes  to  national  ships,  as  formerly.  The  United 
States  may  take  away  this  right  of  selling  prizes  wholly  ;  but  they  have  passed 
no  law  on  the  subject.  What  the  President  does  must  be  consistent  with  his  for 
mer  decisions,  or  be  sanctioned  by  some  subsequent  law.  There  is  no  law  on 
the  point,  and  according  to  all  former  decisions  a  stipulation  affecting  privateers, 
has  not  been  deemed  to  affect  national  ships.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  25th 
article,  stipulating  against  an  asylum,  is  the  veiy  article  by  which  the  rights  ac 
quired  under  the  French  treaty  are  saved — this  will  be  much  abridged  if  your 
opinion  should  prevail,  which,  though  I  very  much  wish  to  see  established,  is,  I 
fear,  liable  to  insuperable  objections. 

There  was  no  enclosure  in  your  letter.  Have  we  done  right  in  respect  to  Mr. 
Adet's  note  1  I  wish  to  know,  as  we  may  hear  more  on  the  subject. 

The  Pennsylvania  election  has,  I  think,  issued  in  favour  of  Mr.  Jefferson  : 
there  is  yet  hope,  but  that  is  all. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

[NEW  YORK,]   Nov.  9,  179C. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  yesterday  your  letter  of  the  6th,  and  immediately  wrote  some  addi 
tional  letters  to  the  eastward,  enforcing  what  I  had  before  written.  Pennsylva 
nia  does  not  surprise  me. 


392  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

I  have  reconsidered  the  opinion  given  to  you  on  the  3rd,  and  see  no  reason  to 
change  it.  The  reasoning  which  leads  me  to  the  conclusion,  has  not  been  suffi 
ciently  explained.  I  will  therefore  be  more  particular. 

The  articles  in  our  treaty  with  France,  which  respect  the  subject,  are  the  17th 
and  22d.  The  17th  consists  of  two  parts.  1st.  It  grants  asylum  in  our  ports 
for  French  ships  of  war  and  privateers,  with  their  prizes,  and  with  liberty  to  car 
ry  them  freely  thence  to  their  own  ports.  2d.  It  prohibits  the  giving  refuge  in 
our  ports  to  such  as  shall  have  made  prizes  of  the  subjects  or  property  of  the 
French.  It  grants  no  right  to  sell  prizes  in  our  ports,  neither  does  the  letter  of 
the  article  prohibit  prizes  made  of  the  French  from  coming  into  our  ports  ;  it 
only  prohibits  the  instrument  of  making  the  prizes.  But  the  construction  justly 
adopted  by  the  President,  was  that  the  prohibition,  in  its  true  spirit,  excluded  the 
bringing  in  of  prizes,  whether  coming  with  or  without  the  capturing  vessels. 
It  is  upon  this  part  of  the  treaty  alone  that  prizes  made  by  national  vessels  of 
Great  Britain  were  excluded  from  our  ports.  For  the  22d  article  with  France 
is  wholly  confined  to  privateers,  prohibiting  those  of  other  nations  to  fit  or  sell 
their  prizes  in  our  ports.  This  article,  if  it  had  stood  alone,  would  have  left  us 
free  to  admit  British  national  ships,  with  their  prizes,  into  our  ports,  as  our  24th 
article  with  Great  Britain  leaves  us  free  to  admit  French  national  ships  with 
their  prizes,  for  these  articles  are  the  exact  equivalent  of  each  other.  So  that, 
as  before  remarked,  the  prohibition  to  the  coming  in  or  sale  in  our  ports  of  prizes 
made  upon  the  French  by  British  national  armed  ships,  was  derived  by  construc 
tion  and  implication  from  the  17th  article  of  our  treaty  with  France. 

It  follows  then  that  this  article  was  considered  as  competent  to  prevent  the 
coming  in  and  sale  of  prizes.  If  so,  the  same  or  equivalent  terms,  in  the  British 
treaty,  must  be  competent  to  the  same  thing.  Now  the  25th  article  of  our  treaty 
with  Great  Britain  has  equivalent  terms.  We  there  read  that  "  no  shelter  or 
refuge  shall  be  given  in  their  ports,  to  such  as  have  made  a  prize  upon  the  subjects 
or  citizens  of  either  of  the  contracting  parties  ;  but  if  forced  by  stress  of  weather 
or  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  to  enter  therein,  particular  care  shall  be  taken  to  cause 
them  to  retire  as  soon  as  possible."  This  prohibition  includes  here,  as  in  the 
17th  article  of  our  treaty  with  France,  a  prohibition  to  sell  prizes  in  our  ports  ; 
not  the  prizes  of  privateers  only,  but  prizes  generally. 

But  France,  it  is  answered,  had  a  prior  right  by  the  17ih  article  of  our  treaty 
with  her,  "  to  come  and  bring  prizes  into  our  ports."  True,  she  had  this  right, 
and  must  have  it  still,  notwithstanding  the  25th  article  of  our  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  ;  but  she  had  no  prior  right  by  treaty  to  sell  prizes  in  our  ports,  and  con 
sequently,  as  the  25th  article  of  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain  excludes,  as  the 
minor  of  a  major,  the  selling  of  prizes  in  our  ports,  the  exclusion  so  far  is  in 
force,  because  it  contravenes  no  prior  right  of  France.  As  far  as  the  treaty  with 
France  gives  a  right  inconsistent  with  the  above  25th  article,  that  right  forms  an 
exception,  but  the  exception  must  be  coextensive  with  the  right.  The  conclusion 
is  that  France  retains  the  right  of  asylum,  but  is  excluded  from  the  right  of  sel 
ling.  This  gives  effect  to  the  25th  article  with  Great  Britain  as  far  as  the  treaty 
right  of  France  does  not  require  an  exception  ;  and  this  construction  ought  to  be 
favoured,  because  it  best  comports  wilh  the  rule  of  neutrality.  It  will  also  best 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  393 

agree  with  the  President's  former  decisions.  He  permitted  France  to  sell  prizes  ; 
not  because  the  treaty  gave  her  a  right,  but  because  he  did  not  see  clearly  any 
law  of  the  country  or  of  nations  that  forbade  it.  But  consistency  does  not  re 
quire  that  this  permission  shall  continue,  if  there  be  any  thing  in  the  treaty  with 
Great  Britain  against  it.  Consistency,  however,  does  require  that  the  same  lati 
tude  of  construction  should  be  given  to  the  25th  article  of  the  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  as  was  before  given  to  the  17th  article  of  our  treaty  with  France.  The 
same  latitude  will,  as  I  apprehend,  exclude  the  sale  of  prizes  by  France  in  the 
case  in  question. 

I  regret  extremely  the  publication  of  the  reply  to  Adet,  otherwise  than  through 
the  channel  of  Congress.  The  sooner  the  Executive  gets  out  of  the  newspapers 
the  better.  What  may  now  be  in  its  power,  will  depend  on  circumstances  which 
are  to  occur.  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

DEDHAM,  Nov.  14,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

You  would  deceive  yourself,  if  you  suppose  I  rate  the  value  of  your  corres 
pondence  exactly  in   proportion  to  the  promptness  of  my  replies.      Your  letter 
of  the   6th  October  is  my  daily  remembrancer  1      I  look  at  it  to  see  how  our 
republic  is  like  to  fare.      I  perceive  that  Philadelphia  and  its  environs  have  de 
cided  the  votes  for  Jeffersonians.     I  have  supposed  that  Pennsylvania  held  the  j 
balance,  and  I  am  sorry  to  infer  from  the  votes  of  Philadelphia  that  it  will  be  / 
wrongly  inclined.      I  have  long  seen  with  terror  that  our  destiny  is  committed  i 
to  our  prudence,  which  I  have  ever  believed  to  be  weaker  than  our  prejudice  and  \ 
passion  ;  yet  the  issue,  such  as  it  is,  must  be  tried  by  the  country.     Here  the  influ-    i 
ence  of  the  Boston  Chronicle  and  the  orations  in  the  market,  is  most  pestiferous, 
I  have  proclaimed  open  war  against  all  this,  but  a  rower  against  the  stream  soon 
grows  weak  and  weary.     All  that  is  folly  and  passion  in  man,  is  opposed  to  all 
that  is  virtue  and  wisdom  ;   and  I  fear  that  our  government  supposes  him  too 
good,  and  will  prove  him  too  weak  for  the  trust.      Good  men,  and  especially 
those  of  Connecticut,  where  folly  is  not  in  fashion,  do  not  know  the  extent  of  : 
the  lies  against  the  government.  Many  of  my  plain  neighbours  who  read  the  Chro-  ' 
nicle  will  not  commend  the  President.     Their  reasoning  is  from  what  they  know, 
and  they  take  facts  from  that  paper.      Yet  at  the  same  time  I  see  the  men  of 
sense  more  zealously  in  the  right  than  ever.      Yet  as  the  seekers  of  popularity 
are  corrupters  of  the  multitude,  the  malady  isendemical  and  incurable.     I  went 
to  the  meeting  in  this  place  ;  almost  every  gentleman  was  there  and  acted  with 
me  ;  but  a  word  about  liberty  and  putting  bridles  in  the  people's  mouth  routed 
us  all,  altho'  we  were  very  cautious  on  that  tender  ground.     In  a  word,  my  dear 
sir,  I  am  far  from  clear  as  to  the  event  of  things ;  as  to  the  duty  of  public  men, 
1  have  no  doubts.      We  are  to  persevere  and  hold  up  the  government  and  the 
constituted  authorities  as  long  as  we  can.     I  have  my  anxiety  much  engaged  to 
know  the  extent  of  Adet's  threats.      I  think  our  public  will  cling  to  the  govern- 


394  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

merit,  if  it  should  proceed  with  proper  spirit.  Any  hesitancy  would  spoil  all. 
I  know  little  of  the  popular  impression  of  the  correspondence.  Col.  Dawes  is 
elector,  and  H.  G.  Otis  representative  for  this  district.  Yours,  &c., 

FISHER  AMES. 

I  thank  you  for  continuing  to  hope  for  my  republic.  I  am  far  from  stout,  but  I 
am  slowly  making  progress.  I  expect  to  reach  Philadelphia  before  the  5th 
December. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEX. 

HARTFORD,  November  15,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  received  your  letter  by  Juba,  and  the  enclosures  for  Mr.  Davenport.  I  shall 
forward  by  next  mail.  We  are  much  obliged  by  the  trouble  you  have  taken 
about  Peggy. 

Col.  Hamilton  sent  Col.  Wadsworth  an  extract  of  a  letter  by  Friday's  mail 
from  your  son,  which  informs  us  that  the  federal  ticket  for  electors  was  lost  in 
Pennsylvania.  His  opinion  has  since  been  confirmed  by  private  letters.  Our 
hopes  are  a  little  revived  by  papers  last  evening,  as  in  the  account  they  contain, 
the  federal  ticket  leads.  The  returns  of  the  western  and  some  other  districts 
were  not  received,  which  probably  will  turn  the  scale  for  Jefferson.  This,  if  it 
happens,  will  render  the  election  more  critical,  but  not  desperate.  The  votes 
in  Massachusetts  for  electors  are  so  scattered,  that  little  can  be  known  about 
them  at  present.  Since  Governor  Adams'  defeat,  it  is  an  universal  opinion  that 
the  Vice-President  will  have  all  the  votes.  Present  appearances  are  that  Skin 
ner  and  Varnum  will  be  the  only  anti-federal  representatives  from  New  Eng 
land  in  the  next  Congress.  William  Lyman  has  but  few  votes,  except  in  Spring 
field.  It  is  not  ascertained  whether  General  Shepard  be  chosen  or  not.  Fos 
ter,  Sewall  and  Otis  are  chosen.  'Tis  said  Mr.  Dearborn  has  lost  his  election  ; 
we  have  not  heard  about  the  others. 

The  Daily  Advertiser  from  New  York,  of  last  evening,  has  an  account  (via 
Baltimore)  from  Dutch  papers,  of  further  and  decisive  defeats  of  Jourdan's  and 
Moreau's  divisions  of  the  French  armies.  As  yet  the  account  stands  single,  and 
wants  additional  intelligence.  Among  other  instances  of  the  cullability  of  a 
certain  class  of  our  countrymen  to  the  French,  it  is  reported  that  the  supporters 
of  the  Jefferson  ticket  as  'tis  named,  went  to  the  polls  with  French  cockades  in 
their  hats  at  Philadelphia.  I  can't  vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  story.  The  mob 
of  that  city,  led  on  by  their  knavish  purse-proud  democrats,  are  ripe  for  any  out 
rage  upon  decency  and  a  government  of  laws.  It  is  probable  that  nothing  but 
some  calamity  from  the  hands  of  Sans  Culottism  can  thoroughly  reform  them. 
It  was  nothing  but  the  yellow  fever  checked  the  dominion  of  Genet  in  that  city — 
the  western  insurrection  held  them  at  bay  a  while,  and  I  hope  and  trust  there 
is  some  seeming  calamity  in  the  stores  of  heaven  to  laugh  at  and  correct  them, 
now  that  their  pride  and  folly  have  come.  This  government  yet  rests  on  New 
England  prudence  and  firmness  ;  it  is  a  tower  that  hitherto  has  abode  in  strength 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  395 

under  the  smiles  of  a  good  Providence,  and  I  confidently  believe  that  it  will  not  "} 
hereafter  disappoint  the  wishes  and  hopes  of  the  virtuous.     I  am,  sir,  with  sin 
cere  attachment  and  great  respect,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  17,  1796. 

You  must  feel  interested  in  knowing  how  our  affairs  stand  with  France.  I 
give  you  a  summary  of  them. 

The  note  to  Col.  Pickering  contains  a  summary  of  all  the  complaints  of  France 
since  the  commencement  of  the  present  war.  They  are  as  follows  : 

That  the  courts  of  the  United  States  have  taken  cognizance  of  prizes  to  French 
vessels. 

That  the  treaty  has  been  misconstrued  by  permitting  the  admission  of  British 
ships  which  have  at  some  time  made  prizes  of  French  vessels.  M.  Adet's  con 
struction  is,  that  a  British  ship  which  at  any  time  or  in  any  place  has  made  a 
prize,  ought  to  be  denied  asylum. 

Complaints  are  made  of  the  proclamation  of  neutrality,  and  of  the  prompt 
ness  with  which  the  President  requested  Congress  to  enact  laws  for  preserving 
our  neutrality.  The  questions  proposed  by  the  President  before  Genet's  arrival, 
are  recited  at  length,  and  commented  on  as  evidences  of  unfriendliness  to  France. 

Lists  of  almost  all  the  particular  cases  respecting  privateers,  &c.,  are  made 
out,  and  the  decisions  of  the  Executive  censured. 

It  is  said  that  the  government  has  manifested  partiality  against  France,  by  the 
alacrity  which  marked  its  conduct  in  enforcing  the  laws  against  them,  and  by 
tardiness  in  prosecuting  the  British. 

That  the  American  government  deceived  France  in  respect  to  Mr.  Jay's 
treaty. 

That  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  is  a  violation  of  the  treaty  with  France  ; 
is  equivalent  to  a  treaty  of  alliance,  and  ought  not  to  have  been  made  during 
the  war. 

A  fulfilment  of  the  llth  article  of  our  treaty  with  France  is  required,  which 
stipulates  that  favours  granted  to  other  nations  shall  become  common.  This,  M. 
Adet  says,  will  justify  the  French  in  taking  British  property  on  board  of  Ameri 
can  vessels,  and  in  excluding  contraband  as  defined  by  the  British  treaty. 

For  these  reasons  the  commercial  relations,  founded  on  treaty,  are  to  be  sus 
pended  until  the  government  "  returns  to  itself."  Nevertheless  the  French 
nation  regards  the  people  as  its  friends. 

The  people  in  a  declamatory  rhapsody  are  directly  addressed  in  the  style  "  O 
ye  Americans."  An  appeal  is  made  to  their  passions,  the  injuries  of  the  British 
during  the  last  war  are  recounted,  and  the  assistance  of  the  French  nation  ex 
tolled.  It  is  said  that  the  suspension  of  the  minister's  functions  is  not  to  be 
regarded  as  an  act  of  hostility,  but  of  just  resentment  against  the  government. 
When  the  government  returns  to  itself,  the  French  will  forget  the  injury. 


396  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

France  is  said  to  be  terrible  to  its  enemies,  but  magnanimous  to  its  friends  j 
quick  to  resent  injuries,  but  easily  appeased. 

The  Executive  and  Mr.  Jay  are  treated  with  personal  indignity. 

On  the  whole,  this  is  by  far  the  boldest  attempt  to  govern  this  country  which 
has  been  made.  It  is  necessary  to  come  to  an  issue.  Measures  to  prevent  any 
panic  or  depression  of  the  public  opinion  are  necessary.  We  have  the  right  of 
the  question,  but  whether  we  shall  be  overruled  by  force,  will  partly  depend  on 
the  spirit  of  the  people,  partly  on  the  issue  of  the  campaign  in  Italy  and  Germany. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  November  19th,  1796. 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  4th  instant.  Myself  and  family  are  now  well. 
The  issue  of  the  Pennsylvania  election  is  not  known  ;  but  though  hopes  are  en 
tertained  that  the  federal  ticket  may  prevail,  I  think  the  contrary  most  probable. 
Various  causes  have  conspired  to  produce  this  effect,  such  #s  jealousy  of  New 
England,  toryism,  democracy,  and  folly  ;  but  these  would  have  been  insufficient 
without  the  publication  of  M.  Adet's  note.  If  Mr.  Jefferson  is  elected  it  will  be 
owing  entirely  to  the  influence  of  this  paper. 

The  conduct  of  France,  though  apparently  mysterious,  admits  of  an  explana 
tion.  It  has  been  for  some  time  certain  that  the  United  States  are  averse  to  en 
gaging  in  the  present  war.  It  has  been  constantly  said  by  the  democrats,  that 
the  treaty  with  England  was  adopted  under  the  influence  of  fear,  and  the  French 
have  been  invited  to  try  the  effect  of  threats  in  order  to  maintain  the  influence  of 
their  party.  The  real  wants  of  the  French  coteries,  and  the  insolence  inspired 
by  uncommon  success,  have  rendered  the  French  but  too  willing  to  adopt  this 
advice  which  they  are  now  pursuing  with  a  boldness  without  example,  except  in 
the  annals  of  the  French  Revolution. 

M.  Adet  has  notified  the  Secretary  of  State  that  his  functions  are  suspended. 
The  pretexts  are  of  an  extraordinary  nature.  The  proclamation  of  neutrality, 
the  act  of  Congress  in  support  of  that  neutrality,  the  decisions  of  the  Executive 
and  Judiciary  are  censured  in  the  most  rude  and  severe  terms,  The  relations 
founded  on  treaty,  are  declared  to  be  at  an  end  until  these  acts  are  rescinded  and 
till  the  government  reverts  to  itself.  The  people  are  spoken  of  with  affection,  and 
it  is  regretted  that  they  should  suffer,  but  they  are  told  that  it  is  not  France,  but 
their  government  which  should  be  censured.  In  short,  I  understand  that  it  is 
made  an  ultimatum  that  certain  acts  and  decisions  in  which  the  three  branches 
of  our  government  have  concurred,  must  be  rescinded  or  France  will  not  be  sat 
isfied.  What  is  the  consequence  of  non  compliance  is  uncertain,  perhaps  much 
will  depend  on  the  result  of  the  battles  to  be  fought  in  Italy  and  Germany. 

It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that  the  public  mind  should  not  be  discouraged. 
If  the  people  are  firm,  we  shall  succeed  ;  otherwise  this  country  will  be  governed 
by  a  domestic  faction  supported  by  foreign  influence. 

Mr.  Jefferson  will  not  be  elected  President  if  the  eastern  states  support  Mr. 
Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney  ;  but  which  of  the  last  will  succeed  is  now  uncertain. 


1796.J  OF  WASHINGTON.  397 

M.  Adet's  conduct  will  perhaps  make  such  impressions  on  wavering  federalists 
at  the  southward  as  to  incline  the  chance  in  favour  of  Mr.  Pinckney.  This  cer 
tainly  is  far  from  being  proper  or  what  is  best,  as  Mr.  Adams  ought  on  many 
grounds  to  be  preferred,  but  risks  must  be  incurred  rather  than  favour  the  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  I  hope  Connecticut  will  support  both  equally  and  leave 
the  issue  to  Providence.  Mr.  Pinckney  is  an  honest  man  and  cannot  be  made 
the  tool  or  dupe  of  faction.  Mr.  Adams  has  the  superior  claims  of  age,  station, 
firmness,  and  understanding,  and  it  will  hurt  our  public  character  and  betray 
levity  and  ingratitude  if  he  is  not  elected.  The  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  con 
sider  as  fatal  to  our  independence,  now  that  the  interference  of  a  foreign  nation  in 
our  affairs  is  no  longer  disguised. 

You  will  probably  see  M.  Adet's  note  in  the  papers  in  a  few  days. 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Nov.  21st,  1796. 
Sir, 

The  present  situation  of  our  country  presents  a  more  scandalous  view  than  is 
often  recorded  in  history.  Most  powerful  and  formidable  factions  contend 
whether  they  shall  not  be  governed  by  foreign  councils  rather  than  their  own. 
I  question  whether  the  impudent  pretensions  of  Russia  and  Prussia,  to  preserve 
the  liberties  of  Poland,  were  equal  to  the  claims  and  exertions  of  the  French  to 
influence  and  control  the  administration  and  property  of  the  United  States. 

The  declaration  of  Adet,  by  order  of  the  French  Directory,  made  in  the  first 
instance  to  the  public,  it  is  said  has  been  received  by  the  middle  and  southern 
states  with  satisfaction,  and  with  a  determination  to  gratify  France  with  an 
administration  which  will  accord  with  its  wishes. 

I  never  believed  that  our  present  system  of  government  or  union  would  be  very 
permanent ;  but  I  never  could  have  believed  that  a  people  who  had  so  recently 
gone  through  the  distresses  of  a  revolution,  and  risen  from  a  state  of  almost  ex 
treme  poverty,  into  an  affluence  more  real  than  that  of  any  other  nation,  could  so 
soon  have  forgot  their  sufferings  as  wantonly  to  sport  with  the  enjoyment  of  the 
greatest  social  happiness  and  expose  the  continuance  of  it  to  the  utmost  hazard. 
The  conduct  of  these  states  for  some  time  past,  exhibits  a  melancholy  proof  of 
the  folly  and  depravity  of  mankind.  The  energy  of  the  French  influence  soon 
after  their  revolution  began,  especially  operated  in  the  southern  and  western 
parts  of  the  Union.  The  first  impression  of  Genet  was  made  in  these  regions, 
and  they  have  ever  since  then  been  particularly  attended  to  by  his  successors  and 
their  adherents.  If  the  French  arms  continue  to  predominate,  and  a  governing 
influence  of  this  nation  shall  continue  in  the  southern  and  western  countries,  I  am 
confident,  and  indeed  hope,  that  a  separation  will  soon  take  place  ;  and  I  am 
very  sure  that  the  northern  people  will  never  submit  (but  by  the  event  of  a  war) 
to  the  domination  of  a  foreign  power,  whether  open  or  insidious.  Of  all  policies 
which  ever  existed  among  mankind,  the  French  is  the  worst. 

It  is  said  that  the  anti-federal  or  Jeffersonian  ticket  strongly  predominates,  if 
not  universally,  in  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  and  that  the  events  of  the  general 

VOL.  i.  34 


398  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

elections  are  very  precarious.  I  shall  believe,  until  I  am  otherwise  informed, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  will  not  be  elected  President  ;  as  I  do  not  think  he  will  have 
a  single  vote  north  of  the  Delaware,  and  it  will  be  strange  indeed,  if  upon  this 
calculation  he  shall  have  enough  south  of  it  to  bring  him  in. 

This  mode  of  electing  a  President  will  probably  operate  finally,  pretty  much 
like  a  Polish  election,  and  produce  the  same  effects.  If  Mr.  Jefferson  had  but  a 
small  share  of  that  good  sense  which  some  attribute  to  him,  he  would  refuse  to 
be  a  candidate.  He  may  be  assured  that  his  hypocrisy  and  plausibility  can 
never  deceive  the  northern  people  ;  that  they  never  will  have  any  confidence  in 
him,  and  that  he  never  will  be  able  to  gratify  his  adherents  unless  he  does  what 
will  produce  a  renunciation  of  his  administration.  • 

I  never  heard  any  one  censure  the  President  for  declining  after  the  present 
session,  the  national  administration.  The  length  and  vast  importance  of  his  ad 
ministration  from  the  commencement,  entitled  him  to  repose  if  he  chose  it.  No 
one  ought  to  insist  upon  his  services,  however  apparently  necessary  ;  but  I  have 
to  regret  that  he  will  not  in  retirement  enjoy  the  comfort  which  every  good  man 
wishes  he  might.  It  will  be  out  of  his  power  not  to  feel  equal  solicitude  for  his 
country  as  when  in  the  administration,  and  it  is  my  fervent  wish  that  it  may  not 
by  untoward  events  be  increased.  I  wish  to  hear  from  you  the  state  of  your 
health  and  family,  and  the  probable  event  of  the  election.  I  am  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Nov.  22,  1796. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  the  note  sending  me  Adet's  letter.  The  present  is,  in  my 
opinion,  as  critical  a  situation  as  our  government  has  been  in  ;  requiring  all  its 
prudence,  all  its  wisdom,  all  its  moderation,  all  its  firmness. 

Though  the  thing  is  now  passed,  I  do  not  think  it  useless  to  say  that  I  was  not 
well  pleased  with  the  Secretary  of  State's  answer  to  Adet's  note  communicating 
the  order  respecting  neutral  vessels.  There  was  something  of  hardness  and  epi 
grammatic  sharpness  in  it.  Neither  did  I  think  the  position  true,  that  France 
had  no  right  to  inquire  respecting  the  affair  of  seamen.  I  am  of  opinion  that 
whenever  a  neutral  power  suffers  liberties  to  be  taken  with  it  by  a  belligerent  oney 
which  turns  to  the  detriment  of  the  other  belligerent  party,  as  the  acquiring 
strength  by  impressing  seamen,  there  is  good  ground  of  inquiry,  demanding  can 
did  explanation.  My  opinion  is,  that  our  communications  should  be  calm,  reas 
oning,  and  serious,  showing  steady  resolution  more  than  feeling,  having  force  in 
the  idea,  rather  than  in  the  expression. 

I  am  very  anxious  that  our  government  should  do  right  on  the  present  occa 
sion.  My  ideas  are  these : 

As  Adet  has  declared  his  functions  suspended,  the  reply  ought  not  to  be  to 
him,  but  through  Mr.  Pinckney  to  the  Directory. 

It  ought  to  contain  a  review  of  our  conduct  from  the  beginning,  noticing  our 
first  and  full  acknowledgement  of  the  republic,  and  the  danger  we  run  by  it  j 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  399 

also,  the  danger  we  incurred  by  other  large  interpretations  of  the  treaty  in  favour 
of  France,  adverting  to  the  sale  of  prizes. 

It  should  meet  all  the  suggestions  of  the  Minister,  correct  his  misstatements 
of  facts,  and  meet  argumentatively  his  principles.  Where  arguments  already 
used  are  repeated,  it  ought  to  be  in  new  language,  or  by  quotations  in  the  body 
of  the  reply — not  by  reference  to  other  communications,  annexed  or  otherwise, 
'which  embarrass  the  reader's  attention. 

It  should  review  calmly  the  conduct  of  France  and  her  agents,  pointing  out 
fully  and  clearly  the  violations  of  our  rights  and  the  spirit  which  was  manifested, 
but  in  terms  the  most  cautious  and  inoffensive. 

It  should  advert  to  the  policy  of  moderation  towards  the  enemies  of  France, 
which  our  situations  and  that  of  France,  especially  as  to  maritime  powers,  im 
posed  upon  us. 

It  should  briefly  recapitulate  the  means  of  obtaining  redress  from  Great  Bri 
tain,  employed  by  our  government,  and  the  effects  they  have  produced. 

It  should  explain  why  the  government  could  not  safely  adopt  more  expeditious 
modes  ;  why  the  Executive  could  not  control  the  judiciary  ;  and  should  show  that 
in  effect  the  opposite  party,  as  well  as  France,  suffered  the  inconveniences  of  delay. 

It  should  make  prominent  the  consequences  upon  the  peace  and  friendship  of 
governments,  if  all  accidental  infractions  from  situation,  from  the  negligences, 
&c.,  of  particular  officers,  are  to  be  imputed  with  severity  to  the  government  it 
self;  and  should  apply  the  remark  to  the  case  of  the  injuries  we  have  suffered  in 
different  ways  from  the  officers  and  agents  of  France. 

It  should  make  prominent  two  ideas  :  the  situation  in  which  we  were  with 
Great  Britain  prior  to  the  last  treaty,  so  as  to  show,  that  by  the  law  of  nations 
as  admitted  to  us,  and  declared  to  France  and  the  world  prior  to  that  treaty,  all 
the  things  complained  of  as  resulting  from  that  treaty,  previously  existed ;  and  it 
should  dwell  on  the  exception  in  that  treaty  of  prior  treaties. 

It  should  point  out  strongly  the  idea,  that  the  inconvenience  at  particular  junc 
tures  of  particular  stipulations,  is  no  reason  for  one  party  superseding  them  ;  but 
should  intimate  that  the  President  is  willing  to  review  the  relations  between  the 
two  countries,  and  by  a  new  treaty,  if  the  same  shall  be  approved  by  the  Senate, 
to  readjust  the  terms  of  those  nations. 

The  article  in  the  treaty  with  France,  respecting  an  admission  of  the  same 
privileges  which  are  granted  to  other  powers,  should  be  examined.  This  plainly 
means  where  there  is  any  concession  of  a  positive  privilege  which  the  United 
States  were  free  to  refuse,  not  when  there  is  a  mere  recognition  of  the  principles 
of  the  laws  of  nations. 

It  should  be  made  prominent  that  the  United  States  have  always  wished,  and 
still  wish  to  cultivate  the  most  amicable  relations,  and  are  still  disposed  to  evince 
this  disposition  by  every  method  in  their  power.  That  in  what  they  have  said, 
they  mean  only  to  show  that  they  have  acted  with  sincerity  and  good  faith,  and 
have  rather  received  than  given  cause  to  complain.  That  they  have  been  dis 
posed  to  make  a  candid  construction  of  circumstances  which  might  seem  incon 
sistent  with  a  friendly  conduct  in  France,  and  claim  a  similar  candour  in  the  es 
timate  of  their  situation  and  conduct. 


400  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

There  should  be  an  animadversion  upon  the  unfitness  of  looking  beyond  the 
government  to  the  citizens. 

And  there  should  be  these  ideas  properly  couched :  that  the  United  States  can 
not  admit  that  a  just  cause  of  resentment  has  been  given  ;  that  they  appeal  from 
the  misapprehension  which  dictated  this  sentiment  to  the  justice  and  magnanim 
ity  of  France  for  a  retraction  of  it,  and  for  meeting  them  freely  in  the  complete 
restoration  of  friendly  intercourse  ;  that  France  will  not  deliberately  expect  that 
they  could  make  a  sacrifice  of  self-respect,  since  she  must  be  sensible  that  a  free 
people  ought  in  every  event  to  cherish  it  as  a  sacred  duty,  and  to  encounter  with 
firmness  every  danger  and  calamity  which  an  attempt  to  make  them  forget  it,  or 
degrade  them  from  their  independent  character,  may  involve. 

This  would  be  the  general  complexion  of  the  reply  which  I  would  give.  The 
manner  should  be  extremely  cautious,  smooth,  even  friendly,  but  yet  solemn  and 
dignified. 

The  alliance  in  its  future  operation  must  be  against  our  interest.  The  door  to 
escape  from  it  is  opened. 

Though  we  ought  to  maintain  with  good  faith  our  engagements,  if  the  con 
duct  of  the  other  party  releases  us,  we  should  not  refuse  the  release,  so  far  as  we 
may  accept  without  compromitting  our  peace.  This  idea  is  very  important. 
Yours, 

A.  H. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.,  Nov.  27,  1796. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  reply  to  your  letter  of  November  21st.  The  anti-federal 
ticket  has  succeeded  in  this  state  except  in  respect  to  two  persons,  one  of  whom 
is  of  somewhat  doubtful  principles.  Many  persons  have  supposed  that  the  pro 
clamation  ought  to  have  been  issued  on  a  certain  day  fixed  by  law,  when  the  re 
sult  would  have  been  different.  How  this  point  really  is,  I  will  not  undertake  to 
say,  although  it  is  certain  that  different  declarations  have  been  made  to  different 
persons  by  the  Governor,  and  that  his  whole  conduct  has  borne  marks  of  finesse 
and  partiality.  The  returns  of  the  county  have  not  yet  been  received  ;  it  is  said 
that  their  probable  effect  would  have  been  the  election  of  the  two  anti-federalists 
now  excluded.  I  have  some  reason  to  think  that  measures  are  in  contemplation 
for  obtaining  these  returns  before  the  first  Wednesday  of  December,  when  a  new 
proclamation  may  be  issued,  or  at  least  the  votes  of  the  excluded  persons  taken 
returned  with  a  special  statement  to  Congress.  There  is  no  injustice  in  sup 
posing  that  Dallas,  who  is  the  real  Governor,  would  be  pleased  with  occasioning 
a  disputed  election  of  President. 

The  votes  of  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia  afforded  a  majority  of  two 
thousand  against  Mr.  Adams  ;  the  state  of  the  poll  through  the  state,  exclusive 
of  the  transmontane  counties,  afforded  an  entire  balance  in  his  favour  of  more 
than  three  thousand  votes  ;  the  ticket  has  been  lost  by  the  votes  of  the  insurgent 
counties  and  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  401 

As  for  the  western  counties  they  have  acted  according  to  their  nature,  and  are 
not  to  be  censured  ;  the  conduct  of  the  city  fills  me  with  chagrin  and  indignation. 
Many  men  who  have  been  considered  as  friends  to  the  government,  yielded  on 
this  occasion,  and  publicly  assigned  as  their  reason,  THAT  THE  ELECTION  OF  MR. 
JEFFERSON  WAS  NECESSARY  TO  PREVENT  A  RUPTURE  WITH  FRANCE  ! ! !"  This  reason 
had  a  powerful  influence  with  the  Quakers  ;  motives  more  base,  if  possible,  gov 
erned  others.  It  is  publicly  affirmed  in  many  companies,  that  the  indications  of 
bribery  were  unequivocal.  I  have  been  informed  in  a  most  direct,  and  as  I  con 
ceive,  authentic  manner,  that  M.  ADET  HAS  SAID  THAT  THE  FUTURE  CONDUCT  OF 
FRANCE  TOWARDS  THIS  COUNTRY,  WOULD  BE  INFLUENCED  BY  THE  RESULT  OF  OUR 
ELECTION.  This  execrable  issue  of  the  election  has  been  owing  to  State  vanity. 
The  majority  of  the  last  legislature  was  federal,  and  the  antis  were  desirous  of 
having  the  electors  chosen  by  districts.  This  would  have  divided  the  vote  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  left  the  general  result  favourable.  The  conceit  of  holding 
the  balance  between  the  parties,  and  deciding  who  should  be  the  President,  was, 
however,  too  tempting  to  be  resisted.  A  die  has  been  cast  for  the  whole  fortune 
of  our  country,  and  the  game  most  probably  is  lost.  It  is  the  misfortune  of  this 
State  that  talents  and  integrity  are  rarely  found  in  alliance.  f 

The  vote  of  Delaware  will  be  favourable  to  Mr.  Adams  ;  Maryland  will  give 
seven  votes  for  and  three  against  him  ;  Virginia  is  expected  to  give  two,  and  pos 
sibly  four  ;  North  Carolina  one,  and  South  Carolina  three.  All  the  residue  will 
be  decidedly  against  him. 

The  smallest  number  of  votes  required  is     -  -  70 

It  is  hoped  the  States  east  of  Pennsylvania  will  be  unanimous,         58 

In  Pennsylvania  we  calculate  on  -2 

In  Delaware,  3 

In  Maryland,  -  -     1 

In  Virginia,  -  2 

In  North  Carolina,  -     1 

In  South  Carolina,  3 

Total  expected,  76 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  all  the  States  will  appoint  electors,  and  that  a  majority 
of  the  electors  appointed,  not  a  majority  of  those  who  vote,  is  required  by  the 
Constitution.  The  absence  of  any  person  who  would  have  voted  for  Mr.  Adams 
will  therefore  be  equivalent  to  a  vote  for  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  tending  to  refer  the 
choice  of  President  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

It  is  said  with  confidence  here  in  the  conclaves  of  the  antis,  that  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  will  have  several  votes  east  of  Pennsylvania.  Whether  there  is  any  ground 
for  the  assertion  I  know  not.  You  may  rest  assured,  however,  that  no  means  of 
influence  will  be  neglected,  and  that  M.  Adet  is  well  informed  of  most  public 
characters.  His  notes  may  frighten  some  ;  they  may  be  assigned  as  a  means  to 
cover  motives  not  to  be  avowed  ;  in  short,  folly  and  wickedness  may  alike  be 
found  enemies  in  this  contest. 

The  calculation  of  seventy-six  votes  in  favour  of  Mr.  Adams,  is  the  highesi 
which  can  be  made.  I  do  not,  however,  expect  any  votes  in  South  Carolina;. 

34* 


402  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  12. 

Many  of  the  best  men  will  exert  all  their  influence,  but  as  the  back  country  is 
anti-federal,  as  the  Rutledge  family  arid  their  powerful  connections  are  dis 
gusted,  and  as  the  electors  are  to  be  chosen  by  the  legislature,  I  do  not  see 
why  three  votes  are  to  be  expected.  It  is  most  likely  that  the  vote  will  be 
uniform. 

In  North  Carolina  one  man  has  been  elected  who  has  declared  he  would  vote 
for  Mr.  Adams  ;  but  I  understand  that  he  is  a  man  of  no  consideration.  The 
people  of  the  State  are  ignorant  and  fickle,  their  wishes  may  change  on  hearing 
of  Adet's  note ;  if  this  should  happen,  the  vote  of  the  elector  would  probably 
follow  the  opinion  of  his  constituents.  There  are  one  or  two  federal  candidates 
set  up  in  other  districts  from  which  we  have  not  heard,  but  I  am  told  that  there 
is  but  little  probability  that  they  will  be  elected. 

In  Virginia,  two  votes  may  be  relied  on,  and  there  is  some  ground  to  hope  for 
two  others.  We  have  heard  of  but  six  federal  electors  in  Maryland,  but  it  is 
said  that  seven  will  be  chosen.  Pennsylvania  is  uncertain,  it  being  highly  prob 
able  that  some  device  will  be  practiced  either  to  gain  over  the  two  federalists,  or 
to  defeat  their  votes. 

Mr.  Pinck|iey  will,  in  South  Carolina,  have  an  unanimous  vote,  and  possibly 
he  may  gain  a  few  more  votes  than  Mr.  Adams  in  the  southern  States.  The 
zealous  antis  will,  however,  endeavour  to  defeat  his  votes  out.  of  partiality  for 
Mr.  Jefferson. 

r    Having  thus  stated  all  the  facts  within  my  knowledge,  and  all  reasonable  pro- 
/  babilities,  it  remains  for  the  eastern  States  to  determine  what  shall  be  done.     To 
^•t  me,  it  appears  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  prevent  the  election  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
/  son  as   President  or  Vice  President.     In  the  first  situation  he  would  gradually 
i  innovate  upon  and  fritter  away  the  Constitution,  and  in  the  meantime  there 
would  be  no  confidence  in  the  Executive.     In  the  second  situation  he  would  be 
come  the  rallying  point  of  faction  and  French  influence  ;  he  would  probably  re 
side  at  the  seat  of  government,  where,  without  any  responsibility,  he  would  by 
epicurean  and  other  artifices,  divide,  undermine,  and  finally  subvert  the  rival  ad 
ministration.     It  is  my  sincere  opinion,  that  as  Vice   President,  Mr.   Jefferson 
would  at  present  be  more  dangerous  than  as  President. 

Under  a  conviction  that  the  vote  will  be  so  equally  divided  between  Mr.  Adams, 
Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Jefferson  as  to  be  insusceptible  of  calculation,  and  with  a 
certain  knowledge  that  Mr.  Jefferson  will  be  preferred  if  the  choice  is  made  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  it  is  my  opinion  that  the  eastern  States  ought  to 
support  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney  generally.  If  Mr.  Pinckney  should  be 
elected,  I  cannot  but  hope  that  the  peculiarity  of  our  situation  will  justify  the 
proceeding  to  Mr.  Adams,  and  that  he  would  consent  to  serve  in  the  office  of 
Vice  President.  This  is  a  matter,  however,  upon  which  he  alone  must  deter 
mine.  Is  is  certainly  a  painful  idea  to  think  of  exposing  his  election  to  any 
risque — his  long  services,  his  talents,  integrity  and  patriotism  demand  the  proofs 
of  confidence  which  the  present  election  offers  ;  not  to  improve  it  will  be  an  in 
jury  to  our  national  character.  Besides,  it  is  disagreeable  to  think  of  elevating  a 
person  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  who  has  been  recently  hacknied  and  vulgarized 
as  Mr.  Pinckney  must  have  been  in  Europe.  It  would  be  well  if  the  public 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  403 

opinion  could  be  united  in  a  person,  the  measure  of  whose  abilities  and  whose 
opinions,  foibles  and  peculiarities  were  little  known.  This  is,  however,  impossi 
ble  ;  we  must  take  things  as  they  are,  and  if  any  men  distrust  the  permanency 
of  our  system,  they  more  than  others  ought  to  be  careful  that  the  present  experi 
ment  should  be  fairly  tried,  that  at  least  the  country  may  not  suffer  twice  from 
the  same  errour. 

As  for  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  circumstance  that  he  permits  himself  to  be  named  as 
a  candidate,  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  some,  defect  of  character  which  renders  him 
unworthy  of  confidence.  No  virtuous  and  wise  man  would,  in  my  opinion,  ex 
pose  his  country  to  the  dangers,  and  his  character  to  the  imputations,  which  must 
issue  from  an  election  under  the  unmasked  interference  of  a  foreign  nation. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Nov.  28,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letters  of  the  19th  and  21st  instant, 
with  an  enclosure  of  the  communication  of  M.  Adet.  I  shall  blush  for  my 
country  if  its  publication  can  produce  any  effect  but  the  deepest  resentment ;  his 
conduct  is  as  affronting  to  our  understanding  as  it  is  to  our  rights  as  a  nation. 
It  will  produce  in  Connecticut  a  result,  very  different  from  what  was  intended. 
If  the  impressions  be  yielded  to  by  the  southern  states,  and  produce  the  alteration 
in  the  system  of  national  administration,  which  the  Directory  wish,  it  will  ac 
celerate  an  event  which  our  southern  people  above  all  others  ought  to  dread. 
It  is  perfectly  well  undeistood,  that  their  conduct  for  some  years  past  has  involv 
ed  this  country  in  almost  every  evil  it  has  and  does  suffer ;  and  if  matters  are 
brought  to  an  extremity,  they  never  will  derive  the  least  aid  from  the  northern 
states,  but  a  line  of  demarcation  will,  and  ought  to  be  made,  and  they  left  to  the 
plenary  enjoyment  of  French  liberty.  Such  an  event  will  be  unhappy  for  us, 
but  much  less  so  than  to  be  under  the  administration  of  a  French  agent.  Mr. 
Jefferson  must  not  be  President  of  the  United  States ;  his  foreign  Machiavelian 
policy  has  already  done  his  country  great  injury  and  dishonour.  We  ought  to 
be  independent,  not  in  the  name  only  but  in  reality,  and  I  trust  that  one  part  of 
the  country  at  least  will,  by  the  blessing  of  God  be  so,  although  they  be  exposed 
to  the  severest  trials. 

This  state  I  apprehend  will  be  firmly  united  in  their  election.  I  hope  they 
will  be  so  throughout  New  England.  I  doubt  not  but  the  majority  of  the  people 
in  Berkshire  are  federal.  An  effort  to  set  up  a  man  for  representative,  of  at  least 
a  very  dubious  moral  and  religious  character,  has  failed.  By  the  papers  I  perceive 
Vermont  has  chosen  Elisha  Sheldon,  a  compound  of  folly  and  knavery,  and 
one  Gallup,  who,  it  is  said,  is  a  vociferons  anti-treaty  tavern-keeper,  electors. 
How  they  will  act  in  the  choice  of  President  I  have  not  been  told.  The  event  of 
the  elections  of  the  heterogeneous  mass  of  the  Pennsylvanians  is  very  interesting  ; 
it  seems  their  decision  must  have  been  made  by  a  small  majority.  I  trust  that 
the  federal  interest  will  prevail,  and  if  so,  I  sincerely  wish  that  Mr.  Adams  may 
be  President,  and  Mr.  Pinckney  Vice-President,  but  this  villainous  interference 
of  the  French  renders  all  calculations  precarious. 


404  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.          [CHAP.  12. 

M.  Adet's  powers  it  is  said  are  restored.  I  believe  there  can  be  no  doubt  but 
the  immediate  objects  of  the  French  are  plunder,  and  the  election  of  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  ;  what  other  ultimate  objects  they  may  have  can  be  only  a  matter  of  the 
most  uncertain  conjecture,  and  will  as  it  respects  us,  probably  depend  upon 
events.  If  they  make  peace  with  Great  Britain,  perhaps  it  may  be  by  her  ces 
sion  of  Canada  ;  the  western  waters  have  been  an  object  of  the  French  wish  for 
half  a  century.  By  quarrelling  with  America  they  may  hope  to  obtain  them  ; 
they  have  predisposed  the  people  of  those  countries  to  receive  their  government. 
Spain  may  possibly  think  they  may  be  less  dangerous  to  them  than  these  states 
united,  and  may  be  disposed  to  adopt  the  dangerous  experiment,  but  European 
calculations  respecting  America,  I  believe  will  be  fallacious,  for  I  think  it  not 
probable  that  their  governments  will  operate  in  America,  a  third  of  a  century. 
Yours,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  Nov.  30,  1796. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  am  glad  to  see  M.  Adet's  manifesto,  which  you  were  so  good  as  to  send 
me.  If  the  devil  is  in  company  it  is  always  best  to  see  his  cloven  foot.  Although 
I  am  not  sure  that  our  country  can  escape  ail  the  evils  which  threaten  it  from 
without,  yet  I  am  persuaded  that  our  chance  will  be  best  when  we  no  longer  in 
dulge  ourselves  in  the  foolish  belief  of  French  friendship.  The  copy  you  sent 
me  was  the  only  one  I  heard  of  by  the  post,  and  consequently  I  cannot  state  to 
you  the  opinions  of  others,  but  my  own  is  clear,  that  this  measure  will  serve  to 
strengthen  our  government. 

No  decisive  judgment  can  yet  be  formed  respecting  the  votes  of  our  electors 
for  a  second  man.  They  will  doubtless  give  Mr.  Adams  every  vote,  and  I  think 
a  large  majority  (perhaps  all)  for  Mr.  Pinckney.  Upon  this  last  point  they  will 
probably  be  governed  by  the  best  intelligence  which  can  be  had  on  the  day  of 
voting.  If  they  could  certainly  make  Mr.  Adams  President,  and  Mr.  Pinckney 
Vice-President,  or  if  it  should  be  pretty  evident  that  Mr.  A.  cannot  be  carried, 
and  that  Mr.  P.  may,  I  should  not  doubt  they  would  give  Mr.  P.  every  vote. 
At  any  rate,  you  may  rely  that  proper  attention  is  given  to  the  business. 

Mrs.  Cabot  unites  with  me  in  every  sentiment  of  friendship  and  affection  to 
wards  all  your  family.  Yours,  sincerely, 

G.  CABOT. 


CHAPTER   XIII, 


FOURTH    CONGRESS SECOND    SESSION. 


During  the  past  summer  some  progress  had  been  made 
in  the  execution  of  the  Treaty  with  Great  Britain,  not 
withstanding  the  late  period  at  which  Congress  had  taken 
the  necessary  initiative.  The  posts  were  surrendered  up 
on  the  passage  of  the  appropriation  giving  the  treaty  ef 
fect.  Preparations  had  also  been  made  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  for  carrying  into  effect  the  treaty  with 
Spain ;  a  final  settlement  with  Algiers  was  in  progress, 
and  measures  had  been  adopted  for  effecting  treaties  with 
Tripoli  and  Tunis. 

Congress  formed  a  quorum  on  the  first  day  of  the  ses 
sion.  On  this  day  a  delegate  from  the  newly  added  State 
of  Tennessee  appeared,  was  qualified  and  took  his  seat ; 
one  who,  young  and  unknown  as  he  then  was,  destiny 
had  marked  out  as  the  future  ruler  of  the  nation,  into 
whose  grand  council  he  now  came  as  the  first  represen 
tative  of  its  youngest  member ;  and  how  many  on  that 
floor  foresaw,  in  his  gaunt  frame  and  iron  visage,  a  suc 
cessor  of  him  who  was  now  to  bid  them  farewell,  the 
man  who  for  good  or  for  evil  was  to  wield  the  future  des 
tinies  of  his  country  with  the  power  of  a  Caesar  ! 

On  the  7th  the  President's  speech  was  delivered  to 
Congress.  After  reviewing  the  progress  of  foreign  nego 
tiations  during  the  past  year,  he  proceeded  to  recommend 
the  measures  which,  in  his  opinion,  were  necessary  for 


406  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

the  national  prosperity  or  defence.  The  increase  of  the 
navy ;  the  establishment  of  an  effective  militia  ;  the  pro 
vision  of  public  stores  ;  the  encouragement  of  manufac 
tures  and  of  agriculture  ;  the  foundation  of  a  national 
university  and  a  military  academy  ;  finally,  additional 
provisions  for  the  public  debt  were  pointed  out  to  the  at 
tention  of  the  Legislature.  He  concluded  as  follows  : 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand,  for  the  last  time, 
in  the  midst  of  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  naturally  recals  the  period  when  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  present  form  of  government  commenced ; 
and  I  cannot  omit  the  occasion  to  congratulate  you  and  my 
country  on  the  success  of  the  experiment,  nor  to  repeat  my 
fervent  supplications  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe 
and  Sovereign  Arbiter  of  nations,  that  his  providential 
care  may  still  be  extended  to  the  United  States  ;  that  the 
virtue  and  happiness  of  the  people  may  be  preserved; 
and  that  the  government  which  they  have  instituted  for 
the  protection  of  their  liberties  may  be  perpetual." 

Solemn  indeed  was  the  scene  as  the  warrior,  the  pa 
triot,  the  statesman,  venerable  alike  from  his  age  and  his 
character,  thus  before  the  delegates  of  the  people  pro 
nounced  this  beautiful  invocation.  And  as  they  now 
drank  in  the  words  of  him  who  should  no  more  thus  ad 
dress  them ;  as  they  gazed  on  that  reverend  form,  and 
heard  his  fervent  prayer  for  the  safety  of  his  country, 
what  eye  was  not  dimmed  ;  who  did  not  join  in  the  aspi 
ration  ;  who  did  not  honor  him  whom  that  country  had 
called  FATHER  !  Yet  those  very  Representatives,  within 
a  short  week  after,  were  gravely  discussing  a  motion  to 
amend  the  responsive  address,  by  striking  out  all  expres 
sions  of  confidence  and  trust,  and  the  envenomed  attack 
came  from  a  Virginian  ! 

The  issue  of  the  election,  so  fiercely  contested  and  so 
nearly  balanced,  now  absorbed,  as  may  well  be  suppos- 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  407 

ed,  all  thoughts.     The  following  letters  will  present   a 
pretty  faithful  view  of  prevalent  motives  and  opinions. 

URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  6th  Dec.,  1796. 
Sir, 

You  will  doubtless  hear  from  your  family,  who  were  in  company  with  me,  that 
we  all  arrived  safely  in  this  city  on  Sunday  morning.  Yesterday  there  were 
sixteen  members  of  the  Senate  present  ;  of  course  we  could  only  adjourn  till  this 
day,  when  I  presume  we  shall  have  a  quorum  and  proceed  to  business.  Proba 
bly  we  shall  have  the  President's  speech  to-morrow.  The  House  of  Represen 
tatives  made  a  house  yesterday  and  went  to  business. 

The  election  of  President  and  Vice  President  engrosses  the  conversation  of  all 
parties.  Gov.  Mifflin  of  this  State,  has  acted  a  most  extraordinary  part,  by  post 
poning  his  proclamation  of  elections  in  Pennsylvania  ;  by  which  step  it  is  prob 
able  all,  or  all  but  one  or  two,  will  vote  for  Mr.  Jefferson.  Yet  I  think  Mr. 
Adams  will  be  chosen,  unless  Mr.  Pinckney  has  it.  This  letter  will  not  reach 
you  until  after  your  votes  in  Connecticut  are  given.  Of  course  nothing  can  be 
done  in  consequence  of  any  suggestions  I  can  make  ;  otherwise  I  should  suggest 
to  you,  with  due  deference  to  your  better  judgment,  whether  it  would  not  be  advi 
sable  to  throw  some  votes  away  from  Pinckney.  With  my  present  sentiments, 
Mr.  Adams  will  certainly  have  more  votes  than  Mr.  Jefferson — if  so,  the  chance 
of  Mr.  Jefferson's  having  such  a  plurality  as  to  carry  him  in  Vice  President,  is 
less  to  be  feared  than  that  of  Mr.  Pinckney  being  President.  However,  sir,  I 
beg  you  to  consider  this  as  not  being  done  with  a  view  to  dictate.  I  feel  a  con* 
fidence  all  will  issue  properly.  I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  write  you  again  upon 
any  occurrence  which  I  may  think  will  permit  your  notice.  In  the  mean  time,  I 
am,  sir,  with  esteem,  your  excellency's  humble  servant, 

URIAH  TRACY. 

N.  B.     Your  particular  connexions  arid  relations  here  are  well. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

December  8th,  1796. 

*  *  *  The  President  will  lay  the  correspondence  with  France, 
since  Genet's  time,  before  Congress.  A  letter  is  preparing  by  Col.  Pickering  to 
Mr.  Pinckney,  in  answer  to  Adet.  Tom.  Paine  has  published  a  book  against 
the  President  containing  the  most  infamous  calumnies.  It  is  a  systematical 
measure  of  France  to  destroy  the  public  confidence  in  the  friends  of  government 
or  '•'  Washington  faction."  The  question,  whether  our  commerce  is  or  is  not  to 
be  attacked,  depends  entirely  on  the  military  operations  in  Germany  and  Italy. 


408  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCHFIELD,  Dec.  12,  1796, 
Sir, 

*  #  *  When  I  went  to  attend  the  election  at  Hartford,  I  supposed  we 
should  all  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  and  Pinckney.  At  the  same  time  I  felt  a  strong 
repugnance  to  prefer  Mr.  Pinckney  to  be  Chief  Magistrate,  but  such  was  the  de 
lirium  of  the  times,  that  I  suppose  the  chance  must  be  submitted  to.  In  con 
versing  with  the  electors,  a  strong  propensity  was  discovered,  to  secure, if  possible, 
Mr.  Adams'  election  as  President.  Mr.  Ellsworth,  with  whom  I  conversed,  was 
clear  in  the  opinion,  that  that  should  be  our  main  object.  Information  was 
called  for,  and  all  that  could  be  obtained  was  had.  The  election  was  delayed 
till  the  evening,  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the  mails  ;  these  brought  no  material  in 
formation  but  what  we  before  had,  and  which  indeed  was  substantially  the  same 
as  what  you  communicated  in  your  last  letter.  Upon  this  information,  we  believ 
ed  we  might  entertain  a  pretty  well-grounded  expectation,  that  Mr.  Adams 
would  obtain  as  many  as  seventy-three  votes,  or  at  least  a  majority,  then  it  was 
considered  whether  it  was  prudent  to  lessen  the  number  of  votes  for  Mr.  Pinck 
ney  to  check  the  predilection  and  anti-federalism  of  South  Carolina,  and  whether 
Massachusetts  might  not  do  it,  (respecting  which  we  had  not  the  least  informa 
tion)  and  whether,  if  we  abated  our  votes  for  Mr.  Pinckney,  Mr.  Jefferson  might 
Hot  be  elected,  which  was  considered  by  all,  the  worst  of  evils.  Upon  this  point, 
whether  to  give  both  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney  equal  support,  there  was 
some  difference  of  opinion.  We  stood  upon  very  conjectural  grounds,  but  upon 
such  information  as  we  had,  and  after  a  perplexing  consideration,  I  was  of  opin 
ion,  and  the  majority  of  the  electors  adopted  the  same,  that  we  ought  to  run 
very  considerable  risk,  rather  than  not  secure,  if  possible,  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  that  it  would  be  expedient  to  lessen  Mr.  Pinckney's  vote  to  the 
amount  of  four  or  five.  In  such  an  uncertainty  of  affairs  no  one  could  act  with 
much  satisfaction,  and  doing  business  of  the  last  importance  upon  precarious 
principles  is  very  perplexing.  Upon  the  whole,  I  believe  that  we  could  do 
nothing  better,  and  as  I  have  heard  nothing  how  the  electors  have  proceeded  in 
any  other  state,  I  am  not,  upon  reflection,  displeased  with  what  we  have  done  ; 
though  at  the  same  time,  I  am  sensible  that  it  is  an  affair  of  the  greatest  uncer 
tainty  ;  but  so  it  must  be. 

My  strong  wish  that  Mr.  Adams  might  be  elected  President,  independent  of 
the  merit  of  his  services  and  his  present  situation,  which  ought  not  to  be  forgot, 
arises  from  his  knowledge  of  all  the  public  characters  of  his  country  ;  his  expe 
rience,  (of  which  a  person  long  absent  and  not  much  conversant  with  characters, 
opinions  and  biases  in  the  various  parts  of  the  Union,  must  be  destitute)  and 
[from  the  fact]  that  the  particular  acquaintances  of  Mr.  Pinckney  are  people, 
whose  political  opinions  we  do  not  approve  of;  that  his  residence  in  Great  Bri 
tain  and  being  conversant  with  the  ministers  of  foreign  courts,  must  have  let 
them  into  too  minute  an  acquaintance  with  any  foibles  of  his  character,  (and  he 
is  very  fortunate  if  he  has  none)  and  an  unguarded  familiarity  may  have  lessened 
his  respectability  for  the  exalted  character  of  President  of  the  United  States  ; 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  409 

that  his  acquaintance  with  the  finesse  and  hypocrisy  of  foreign  courts  may  have 
induced  him  to  believe  such  conduct  necessary,  although  President  Washington 
has  given  the  most  glorious  example  to  the  contrary  ;  that  the  election  of  Mr. 
Pinckney  would  be  a  partial  triumph  of  the  French  and  their  traitorous  American 
partizans :  that  Mr.  Adams,  it  was  fully  believed,  would  never  serve  under  him, 
and  meet  with  all  that  French  and  American  insult  and  reproach  which  he 
might  expect ;  and  that  probably  enough  there  may  be  in  Mr.  Pinckney,  that 
facility  and  want  of  intuitive  perception  which  might  expose  him  to  the  success 
ful  assault  of  artifice  and  address.  Under  these  and  some  other  views  which 
might  be  mentioned,  as  that  aftei  the  retirement  of  a  President,  who  has  had  the 
unlimited  confidence  of  all  the  northern  states,  I  know  of  no  southern  character 
who  can  secure  more  than  a  small  part  of  that  confidence  in  case  of  a  war  ;  and 
if  the  phrenzy  of  the  southern  states  shall  render  a  disunion,  or  an  energetic  sup 
port  of  it  [of  Union]  necessary,  in  the  one  case  we  retire  with  more  ease,  in  the 
other  Mr.  Pinckney  will  not  be  able  to  support  it  if  requisite  Besides,  we 
shall  not  be  satisfied  to  have  a  President  appointed  contrary  to  our  wishes,  by  a 
negro  representation  only  ;  this  last  circumstance  is  perhaps  a  vulgar  prejudice, 
as  the  constitution  fixed  this  matter,  but  still  it  is  a  mortifying  one.  Mr.  Ells 
worth  is  of  opinion  that  Mr,  Jefferson  would  not  accept  the  office  of  Vice  Presi 
dent.  I  wish  his  opinion  may  be  well  founded,  if  such  an  election  shall  be  made  ; 
but  as  I  consider  him  as  'an  enlisted  French  partizan,  and  of  unbounded  self- 
confidence,  I  believe  that  he  would  accept. 

I  have  hastily  sketched  the  reasons  which  may  have  probably  existed  in  the 
minds  of  the  Connecticut  electors,  and  can  only  wish  that  our  proceedings  may 
produce  the  salutary  effects  which  were  intended,  and  wait  with  anxiety  to  know 
the  final  result  of  this  important  business. 

I  am  sensible  that  a  person  placed  with  a  people  who  are  united  and  deter 
mined,  will  be  apt  to  think  and  speak  more  decidedly  than  another  who  is  dif 
ferently  situated  ;  yet  I  will  say,  that  if  French  agency  places  Mr.  Jefferson  in 
the  seat  of  the  Chief  Magistrate,  (and  if  he  is  placed  there  it  will  be  by  their  in 
trigues)  that  the  government  of  the  United  Slates  ought  at  that  moment  to  dis 
continue  its  operations,  and  let  those  who  have  placed  him  there  take  him  to 
themselves  ;  for  although  I  am  sensible,  by  our  last  revolution,  of  the  evils  which 
attend  one,  I  sincerely  declare  that  I  wish  the  northern  states  would  separate 
from  the  southern  the  moment  that  event  shall  take'^efTect,  and  never  reunite  with 
them  except  it  shall  be  necessary  for  military  operations.  I  trust  that  such  pu 
sillanimity  will  never  exist  in  the  northern  states,  as  to  submit  in  any  degree  to 
a  foreign  power,  unless  compelled  to  by  the  bayonet.  The  age  of  reason  has  not 
yet  come  ;  for  I  believe  that  at  no  period  have  mankind  at  large  acted  more  con 
trary  to  its  dictates  than  at  present,  and  America  will  add  a  paragraph  to  the 
history  of  nations  in  the  manner  which  has  been  recorded  of  others. 

We  have  no  clue  to  guide  us  to  what  will  be  the  termination  of  the  present 
war.  I  do  not  expect  that  peace  will  be  settled  between  Great  Britain  and 
France,  or  that  either  government  expects  or  desires  it.  The  intolerable  inso 
lence  and  oppression  of  the  French,  have  made  all  who  know  them  their  impla 
cable  foes.  I  find  the  peasants  of  the  country,  where  their  armies  have  been, 

VOL.  i.  35 


410  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

murder  without  pity  a  Frenchman  whenever  they  find  him.  I  think  this  univer 
sal  exasperation,  and  the  circumstances  of  their  internal  affairs,  will  probably 
produce  a  great  reverse  in  their  fortunes. 

#  #  #  # 

I  am,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  13,  1796. 
Sir, 

I  place  under  cover  to  Frederic,  a  paper  of  yesterday,  in  which  you  will  find 
Gov.  Mifm'n  in  his  address  has  done  the  government  of  Connecticut  the  honour 
of  particular  mention.  It  merits,  arid  I  presume  will  meet  only  with  contempt. 
A  few  days  after  this  display  of  patriotism  and  a  holy  zeal  against  speculation, 
the  President  and  Cashier  of  the  State  Pennsylvania  Bank  had  been  guilty  of  an 
embezzlement  of  its  monies  or  malversation.  The  President  had  by  connivance 
taken  from  the  bank  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  and  more,  without  consent  of 
the  directors,  which,  though  charged,  he  kept  without  interest.  He  and  the 
Cashier  are  both  displaced.  It  was  yesterday  rumoured  that  Governor  MifHin, 
whose  son-in-law  was  Cashier,  had  in  the  same  way  taken  fifteen  thousand  dol 
lars,  and  that  he  had  given  his  security  for  restitution.  I  believe  the  story,  but 
a  few  days  will  make  it  more  certain,  and  in  the  meantime  no  mention  need  be 
made  of  it.  This  place  furnishes  indication  of  great  depravity  ;  bankruptcies 
are  frequently  happening.  Mr.  Morris  is  greatly  embarrassed.  'Tis  said  that 
Nicholson  has  fled  to  England ;  that  Judge  Wilson  has  been  to  gaol  and  is  out 
on  bail ;  but  there  are  so  many  rumours  I  vouch  for  the  credit  of  neither.  Blair 
McClenachan,  lately  chosen  Representative,  has  conveyed  his  estate  to  his  chil 
dren  to  cheat  his  creditors. 

We  yesterday  had  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  two-thirds  of  Savannah — being 
burnt. 

You  will  not  give  any  credit  to  the  statements  of  the  votes  for  President, 
taken  from  the  Aurora.  Accounts  are, 

Pennsylvania,  Jefferson  1%    Adams    1  Burr  13     Pinckney    2     P.  Henry 

Delaware,  "3  3 

Maryland,  4         "         7  "       3                       4           "          2 

N.  Jersey,  "7  "7 

N.York,  12  «        12 

According  to  calculations  here,  Mr.  Adams  will  be  President ;  the  event  is  yet 
however,  anxiously  waited  for.  I  have  just  received  your  letter,  and  close  in 
haste  by  subscribing  myself,  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


1796.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  411 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  15,  1796. 
Sir, 

Accounts  of  votes  just  received  from  Virginia,  are  Jefferson  20,  John  Adams 
1,  Samuel  Adams  15,  Washington  1,  Pinckney  1,  Burr  1,  Clinton  3. 

We  are  on  the  answer  to  the  President's  address.  Giles  leads  in  the  opposi 
tion,  but  I  think  he  can't  carry  the  party  the  length  he  wishes.  I  am,  respect 
fully,  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  17,  1796. 
Sir, 

Before  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant  came  to  hand,  I  had  anticipated  the  per 
plexities  you  mention,  in  fixing  on  the  arrangement  of  votes  for  President  and 
Vice  President.  I  fully  appreciate  the  correctness  of  the  views  which  preponde 
rated  in  the  choice  of  difficulties,  and  now  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  a  paper 
containing  a  list  of  votes,  which  only  awaits  the  return  from  Vermont  to  assure 
us  of  Mr,  Adams  being  chosen  President.  As  yet,  it  is  not  sufficiently  complete 
clearly  to  ascertain  the  result  as  to  Vice  President.  If  Mr.  Jefferson  should  be 
chosen,  it  is  cause  of  some  consolation  that  the  votes  are  so  cast  in  New  England 
that  it  must  be  owing  to  support  in  South  Carolina,  or  Mr.  Pinckney's  want  of 
it.  State  or  individual  attachments,  when  ^compared  with  the  interests  of  the 
country,  are  of  inconsiderable  consequence.  There  have  been  three  sets  of 
opinion  ;  that  Mr.  Adams'  election  to  be  President  was  so  important  as  to  justify 
the  supposed  risk  as  to  the  federal  characters  ;  that  it  was  wise  to  hazard  or  even 
sacrifice  Mr.  Pinckney's  election  as  Vice  President,  if  necessary,  to  secure  Mr. 
Adams,  but  in  the  nice  state  the  business  was  known  to  stand,  the  whole  federal 
interest  was  put  in  too  imminent  risque  by  diminishing  Mr.  Pinckney  six  votes. 
That  Mr.  Pinckney  as  President,  and  Mr.  Adams,  Vice  President,  was  better 
for  the  government  than  the  latter  being  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  Vice 
President. 

Each  of  these  opinions  has  had  respectable  advocates  among  federalists,  who, 
perhaps  more  than  could  be  expected,  have  sincerely  supported  Mr.  Adams' 
election.  On  doubtful  ground,  as  this  clashing  of  sentiments  must  convince  every 
one,  the  matter  was  placed.  When  the  electors  meet,  the  friends  of  the  governr 
ment  ought  to  acquiesce  cordially  in  the  arrangement  that  has  taken  place.  In 
my  opinion,  they  have  evinced  more  sagacity  than  under  so  many  perplexing 
embarrassments  ever  attended  the  deliberations  of  numerous  and  unconnected 
assemblies.  A  good  Providence  has  been  with  them,  to  fix  a  determination  in 
favour  of  Mr.  Adams'  Presidency.  It  has  been  rumoured  that  Mr.  Jefferson  will 
not  accept  the  Vice  Presidency  ;  his  Virginia  partisans  say  he  shall,  and  will ; 
some  suppose  it  is  what  he  most  covets.  He  can't  do  otherwise  without  disobli 
ging  his  friends,  and  he  has  too  long  had  a  lurching  for  the  Presidency  to  give  up 
his  hold  on  his  party.  We  must  expect  him  to  be  the  nucleus  of  a  faction,  and 
if  it  will  give  him  some  greater  advantages  for  mischief,  it  draws  him  more  from 
his  covert.  We  better  know  what  he  will  wish  to  do,  than  what  he  will  dare 


412  SEOOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

or  will  have  the  power  to  attempt.  And  where  there  are  so  few  data  to  make 
an  estimate,  it  is  not  worth  while  to  anticipate  evils  as  certain  or  extensive.  It 
will,  if  it  happen,  be  a  mortifying  circumstance  to  the  friends  of  the  government, 
and  a  partial  triumph  to  faction.  It  is  desirable  the  two  first  magistrates  should 
harmonize  together,  in  my  opinion,  as  long  as  the  government  has  to  conflict 
with  rival  parties,  and  which  will  be  as  long  as  it  lasts,  that  will  be  but  seldom 
the  case.  We  need  not  distress  ourselves  greatly  about  it  ;  the  age  of  reason 
will  settle  the  matter  when  it  has  brought  man  to  the  point  of  perfectibility — and 
in  the  rapidity  of  its  strides,  we  may  wait  patiently. 

Mr.  Adams'  age,  long  public  life,  important  services,  consequent  weight,  and 
the  weight  of  that  part  of  the  country  where  he  lives,  and  his  present  office,  are 
obvious  and  invincible  reasons  for  supporting  his  election,  to  the  exclusion  of  any 
other  candidate.  He  has  never  deserted  his  country,  nor  its  true  friends.  His 
opposition  to  ifs  insidious  enemies,  has  exposed  him  to  their  calumny  and 
intrigues  ever  since  Mr.  Jefferson's  return  from  France.  There  is  a  tie  of  confi 
dence  and  honor  which  binds  men  of  this  stamp  together,  that  ought  not  to  be 
violated,  except  in  extremes.  While  hope  lasts  for  their  election,  they  should 
not  be  let  down  in  favour  of  neutral  characters.  The  precedent  contaminates, 
through  the  grades  of  office  ;  it  is  a  wound  of  the  severest  kind — it  is  a  wound  in 
the  cause  of  virtue,  and  from  her  friends. 

By  instituting  the  office  of  Vice  President,  the  Constitution  contemplates  a 
succession  ;  it  means  to  provide  a  candidate  on  probation  for  the  Presidency  ;  it 
means  to  avoid  the  evils  of  hereditary  succession,  and  the  turbulence  of  the 
public  mind  being  entirely  left  afloat.  Unfortunately  it  has  left  the  citadel 
exposed  by  the  preposterous  mode  of  election.  The  most  important  principle  on 
this  occasion,  has  been  respected  to  regard  the  principle  of  succession  primarily. 

No  doubt  the  conflict  we  have  to  maintain  against  French  intrigue,  had  its 
influence  with  the  electors.  The  unanimity  east  of  this  place  shows  serious 
apprehension  among  the  people. 

The  confidence  the  people  have  in  the  Executive,  more  than  any  minute 
knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  the  whole  branches,  keeps  the  people  steady.  The 
Executive  is  the  only  single  object  at  which  they  can  or  will  look.  The  experi 
ment  would  be  hazardous  to  place  the  Executive  in  a  character  little  known  in 
New  England,  and  without  any  preeminent  features  of  public  character,  in  any 
part  of  the  Union.  More  than  hundreds,  on  the  score  of  merit,  have  a  preferable 
claim  to  Mr.  Pinckney.  I  do  not  mean  to  depreciate  his  worth.  I  value  it.  But 
he  has  had  no  intimate  relation  with  the  government.  Whatever  philosophy 
might  say,  Mr.  Adams  would  feel  himself,  on  the  President's  retirement,  degraded 
in  a  subordinate  station.  He  would  go  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts.  In 
that  I  don't  merely  conjecture.  His  friends  would  not  feel  cordial  to  any  other 
administration.  State  pride  in  Massachusetts,  of  which  they  have  enough,  would 
be  chagrined.  So  far  as  I  have  information,  there  is  no  reason  to  suspect  but 
what  Mr.  Adams  has  had  a  warm  support  of  the  federalists,  in  the  southern  States, 
If  there  is  any  cause  of  suspicion  to  the  country,  it  is  in  respect  to  some  federal 
ists  in  this  State.  It  is  not  always  easy  to  discriminate  betwixt  their  folly  and 
their  craft.  They  are  caught  in  the  snare  if  they  have  played  legerdemain  as  to 


1796.J  OF  WASHINGTON.  ^  413 

Mr.  Adams.     Had  the  federal  ticket  prevailed  here  wholly,  the  southern  faction 
\vould  unanimously  have  voted  for  Pinckney. 

Attempts  were  made  by  the  antis  to  persuade  Mr.  Adams  and  his  friends,  that 
certain  characters  designed  to  make  Mr.  Pinckney,  President.  The  insinuation 
was  a  vile  and  rascally  fabrication.  It  was  pointed  at  Col.  Hamilton,  who  I  am 
told,  wrote  to  the  eastern  electors  to  vote  unanimously  for  Pinckney,  Since  the 
votes  of  Connecticut  came,  I  have  heard  nothing  further  about  it.  Mr.  Adams 
has  reason  to  consider,  and  I  know  does  consider  the  arrangement  of  votes  in 
Connecticut  as  a  very  honourable  testimony  of  attachment.  Pains  will  be  taken 
to  disseminate  jealousy  if  Mr.  Pinckney  is  unsuccessful ;  but  all  candid  men 
must,  when  the  first  impulse  of  disappointment  shall  be  over,  do  justice  to  the 
integrity  of  motive,  and  sensible  ones,  to  the  sagacity  which  has  attended  the 
business.  The  length  of  this  detail  claims  an  apology  ;  it  is  to  be  found  in  a  de 
sire  to  communicate  to  you  what  has  passed  here  on  this  subject.  To  dismiss  it 
with  only  informing  you  we  are  not  entirely  without  hopes  Mr.  Pinckney  may 
find  some  support  in  Kentucky,  and  Jefferson  less  in  South  Carolina  than  has 
been  calculated  on.  We  have  not  any  particular  information  on  which  to  ground 
our  hopes. 

The  answer  to  the  President's  speech  has  been  a  bitter  pill  to  our  democrats; 
they  fear  they  have  belied  past  conduct.  Madison  declines  a  future  election. 
Adet's  note  has  not  done  them  the  service  they  intended,  and  they  are  apprehenr 
sive  the  spirit  of  the  country  will  not  bear  it.  There  is  no  real  friendship  among 
the  leaders.  Virginia  has  treated  Burr  scurvily  in  the  election,  and  North  Carr 
olina  not  much  better.  Langdon  is  simple  enough  to  say  he  might  have  known 
they  would  lurch  him.  Mr.  Wolcott  has  given  us  a  long  report  on  direct  taxes, 
As  soon  as  it  comes  from  the  press,  I  will  endeavour  to  find  some  conveyance 
for  it. 

We  are  all  well,  and  join  in  affectionate  remembrances  of  respect.  I  am,  sir, 
your  ob't  humble  serv't, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  22,  1796. 
Sir, 

In  Claypoole's  paper  of  this  morning  is  a  letter  from  Columbia,  South  Carolina, 
dated  the  day  of  election,  informing  that  the  electors  had  unanimously  voted  for 
Jefferson  and  Pinckney.  I  have  had  no  opportunity  to  enquire  into  the  authen 
ticity  of  this  account.  There  are  contradictory  accounts  of  the  votes  in  New 
Hampshire.  One  that  they  are  for  Adams  and  Pinckney,  the  other  that  they 
were  for  Adams  and  Ellsworth.  We  want  more  decisive  information.  In  an 
Albany  paper,  the  votes  in  Vermont  are  said  to  be  for  Adams  and  Pinckney. 
This  week  will  eclaircise  the  business. 

The  accounts  of  the  election  in  the  State  of  New  York,  so  far  as  rumors  can 
be  trusted,  don't  forebode  so  favourable  a  change  in  the  representation  as  we  have 
been  promised.  Congress  is  yet  on  the  routine  of  business.  The  weather  is 
uncommonly  cold.  Our  cities  are  infested  with  incendiaries.  A  second  fire  at 
Savannah  has  destroyed  about  twenty  houses ;  both  fires  there  are  supposed 

35* 


414  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

to  be  accidental.     No  European  news.     I  am,  sir,  with  respect,  your  ob't  humble 
sen^t., 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  23, 1796. 
Sir, 

I  am  much  obliged  by  your  early  notice  of  my  letters,  which  I  have  the  plea 
sure  to  receive,  from  yours  of  the  10th  instant.  The  papers  I  have  sent  you, 
with  the  one  enclosed,  will  give  you  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  the  other 
occurrences. 

We  are  assured  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire  are  not  for  Mr.  Pinckney  as  has 
been  confidently  given  out,  which  renders  Mr.  Jefferson's  election  more  than  pro 
bable.  This  event  is  a  new  call  on  your  patience,  which  I  flatter  myself  will  be 
attended  with  no  other  evil  than  present  vexation  of  spirit.  The  unanimity  of 
the  country  east  of  this  State  in  favour  of  Mr.  Adams'  election,  is  at  once  singu 
lar  and  honourable,  and  if  continued,  will  eventually  prevail.  The  elections 
south  of  the  Potomac  don't  denote  any  change  of  system.  In  all  those  States 
there  is  a  respectable  number  of  federalists  ;  as  yet  they  operate  even  without 
partial  success. 

It  is  already  known  that  the  House  of  Representatives  will  be  better  the  next 
Congress  ;  the  extent  of  change  is  not  ascertained.  We  fear  from  the  imperfect 
accounts  we  have  of  the  election  in  the  State  of  New  York,  that  caprice  and 
supineness  among  the  friends  of  government,  have  been  favourable  to  a  number 
of  the  present  members,  and  that  the  representation  in  that  State  will  not  be 
amended.  In  this  State  there  are  six  good  members ;  in  Maryland  three  more 
than  in  this  last  session ;  in  South  Carolina  there  is  considerable  change  without 
any  advantage,  as  is  the  case  in  North  Carolina.  The  election  in  Virginia 
does  not  take  place  till  March.  We  have  no  accounts  from  Georgia. 

The  conflagration  of  our  towns  is  a  mysterious  business.  No  doubt  seems  to 
be  entertained  of  their  being  infested  with  incendiaries ;  the  received  opinion  is 
that  gangs  are  associated  for  the  object  of  plunder.  I  was  told  by  Mr.  Baldwin 
that  he  was  convinced  by  accounts  he  had  from  Georgia,  the  fires  in  Savannah 
were  accidental — from  late  accounts  I  observe  that  opinion  is  not  universal. 

The  bank  business  here  is  hushed  ;  there  is  enough  of  palpable  disgrace  for 
Pennsylvania  to  stagger  under  without  dragging  any  from  the  vaults  of  the 
banks.  The  legislature  could  not  help  a  formal  enquiry,  so  far  as  to  ask  an  ac 
count  from  the  directors  ;  nothing  further  is  intended. 

I  hope  the  beginning  of  the  week  we  shall  have  the  treasury  reports  from  the 
press.  Accept  Peter  Porcupine's  address  on  Adet's  note,  a  part  of  which  accom 
panies  this,  and  the  residue  goes  under  cover  to  Frederic.  I  have  nothing  of 
family  news  to  communicate,  and  only  repeat  the  sentiments  of  respect  with 
which  I  am,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  415 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  6th,  1797. 
Sir, 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  your  favour  of* the  2d  instant,  which  is  made  the  more 
agreeable  by  the  account  of  your  health  in  this  inclement  season. 

As  I  write  in  the  midst  of  the  spouting  of  the  House,  I  can't  give  you  the  details 
of  public  affairs  ;  to-morrow,  leisure  will  afford  me  an  opportunity  for  that  re 
spect.  The  report  on  the  subject  of  direct  taxes,  is  in  my  opinion  one  of  the 
most  useful  public  documents  our  government  has  produced.  If  the  public  opin 
ion  at  present  forms  an  objection  to  its  full  incorporation  into  our  system  of 
revenue,  I  believe  more  correct  views  will  eventually  prevail.  It  is  too  volumin 
ous  to  go  through  the  mail,  but  I  hope  some  private  conveyance  will  offer  for 
this  and  other  public  documents. 

You  will  see  among  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  a  resolve  laid  upon  the  table 
for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  examine  the  title  of  Connecticut  to  the 
Western  Reserve.  It  is  a  spiteful  measure  of  Mr.  Livingston  to  retaliate,  be 
cause  Mr.  Coit  moved  the  question  as  to  the  payment  of  the  balance  due  from 
debtor  states.  I  presume  the  resolve  will  die  where  it  is.  Nobody  need  be 
disturbed  about  it.  We  are  all  in  good  health.  Yours, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  7th,  1797. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  the  last  month  is  hereby  acknowledged.  Before  you  receive 
this  you  will  probably  know  that  all  the  votes  for  President  and  Vice  President 
are  returned.  That  Mr.  John  Adams  has  71  votes,  Mr.  Thomas  Jefferson  68, 
and  Mr.  Pinckney  59.  Of  course  the  two  former  fill  the  two  first  offices  in  our 
government  for  the  next  four  years.  Although  I  should  be  better  satisfied  not  to 
have  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  government,  yet  I  think  it  better  that  he  should  be 
Vice  President  than  Mr.  Pinckney  President ;  especially  as  in  that  event  we  lost 
Mr.  Adams,  who  would  not  have  served  as  Vice  President  under  any  man  but 
G.  Washington. 

Our  French  patriots  are  much  cooler  than  when  we  first  came  together.  The 
success  of  the  Arch  Duke  and  General  Wurmser  in  Germany  and  Italy,  has 
staggered  their  overweening  faith.  They  begin  now,  since  they  find  Mr.  Adams 
will  be  President,  to  say  he  is  a  very  good  man,  and  will  not  be  for  funding  sys 
tems  and  banking,  and  that  he  is  too  independent  to  be  governed  by  Hamilton, 
&c.  I  really  believe  the  Austrians  have  saved  us  from  much  difficulty,  if  not 
from  a  war.  Had  the  French  armies  been  victorious,  the  nation  would  have 
been  so  imperious,  that  war  or  something  very  troublesome  and  humiliating  would 
have  succeeded,  considering  the  powerful  party  of  Americans  who  would  have 
more  than  kept  pace  with  their  French  friends  in  haughtiness,  had  they  not  been 
checked  by  the  Austrian  successes.  Information  from  the  Hague,  derived 
through  indisputable  and  very  creditable  channels,  which  I  am  not  now  at  liberty 
to  disclose,  is  full,  that  the  French  Directory  were  governed  entirely  by  advice  of 


416  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

Americans  who  were  in  Paris,  and  by  information  received  there  from  Ameri 
cans  on  this  side  of  the  water,  in  all  their  movements  respecting  America.  On 
the  17th  Sept.,  1796,  the  President  published  his  intention  to  decline  further 
service  after  next  March  ;  on  the  9th  of  August,  next  preceding,  measures  were 
taken  by  the  Directory  of  the  Republic  of  France,  to  effect  the  election  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,  and  to  bring  over  all  our  ministers  abroad  to  unite  their  exertions  with 
the  French  in  that  particular  measure.  This  plan  did  not  succeed  to  their  wishes, 
upon  which  they  concluded  to  attempt  to  give  us  a  President  by  attacking  our 
commerce  and  giving  Adet,  the  French  Minister  here,  discretionary  orders  to 
suspend  his  functions,  &c.,  if  he  found  it  necessary,  and  to  cooperate  with  the 
patriots  of  this  country  to  effect  their  wishes,  both  as  to  a  President  and  to  cause 
a  rupture  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain.  Part  of  the  general  system 
against  Great  Britain,  was  to  bring  about  a  war  between  the  Turks  and  the 
Emperor  of  Germany,  draw  in  Sweden  and  Denmark  to  engage  in  a  war  with 
England,  together  with  Spain,  and  to  cause  a  rupture  between  Spain  and  Por 
tugal,  with  the  flattering  idea  for  Spain  to  annex  Portugal  again  to  that  king 
dom.  America  was  to  guarantee  the  West  Indies  to  France,  and  likewise  fight 
Great  Britain.  In  this  way  the  aspiring  leaders  of  the  aspiring  French  were 
busied  in  schemes  for  employing  the  world  in  their  favour,  and  again  calling  into 
review  the  old  French  vision  of  universal  dominion,  when  the  Arch  Duke 
Charles,  by  a  more  brilliant  military  achievement  than  has  been  effected  in  the 
course  of  a  century,  cut  up  Jourdan's  conquering  army  ;  and  Wurmser,  by  an 
an  action  little  less  brilliant,  put  the  victorious  Buonaparte  at  check  at  Mantua, 
the  key  of  Italy  and  Germany.  The  French  General,  Moreau,  has  not  yet 
crossed  the  Rhine,  and  the  Austrians  are  in  force  on  the  left  bank  to  intercept 
his  crossing,  and  are  in  force  on  the  right  bank  to  interrupt  his  attempt.  The 
Turkish  government  has  now  undergone  a  total  change  of  officers,  who  have 
unanimously  declared  in  favour  of  Austria,  Sweden,  and  Denmark,  have  put  the 
French  at  defiance  ;  Spain,  if  she  has  declared  war  on  Great  Britain  will  enrich 
the  English,  and  Portugal  laughs  at  them.  America,  I  hope  and  trust  will 
behave  properly  on  this  occasion  throughout,  as  she  has  done  in  the  choice  of  a 
first  magistrate,  and  every  other  circumstance  upon  which  it,  has  been  proper  to 
act  at  all.  Thus  the  intrigues,  lies,  and  immense  sums  of  secret  service  money, 
paid  and  promised  by  the  French,  have  failed.  The  contemplative  mind  can 
hardly  fail  to  recognize  the  hand  of  Him,  who  "  rides  in  the  whirlwind  and  directs 
the  storm,"  and  to  acknowledge  that  he  causes  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  Him, 
and  graciously  restrains  the  remainder. 

By  information  from  the  Hague,  through  the  same  channels,  we  are  assured 
that  the  Mynheers  are  heartily  sick  of  being  so  violently  forced  to  be  free  ;  that 
the  French  Directory  are  now  with  much  humility,  coaxing  the  Belgians  to  make 
vigorous  efforts  with  them  against  the  common  enemy,  and  in  short,  that  their 
tone  is  taken  down  many  degrees,  upon  finding  their  armies  defeated  abroad, 
and  mutinying  at  home.  The  Germans  are,  as  a  people,  totally  enraged  against 
the  French,  and  in  no  danger  of  joining  their  regenerating  principles  against 
their  own  government ;  and  even  the  effeminate  Italians  are  beginning  to  slay 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  417 

their  preservers  (as  the  French  call  themselves).      I  hope  at  least,  we  in  Ameri 
ca,  may  be  liberated  from  French  hugs  and  guillotines. 

I  have  trespassed  much  longer  on  your  patience  than  I  meant ;  please  to  ac 
cept  the  compliments  of  the  season,  and  believe  me,  with  much  respect,  your 
very  humble  servant, 

URIAH  TRACY. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  9,  1797. 
Sir, 

There  have  been  only  two  subjects  before  the  House  of  Representatives  since 
the  answer  to  the  President's  speech,  which  have  occasioned  much  debate ;  a 
resolution  for  the  relief  of  Savannah,  and  demand  for  payment  by  the  debtor 
states ;  the  first  was  rejected  on  the  ground  of  opening  the  treasury  to  incalculable 
expense  ;  the  latter  was  stirred  without  previous  concert,  and  when  before  us, 
a  choice  of  difficulties  only  remained.  By  an  adoption  of  the  resolution  we 
risqued  a  disturbance  of  federalism  in  New  York  and  Delaware  ;  by  its  rejection, 
discontent  of  the  creditor  states  on  the  eve  of  increasing  the  revenue.  If  the 
State  of  New  York  shall  possess  the  philosophy  to  treat  the  matter  dispassion 
ately,  no  ill  will  come  of  the  measure,  if  the  Senate  should  adopt  it. 

I  am  told  by  some  of  the  members  of  the  House,  that  the  Secretary  of  State 
has  nearly  completed  the  communications  in  respect  to  our  relations  with  France. 
In  what  attitude  we  can  place  our  country  as  to  that,  is  somewhat  problemati 
cal.  If  a  developement  of  foreign  artifice  shall  enlighten  our  country,  and  cure 
it  of  extraneous  attachments,  the  essential  point  will  be  gained  ;  they  will  desist 
from  their  present  vexatious  conduct.  Barney,  who  went  from  this  country  with 
Mr.  Monroe,  or  soon  afterwards,  has  come  to  Virginia  with  two  ships  as  a  com 
modore.  The  Jacobins  at  Baltimore  have  given  him  the  honour  of  a  military 
salute.  He  has  undoubtedly  instructions  to  capture  American  vessels.  I  am 
informed  several  gentlemen  have  seen  his  instructions.  He  is  expected  here. 
Ours,  I  believe,  is  the  only  country  where  such  insults  would  be  tolerated  from  a 
native  citizen. 

In  the  paper  I  send,  is  an  account  of  a  letter  said  to  be  received  from  Mr.  Jef-^ 
ferson,  expressive  of  esteem  for  Mr.  Adams,  and  his  satisfaction  on  his  election. 
I  can't  vouch  for  the  correctness  of  the  publication.     That  he  has  wrote  a  letter   , 
of  meek  humility  as  to  himself,  and  complimentary  of  the  Vice-President,  is*' 
asserted  by  several  who  have  seen  it.     The  democrats  are  besetting  Mr.  Adams 
with  attention.  Since  his  election  has  become  ascertained,  the  scurrility  in  Bache's 
paper  has  ceased,  and  it  is  said  the  democrats  are  recommending  to  him  concilia 
tion  of  parties. 

I  suspect  there  is  a  plan  on  foot  to  change  public  opinion  in  Connecticut,  and 
set  the  people  in  opposition  to  the  government.  If  it  be  so,  you  will  see  the  first 
symptoms  of  it  lurking  about  New  Haven  and  its  vicinity,  and  progressing  in 
the  circuit  of  the  court.  There  has  not  been  any  period,  in  my  opinion,  when 
an  attempt  of  this  kind  could  be  undertaken  with  more  promising  hopes  of  sue- 


418  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

cess.  Private  ambition  will  be  powerfully  succoured  by  the  derangement  of  the 
affairs  of  individuals.  It  is  also  a  period  when  there  is  a  stress  on  the  depart 
ments  of  public  business,  that  requires  patience  and  a  conflict  with  popular  pre 
judice  to  cure.  I  doubt  not  we  shall  get  safely  over  all  difficulties. 

The  weather  is  more  inclement  than  known  for  many  years.  I  hope  to  find 
some  private  conveyance  for  a  packet  of  the  pamphlets  of  the  day.  I  am,  sir, 
your  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


The  President,  in  his  speech,  had  mentioned  that  some  cir 
cumstances  of  an  unwelcome  nature  had  recently  occurred 
in  relation  to  France  ;  that  our  trade  had  suffered,  and 
was  suffering  extensive  injuries  in  the  West  Indies,  from 
the  cruisers  and  agents  of  the  French  republic  ;  and  that 
communications  had  been  received  from  its  minister  here,' 
which  indicated  danger  of  a  continued  disturbance  of  our 
commerce  by  its  authority.  Further  communications  on 
these  subjects  were  transmitted,  in  January,  by  a  special 
message,  inclosing  copies  of  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  Mr.  Pinckney,  and  other  documents. 

The  complaints  of  M.  Adet,  contained  in  his  final  note, 
as  well  as  the  communications  of  his  predecessors,  em 
braced  most  of  the  transactions  of  our  government  in  re 
lation  to  France,  from  an  early  period  of  the  war.  The 
whole  were  reviewed  in  Col.  Pickering's  despatch ;  the 
justification  of  the  government  being  supported  by  copies 
of  the  correspondence  and  documents  relating  to  the  af 
fairs  of  the  two  countries.  As  a  state  paper,  this  produc 
tion  was  admirable.  Comprehensive  in  its  details  of 
facts,  and  forcible  in  its  reasoning,  it  secured  to  its  author  a 
reputation  for  ability  which,  had  he  left  no  other  evidence, 
could  not  be  shaken.  As  an  historical  document,  refuting 
the  charges  against  Washington's  administration,  and  the 
conduct  of  the  federal  party  towards  France,  it  is  also 
one  of  great  and  paramount  interest. 

To  enter  at  large  into  an  examination  of  the  complaints 
of  the  French  minister,  covering  as  they  did  every  sub- 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  419 

ject,  from  alleged  grave  violations  of  treaty,  to  the  order 
in  which  foreign  ministers  were  named  in  a  Philadelphia 
directory,  or  to  note  the  manner  in  which  they  were  met, 
would  require  too  much  space  ;  but  it  may  be  remarked 
that  almost  all  the  questions  of  actual  importance  had  oc- 
cured  during  the  periods  in  which  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr. 
Randolph  held  the  department  of  State,  and  Mr.  Monroe 
that  of  Minister  to  France  ;  that  in  regard  to  the  princi 
ples  of  international  law,  the  construction  of  the  treaty  of 
1778,  and  the  British  treaty,  the  grounds  maintained  by 
the  American  government  had  been  assumed  and  defend 
ed  by  them  ;  that  the  difficulties  already  existed,  and  in 
a  formidable  aspect,  when  Col.  Pickering  came  into  the 
cabinet ;  and  that  with  the  exception  of  a  few  matters  of 
inferior  importance,  no  new  ground  of  complaint  on  the 
part  of  France  had  since  arisen.  This  circumstance  has 
been  carefully  overlooked  by  anti-federal  writers,  and  by 
no  one  more  carefully  than  Mr.  Jefferson  himself,  w^hen  it 
suited  him  to  represent  the  conduct  of  the  federal  admin 
istration  as  partial,  unfriendly  and  unjust.  The  archives 
of  our  government,  however,  will  demonstrate  that  its 
principles  of  action,  on  these  points,  were  all  advocated 
or  countenanced  by  these  three  chiefs  of  Virginian  oppo 
sition.  If  in  this  they  had  deserved  credit,  as  is  not  de 
nied,  the  infamy  of  their  double  dealing  was  not  thereby 
palliated  but  increased. 

There  was  another  class  of  complaints  of  a  less  tangi 
ble  nature,  which  owed  much  of  their  gravity  to  the  or 
naments  of  rhetorical  eloquence  with  which  the  fervid  im 
agination  of  Adet  had  clothed  them.  Of  this  class  was 
the  alleged  ingratitude  with  which  we  had  returned  the 
affection,  the  sympathy  and  assistance  formerly  shown 
by  France  to  the  United  States.  This  charge,  which 
formed  a  standing  theme  of  French  declamation,  was 
caught  up  and  stereotyped  by  the  anti-federalists,  as  an 
evidence  of  the  monarchism  of  their  opponents,  and  the 


420  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13, 

prevalence  of  British  influence  in  their  councils.  It  might 
have  been  thought  that  the  exhibition  which  the  Directory 
had  made  of  the  motives  which  led  the  since  fallen  throne 
to  assist  the  states  in  their  struggles,  would  have  cancell 
ed  the  obligation  ;  but  in  their  view  the  debt  still  existed 
and  survived  to  its  destroyers,  as  the  stolen  garments  of  a 
malefactor,  become  the  perquisite  of  his  hangman. 

M.  Adet's  note  contained  no  reference  to  the  complaints  of 
the  United  States,  and  the  Secretary's  letter  to  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  was  simply  a  reply  to  those  alleged  on  the  part  of 
France.  The  grievances  which  this  country  had  suffered, 
were  set  forth  in  a  report  made  during  February,  in  obe 
dience  to  a  call  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
history  of  the  numerous  decrees  affecting  neutral  com 
merce,  exposed  a  depth  of  hypocrisy  and  villainy  unpar 
alleled.  It  had  been  the  practice  of  the  Directory,  on  the 
remonstrance  of  our  ministers,  to  repeal  or  suspend  for  a 
time  some  obnoxious  order,  as  a  proof  of  friendship  to 
their  "  ally"  ;  and  when  commerce  had  again  extended  it 
self,  to  renew  it  without  notice,  to  sweep  the  ocean  of  its 
wealth — again  to  repeal,  and  again  renew  and  capture. 
More  than  this,  orders  which  had  been  revoked  were  re- 
enacted,  and  a  retrospective  effect  given  them,  that  sei 
zures  made  in  the  interim  might  be  covered.  France  had  in 
this  way  carried  on  a  system  of  maritime  plunder  which, 
equally  infamous  in  character  with  the  piracies  of  Algiers 
and  Tripoli,  was  more  gigantic  in  extent.  The  African 
tribes,  whom  modern  civilization  has  hunted  from  the 
ocean,  were  pirates  by  trade.  The  laws  which  among 
civilized  communities  regulate  their  intercourse  in  peace, 
or  their  conduct  when  at  war,  were  unknown  to  them. 
Outcasts  from  the  family  of  nations,  their  hand  was 
against  every  man,  and  every  man's  hand  against  them. 
France,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  course  she  had  pursued, 
not  only  infringed  a  code,  the  obligations  of  which  she  ad 
mitted,  but  violated  the  faith  of  compacts  entered  into 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  421 

with  all  the  solemnities  of  which  national  engagements 
are  susceptible.  She  was  robbing  friend  as  well  as  foe, 
neutral  as  well  as  belligerent,  following  out  a  stupendous 
system  of  national  piracy.  With  a  view  to  booty  alone, 
had  been  framed  the  quick  succession  of  orders,  arrets 
and  decrees,  which  were  promulgated  in  reference  to 
commerce,  and  from  which  American  trade  had  suffered 
such  enormous  losses.  The  pretexts  under  which  it  was 
disguised,  were  too  shallow  to  be  long  maintained  in  sober 
argument ;  she  had  therefore  assumed  the  offensive  in  di 
plomacy  as  well  as  in  force,  and  clamorously  demanded 
satisfaction  for  supposititious  injuries,  while  committing 
wholesale  depredations  herself. 

An  instance  in  proof  of  this  assertion  is  furnished  in  the 
official  correspondence  of  their  agents  at  St.  Domingo, 
who,  writing  to  the  minister  of  marine  in  January  of  this 
year,  state,  "  that  having  found  no  resource  in  finance,  and 
knowing  the  unfriendly  dispositions  of  the  Americans,  and 
to  avoid  perishing  in  distress,  they  had  armed  for  cruis 
ing  ;  that  already  87  cruisers  were  at  sea,  and  that  for 
three  months  preceding,  the  administration  had  subsisted, 
and  individuals  been  enriched  with  the  product  of  those 
prizes. "a  The  colonial  agents  had  in  this  but  imitated 
their  superiors  at  home. 

The  truth  is  that  the  thirst  of  universal  conquest  of  the 
French  nation,  had  swallowed  up  every  consideration, 
eveiy  principle.  Under  the  pretence  of  extending  the 
blessings  of  liberty,  she  was  subjugating  in  turn  all  the 
nations  of  Europe ;  professing  to  make  war  only  against 
kings,  she  annihilated  or  absorbed  every  republic.  Each 
conquest  led  to  new  wars — with  every  battle  the  prospect 
of  peace  receded.  Thus,  already  her  fields  and  her  work 
shops  were  abandoned ;  already  had  commerce  and  credit 
perished.  Drained  of  her  own  resources,  she  had  recurred 

a  See  Report  of  Secretary  of  State,  January,  1799 
VOL.  I.  36 


422  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

to  the  barbarous  custom  of  making  war  support  war.  Upon 
the  land,  the  track  of  her  armies  was  desolated ; 
upon  the  ocean,  the  blazing  wrecks  of  a  thousand  vessels 
indicated  the  course  of  her  navies. 


Treasury  matters  as  usual,  occupied  much  of  the  ses 
sion.  On  the  14th  of  December,  Wolcott  reported  his 
plan  for  laying  and  collecting  DIRECT  TAXES.  The  subject, 
it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  discussed  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  during  the  last  session,  the  majority  of 
the  committee  of  ways  and  means  having  among  other 
plans,  reported  in  its  favor.  The  opposition  members  had 
indistinctly  advocated  the  raising  the  whole  sum  then  re 
quired,  in  this  manner  the  federal  members  had  chiefly 
preferred  indirect  or  internal  taxes,  as  more  productive  and 
less  unpopular.  This  latter  character  had,  however,  been 
with  the  opponents  of  the  government  no  recommenda 
tion.  Desirous  of  a  change,  they  wished  to  force  the  ad 
ministration  into  the  adoption  of  a  measure,  which,  most 
directly  affecting  every  one,  should  most  provoke  dissatis 
faction.  They  manifested  at  that  time,  no  disposition  to 
incur  the  odium  of  the  imposition  themselves,  but  in  re 
fusing  their  concurrence  in  other  modes  to  an  extent  suffi 
cient  to  defray  the  national  wants,  they  calculated  shrewd 
ly  enough  on  driving  their  adversaries  into  the  adoption 
of  the  measure  which  they  pointed  out  to  them.  The 
effort  had  then  failed,  but  the  extension  of  the  indirect 
tax  being  impossible  in  the  face  of  the  opposition,  the 
reference  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  been 
agreed  to,  that  other  means  wanting,  the  public  credit 
should  at  all  events  be  sustained. 

With  respect  to  direct  taxation,  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
Wolcott  himself  was  in  its  favor,  not  as  a  temporary  or  a 
>sole  resource,  but  as  a  permanent  system,  coexistent  with, 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  423 

and  auxiliary  to  the  systems  of  revenue  from  imposts  and 
from  indirect  taxation ;  as  one  not  liable  to  the  fluctua 
tions  of  the  former,  and  capable  of  being  made  product 
ive,  in  connection  with  the  latter,  of  a  certain  revenue 
when  that  from  imports  would  be  cut  off  by  war. 

As  the  resolution  did  not  specify  the  amount  of  the  pro 
posed  tax,  the  Secretary  assumed  that  the  sum  to  be  appor 
tioned  should  be  sufficientto  consummate  the  system  estab 
lished  in  March,  1795,  and  should  be  commensurate  with 
the  probable  exigencies  of  the  government.  The  resort 
to  new  loans  for  the  purpose  of  paying  instalments  falling 
due,  excepting  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity,  he  reprobated 
as  tending  to  perpetuate  the  debt,  and  as  subject  to  con 
stant  difficulties.  On  this  subject  he  said  : 

"  The  public  faith  having  been  pledged  to  reimburse  a  great  portion  of  the 
debt  which  lately  rested  in  permanent  loans,  sufficient  revenues  for  this  object, 
and  all  necessary  expenses  of  government  must  be  provided,  or  recourse  had  to  a 
continued  system  of  borrowing.  If  this  last  expedient  should  be  resorted  to,  the 
public  burdens — though  the  debts  may  change  their  form — will  remain  substan 
tially  the  same.  The  government  will  moreover  be  liable  to  certain  risks  and 
expenses  which  inevitably  attend  extensive  contracts ;  and  unless  it  shall  be  found 
practicable  to  obtain  new  loans  on  terms  at  least  as  favorable  as  those  to  be  ex 
tinguished,  the  public  debts  will  be  somewhat  increased  by  the  inefficiency  of  the 
measures  which  were  intended  to  reduce  them. 

"It  will  not  escape  the  attention  of  the  House,  that  the  causes  which  at  pres 
ent  most  favour  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States,  and  consequently  increase 
the  ability  of  the  people  to  pay  taxes,  are  such  as  oppose  obstacles  to  the  negoci- 
ation  of  new  loans,  or  at  least  render  their  terms  peculiarly  burdensome  and  ex 
pensive  ;  but  while  it  would  be  improper  to  encourage  an  expectation  that  the 
affairs  of  this  extensive  and  enterprising  country  can  be  successfully  conducted 
without  an  occasional  application  to  this  resource,  it  ought  to  be  a  fixed  principle 
to  establish  a  permanent  revenue,  adequate  to  every  permanent  expense,  and 
sufficient  to  discharge  in  a  reasonable  time,  all  loans  arising  from  extraordinary 
and  unforeseen  contingencies.  This  principle  has  been  already  recognized  by  the 
act  of  March  3d,  1795,  which  has  solemnly  pledged  the  public  faith  for  the  reim 
bursement  of  the  debt  now  existing ;  it  therefore  only  remains  to  embrace  the 
present  period  as  the  most  auspicious  which  has  yet  occurred,  and  as  favourable 
as  any  which  may  be  expected,  for  establishing  and  maturing  such  systems  as 
will  efficaciously  fulfil  the  intentions  of  the  legislature." 

In  pursuance  of  these  views,  and  in  order  to  arrive  at 


424  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

a  correct  estimate  of  the  amount  required  tor  this  purpose, 
a  concise  statement  of  the  finances  was  presented".  As 
suming  lh:it  some  systematic  plan  would  be  adopted  for 
satisfying  ihe  existing  contraets  by  direct  payments  from 
ilie  treasury,  instead  of  by  new  loans,  the  report  proceed 
ed  to  estimate  the  sums,  which,  dividing  the  time  into  tour 
periods  corresponding  with  those  contracts,  would  be  an 
nually  required  during  each  of  them  to  defray  the  expen 
ses  of  government,  and  provide  for  the  final  extinction  of 
the  del)t  in  the  year  IS'J-l.  This  annual  amount  during 
the  first  period  ending  with  the  year  I  SOU,  was  stated  at 
$7,429,;WS  99,  of  which  $2,700,000  was  allowed  as  the 
probable  expenses  of  the  government,  an  estimate  liable, 
however,  to  be  increased  bv  the  gradual  increase  of  the 
nation,  and  by  future  contingencies.  The  revenues  alrea 
dy  established  amounted  to  $0,200,600,  and  to  meet 
the  balance  of  annual  demands,  the  further  sum  of 
Sl,2-js,79450  was  therefore  to  be  provided  for  the  first 
leaned  period.  To  provide  this,  and  allowing  a  defalca 
tion  of  fifteen  per  cent,  for  expenses  of  collection  and  con 
tingencies,  it  was  proposed  that  there  be  laid  upon  the 
United  States,  a  direct  tax  of  $1,484,000. 

Three  modes  of  imposing  the  proposed  tax  had  been 
suggested;  they  were  stated  as  follows: 

"  1st.  That  an  act  of  Congress  should  be  passed,  declar 
ing  the  quotas  of  the  different  States,  assigning  a  time  for 
payment  into  the  treasury,  and  prescribing  in  cases  of 
delinquency,  that  the  said  quotas  should  be  assessed  and 
collected  by  authority  of  the  I'nited  States  upon  the  same 
objects  of  taxation,  and  pursuant  to  the  same  rules  by 
which  the  last,  taxes  were  assessed  and  collected  by  the 
respective  Slates. 

2d.  That  the  act  of  Congress  should  direct  that  the 
proposed  tax  should  be  assessed  and  collected  under  au- 

*  The  estimate  of  the  debt  was  of  that    ding.  This  it  is  not  considered  necessary 
which  existed  on  the  1st  of  July  prece-    to  repeat  here. 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  425 

thority  of  the  United  States  upon  the  same  objects  of  tax 
ation,  and  pursuant  to  the  rules  of  collection  by  which 
taxes  are  collected  in  the  States  respectively. 

3d.  That  the  act  of  Congress  should  define  certain  ob 
jects  of  taxation  and  principles  of  assessment,  according 
to  which  the  proposed  tax  should  be  assessed  in  all  the 
States,  to  be  collected  pursuant  to  uniform  regulations." 

The  first  of  these  three  modes  the  Secretary  considered 
as  subject  to  all  the  objections  of  the  old  system  of  requi 
sitions  on  the  States,  to  remedy  which,  was  one  great  mo 
tive  for  the  change  of  government.  The  second  also 
presented  some  weighty  objections.  The  system  of  tax 
ation  in  the  States  were  in  many  instances  utterly  differ 
ent  from  each  other  in  respect  to  objects  of  taxation  and 
the  principle  of  apportionment  and  collection.  The  argu 
ments  from  these  facts  against  the  plan  were  stated  at 
large.  The  third  mode  was  the  one  preferred. 

The  report  finally,  after  entering  into  a  consideration  of 
the  various  objects  to  which  a  direct  tax  was  applicable, 
and  the  advantages  and  objections  to  each,  recommended 
that  it  be  confined  to  the  following,  viz  : 

1st.  Lands,  which  it  was  proposed  should  be  taxed  ad 
valorem,  but  under  limitations  to  be  prescribed  by  law  in 
respect  to  the  estimated  value  of  uriinclosed  and  unim 
proved  lands,  in  districts  to  be  defined. 

2d.  Houses  exceeding  in  value  those  most  generally  occupied 
by  farmers  and  laborers,  which  were  proposed  to  be  distri 
buted  in  each  of  the  States  into  three  classes,  with  refer 
ence  to  their  value  ;  to  be  taxed  uniformly  in  each  class 
at  specific  rates  to  be  proscribed  by  law. 

3d.  Houses  in  general,  and  of  such  descriptions  as  should 
be  determined  by  law,  to  be  taxed  at  one  uniform  rate. 

This  report,  which,  with  the  accompanying  documents 
extends  to  fifty  pages  folio,  presented  a  complete  exhibi 
tion  of  the  subject.  Besides  a  statement  of  the  existing 
condition  of  the  national  finances,  it*  embraced  a  view  of 

3G* 


426  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

the  system  of  direct  taxation  as  adopted  and  in  use  in 
each  State ;  of  the  principles  which  should  be  observed 
in  creating  a  national  system  ;  its  influence  upon  the  sev 
eral  objects  to  which  it  was  applicable,  and  its  relation 
to  other  modes.  The  various  plans  suggested  or  in  use, 
were  reviewed  at  length. 

No  purchases  of  debt  had  been  made  by  the  Commis 
sioners  of  the  Sinking  Fund  during  this  year;  but  the  sum  of 
$544,066  54  had  been  applied,  under  the  act  of  March 
3d,  1795,  as  the  first  year's  reimbursement  of  the  six  per 
cent,  stock.  The  board  had  also  caused  2,160  shares  of 
the  bank  stock  to  be  sold  during  the  months  of  August 
and  September,  under  authority  of  the  act  of  the  last  ses 
sion,  at  an  advance  of  twTenty-five  per  cent.  The  pro 
ceeds,  amounting  to  $1,080,000,  together  with  the  sum  of 
$120,000  obtained  upon  an  issue  of  six  per  cent,  stock, 
authorized  by  the  same  act,  had  been  applied  to  the 
payment  of  a  corresponding  amount  of  the  domestic- 
loans. 

A  report  in  obedience  to  a  resolution  of  June  preceding, 
was  at  the  end  of  December  made  by  the  Secretary,  on  the 
subject  of  the  Public  Debt,  intended  to  exhibit  its  compara 
tive  amount  at  different  periods.  The  dates  assumed  were 
the  first  of  January  1790,  1791  and  1796  respectively.  It 
stated  in  brief  that  the  foreign  and  domestic  debts  of  the 
United  States,  including  the  assumed  debt  and  the  balances 
due  to  creditor  States  as  adjusted  and  funded,  exclusive  of  the 
specie  debts  of  the  late  government,  paid  at  the  treas 
ury,  under  the  present  government,  amounted  on  the  1st 
of  January,  1790,  to  $75,414,427  97.  That  the  same 
debts  amounted  on  the  1st  of  January,  1791,  by  the  ac 
cruing  of  interest  during  that  year,  to  $77,861,428  70,  and 
if  the  debts  incurred  by  the  late,  and  paid  by  the  present 
government  in  specie,  instead  of  being  funded,  were  in 
cluded,  to  the  sum  of  $77,833,730  04.  That  the  funded 
and  unfunded  debt  of  the  United  States,  including  the 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  427 

sums  purchased,  redeemed  and  vested  in  the  sinking  fund, 
the  instalment  of  six  per  cent,  stock  reimbursed  on  the 
last  day  of  December,  1795,  and  all  domestic  loans, 
amounted  on  the  1st  of  January,  1796,  to  $85,065,423  22. 
That  the  debts  purchased,  redeemed  and  reimbursed  by 
the  new  government,  the  shares  of  bank  stock  owned  by 
it,  and  the  revenue  bonds  remaining  uncollected  on  that 
day,  amounted,  however,  to  $9,254,235  43. 

The  items  which  constituted  the  gross  amounts  at  the 
last  two  periods,  are  here  stated  in  a  condensed  form  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  the  transformations  through  which 
the  debt  assumed  its  present  shape. 

Statement  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Debt,  of  the  United  States,  including  the 
assumed  debt,  on  the  1st  January,  1791. 

FOREIGN  DEBT,  viz : 

Debt  due  to  France  and  interest,                            $8,190,531  58 

Debt  due  in  Holland,  -        3,863,000  00 

Debt  due  in  Spain,  250,582  50 

Foreign  Officer's  debt,  -            -            -            209,426  08 


Amount  of  foreign  debt  contracted  by  the  late 

government  and  due  1st  January,  1791,  12,513,540,16 

DOMESTIC  DEBT,  viz : 

Principal,  deducting  amount  paid  into  the  trea 
sury  in  certificates  for  sales  by  the  late  govern 
ment  and  cancelled,  -  -  $27,197,489  00 

Interest,  deducting  payments,     -  13,030,168  20 

Unliquidated  claims,  2,127,513  89 

ASSUMED  DEBT,  viz : 

Principal,  -         12,181,254  07 

Interest,  6,090,560  67 

Balances  of  creditor  states,  ...         4,221,101  00 


Amount  of  Domestic  Debt,  including  the  assum 
ed  debt,  on  the  1st  January,  1791,  64,848,086  83 


Total  amount  foreign  and  domestic  debt,  $77,361,626  99 


428  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

Statement  of  the  Foreign  and  Domestic  debt  of  the  United  States,  including  the 
assumed  debt,  January  1st,  1796. 

FOREIGN  DEBT,  viz : 

Loans  effected  by  the  late  government  at  Ams 
terdam,  still  unpaid,  -  $2,539,000  00 

Loans  effected  by  the  present  government  at 

Amsterdam  and  Antwerp,  -  -  9,400,000  00 


Amount  of  foreign  debts,  Jan.  1, 1796,  $11,939,000  00 

DOMESTIC  DEBT,  viz : 

Six  per  cent,  stock,  nominal  amt.,  21,204,321  02 

Deferred  six  per  cent.,  «          "  -        10,508,66677 

Three  per  cent.,  "          "  -  13,492,995  47 


45,205,983  26 

Five  and  a  half  per  cent,  stock,  -      1,898,900  00 

Four  and  a  half  per  cent.,    "         -  176,00000 

2,074,900  00 
ASSUMED  DEBT,  viz : 

Six  per  cent,  stock,  nominal  amt.  -      8,120,836  23 

Deferred  six  per  cent.,    "         "         -  4,060,417  84 

Three  per  cent.,  "  -  -     6,090,560  67 


18,271,814  74 

REGISTERED  DEBT,  235,811  90 

Unsubscribed  Certificates,  242,316  10 

Unregistered  debt,  estimate,  1,105,424  60 

DOMESTIC  LOANS,  unpaid,  •     6,200,000  00 

Foreign  Officers'  debt,  75,984  52 


Total  debt,  Jan  1,  1796,  $85,351,235  12 

The  sums  which  were  considered  as  offsets  to  so  much 
of  the  debt,  were  : 

Stocks  included    in  the    above  amounts,  but  )  071  nice 

redeemed  and  vested  in  the  sinking  iund,      I  -WU,1W 

Instalment  of  six  per  cent,  stock,  reimbursed 

December  31,  1795,  544,06655 

Bank  stock  held  by  the   United  States  on  that 

day  at  par  value,  2,000,000  00 

Bonds  for  duties  accrued  but  still  uncollected,  4,000,000  00 


Total  amount,  $9,254,235  43 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  429 

The  principles  upon  which  this  and  other  comparative 
statements  were  founded,  furnished  materials  for  a  nota 
ble  and  long  continued  controversy  between  the  two 
parties.  It  was  contended  by  the  federalists  on  the  one 
hand,  that  the  debt  as  it  was  finally  settled  and  funded, 
was  the  real  debt  devolved  upon  the  new  government  by 
its  predecessor ;  and  that  therefore  in  computing  the  in 
crease  or  diminution  of  the  debt,  the  1st  day  of  January, 
1791,  when  the  system  went  into  operation,  must  be  taken 
as  the  starting  point.  On  the  other  side  the  opposition 
denied  that  all  the  debts  funded  by  the  present  had  been 
contracted  by  the  former  government ;  they  insisted  that 
the  assumed  debt  was  not  properly  a  debt  of  the  United 
States,  that  even  admitting  the  propriety  of  assumption, 
it  could  have  been  effected  with  a  less  amount,  and  that 
the  difference  was  chargeable  to  the  new  government  as 
an  increase  of  debt ;  and  they  maintained  that  the  inter 
est  which  accrued  on  the  debt  after  it  went  into  operation, 
or,  at  any  rate,  after  the  1st  January,  1790,  and  which 
had  been  funded  instead  of  being  paid,  was  to  be  con 
sidered  as  an  increase  of  debt  by  the  latter.  To  this  it 
was  replied  by  the  supporters  of  the  system,  that  the  as 
sumed  debt  was  contracted  by  the  states  for  an  object 
common  to  all,  and  was  properly  a  charge  upon  the  Union  ; 
that  therefore  in  assuming  the  payment  in  place  of  the 
states,  they  had  contracted  no  obligation  which  did  not, 
in  fact,  previously  exist.  As  to  the  argument  that  the 
same  relative  situation  of  the  states  might  have  been  pro 
duced  by  funding  the  aggregate  differences  instead  of  the 
aggregate  amounts,  this  was  not  the  question,  as  the  as 
sumption  had  been  effected  with  other  views  than  the 
settlement  of  balances.  In  respect  to  the  interest  which 
accrued  between  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  and  the 
taking  effect  of  the  funding  bill,  they  held  it  to  be  proper 
ly  chargeable  to  the  old  government,  for  the  very  sub 
stantial  reason,  that  the  latter  had  left  nothing  to  pay  it 


430  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

with,  neither  money  in  the  treasury  nor  accruing  revenue  ; 
and  they  insisted  that  the  time  to  which  it  had  been  fund 
ed,  was  the  earliest  at  which  suitable  provision  could 
be  made. 

The  objections  of  the  anti-federalists  to  the  method  of 
statement  pursued  at  the  treasury,  will  be  found  argued 
with  great  subtlety,  by  Mr.  Gallatin.3  Two  statements 
of  the  debt  of  the  old  government  were  presented  by  him, 
both  on  the  basis  of  January  1st,  1790.  The  first  was 
made  on  the  admission,  that  the  state  debts  assumed  by 
the  union,  including  therein  the  balances  funded  in  favor 
of  the  creditor  states,  were  actually  debts  due  by  the 
United  States.  This  statement  differed  in  result  from  the 
treasury  statement  of  the  same  day,  Mr.  Gallatiri  estima 
ting  the  total  amount  of  debt  on  the  1st  January,  1790,  at 
$72,775,893  92.  The  second  was  made  on  the  princi 
ple  that  the  state  debts  were  not  properly  debts  of  the 
union,  and  that  only  such  an  amount  of  the  same  had 
been  assumed,  (after  the  settlement  of  the  accounts  be 
tween  the  several  states  and  the  union)  as  would  have 
placed  the  accounts  of  the  United  States  with  the  indi 
vidual  states  in  the  same  relative  situation  on  which  they 
then  stood,  by  leaving  outstanding  the  same  aggregate 
amount  of  the  balances  due,  either  to  or  from  the  several 
states,  as  then  remained  outstanding.  By  this  method, 
the  "  true  amount  of  debts  on  the  1st  January,  1790," 
appeared  to  be  $64,260,294  33.  The  whole  amount  of 
the  principal  of  the  public  debt  on  the  1st  January,  1796, 
deducting  the  amounts  of  stock  purchased  and  redeemed, 
was  $81,811,368  27,  and  deducting  the  bank  stock  and 
cash  on  hand  on  that  day,  was  $78,697,410  12.  Deducting 
from  the  amount  first  stated  the  balance  of  cash  on  hand, 
Jan.  1,  1790,  the  "  increase  of  debt  from  1790  to  1796,'* 

a"  A  Sketch  of  the  Finances  of  the  United  States,  by  Albert  Gallatin,,"  8vo, 
New  York,  1796.    Section  III. 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  431 

was,  according  to  him,  $6,084,155  49,  and  making  the 
same  deduction  from  the  second  statement,  the  increase 
was  $14,437,115  79. 

To  explain  the  "principles"  on  which  the  original 
amount  of  debt  was  thus  figured  down,  would  require  an 
investigation  of  the  whole  system  upon  which  the  debt 
was  funded,  and  an  extended  defence  of  the  assumption 
of  the  state  debts  and  balances.  This  forms  no  part  of 
the  present  design.  It  is  sufficient  for  the  purpose  of  this 
work  to  assume  the  state  of  facts  as  settled  under  Mr. 
Hamilton's  plan,  and  to  follow  down  the  subsequent  man 
agement  of  the  treasury  according  to  the  existing  condition 
of  things.  Fairness,  however,  and  the  due  understanding 
of  the  views  of  parties,  has  required  this  explanation  of 
the  doctrines  of  the  opposition.  The  subject  will  be  again 
necessarily  recurred  to  in  a  subsequent  chapter.  Mean 
time,  one  observation  requires  to  be  made  upon  the  al 
leged  amount  of  increase  of  debt,  viz :  that  even  in  Mr. 
Gallatin's  view  it  was  not  pretended  that  the  whole  of 
this  sum  had  been  expended,  or  otherwise  contracted,  than 
as  assumed  beyond  the  amount  which  properly  should 
have  been  done.  The  increase  of  $6,084,155  under  the 
first  statement,  was  reducible  to  these  two  heads :  1st, 
from  the  excess  of  expenditures  over  receipts,  and  2d, 
from  such  parts  of  the  interest  accrued  on  the  debt  since 
the  1st  of  January,  1790,  as  had  been  funded  instead  of 
being  paid. 

The  excess  of  expenditures  beyond  the  revenues  re 
ceived,  which  was  in  his  view  of  the  receipts  and  expen 
ditures  stated  at  $3,228,961  19,  was,  according  to  his  own 
admission,  subjected  to  deductions  as  follows : 

First,  the  excess  of  nominal  amount  of  stock  purchased 
by  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund  beyond  the 
monies  applied  to  purchases,  $688,725  67.  Secondly, 
gain  by  the  conversion  of  premiums  on  the  old  Dutch 
debt  into  an  annual  charge,  $66,775  58.  Thirdly,  monies 


432  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

actually  collected,  but  not  passed  into  the  treasury  ac 
counts,  estimated  by  him  at  $600,000  00.  Which  sums, 
amounting  altogether  to  $1,355,501  25,  made  the  real 
amount  of  excess  of  expenditure  beyond  revenue  only 
$1,873,459  94. 

The  other  items,  were  interest  upon  the  proper  domes 
tic  debt,  the  assumed  debt,  and  the  state  balances, 
amounting  together  to  $4,210,695  55,  which  were  funded 
instead  of  being  paid ;  so  that  after  all,  the  great  part  of 
the  increase  said  to  have  taken  place  was  to  be  referred 
into  a  mere  question  of  opinion  as  to  the  correctness  of  the 
principles  on  which  the  debt  was  funded.  To  go  back  to 
Wolcott's  statement,  the  difference  between  the  amount 
of  debt  as  represented  by  him  to  have  existed  on  the  1st 
January,  1790,  and  that  stated  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  lay  in  the 
allowance  or  disallowance  of  this  last  amount  as  being  a 
debt  on  that  day.  The  difference  between  their  results 
in  the  comparison  of  debt  of  1790  and  of  1796,  sprung 
from  this,  that  Wolcott  had  set  off  against  the  gross  amount 
of  debt,  the  amount  of  uncollected  bonds.  Mr.  Gallatin, 
on  the  other  hand,  admitted  only  the  supposed  cash  in 
hand  as  an  offset.3- 

This  matter  of  bonds  requires  a  moment's  notice  in 
passing.  The  treasury,  it  has  already  been  mentioned, 
were  in  the  outset  obliged  to  anticipate  the  revenues  of 
the  year  by  temporary  loans.  But  a  small  sum  had  been 
left  on  hand  by  the  old  department,  and  no  revenues  at 
first  existed.  Credits  were  necessarily  given  to  importers 
for  the  duties  imposed  under  acts  of  Congress,  and  tempo 
rary  loans  were  obtained  of  the  bank  of  the  United 
States  in  advance  of  the  actual  payment  of  their  bonds, 
payable  on  the  coming  in  of  the  revenue.  The  usual  an 
ticipations  were  annual,  and  had  been  annually  repaid  ; 

a  It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  Mr.  report.    It  is,  however,  applicable  to  this 

Gallatin's  statements  had  reference   to  as  well  as  to  other  statements  made  on 

this  individual  account.     His  work  was  the  same  basis, 
published  in  November  preceding  the 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  433 

but  the  stock  loan  and  the  extraordinary  loans,  already 
mentioned,  were  payable  in  instalments.  It  had  been 
usual  to  consider  the  bank  stock,  cash  in  the  treasury,  and 
bonds  for  duties  accrued  but  not  collected,  as  counter 
balancing  this  temporary  debt.  But  the  opposition,  who 
were  too  much  interested  in  making  out  the  charge  of  in 
crease  of  the  public  liabilities  to  let  slip  an  occasion, 
strenuously  contested  the  correctness  of  the  postulate. 
The  applicability  of  the  bank  stock  and  cash  on  hand 
they  could  not  very  well  dispute,  but  the  custom-house 
bonds  they  most  strenuously  denied  as  admissible  among 
the  assets  acquired  by  government.  The  arguments  on 
either  side  will  be  found  embodied  in  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  ways  and  means  of  May  8th,  1800,  and  the 
pamphlet  published  by  Mr.  Gallatin  in  reply. 

The  subjects  of  these  bonds,  and  the  propriety  of  con 
sidering  the  funded  interest  as  part  of  the  old  legacy  of 
obligation,  run  through  the  whole  history  of  discussion  on 
the  finances.  The  actual  obligations  of  the  country  could 
neither  be  understated  nor  overstated,  and  the  question 
of  how  much  the  debts  had  been  increased  or  diminished 
rested  entirely  upon  argumentation  on  these  and  similar 
points. 

The  committee  of  ways  and  means  on  the  3d  of  Jan 
uary  reported  resolutions  in  favor  of  a  direct  tax  on  land 
and  slaves,  but  the  session  passed  away  without  final  ac 
tion.  Other  sources  of  additional  revenue  were  sought, 
and  in  reply  to  the  inquiries  of  the  committee,  Wolcott 
suggested  salt,  brown  sugar,  teas,  and  cotton  manufac 
tures  not  printed,  stamped,  or  colored,  as  the  most  proper. 
As  to  a  general  increase  of  duties  he  remarked : 

"  With  respect  to  a  general  augmentation  of  the  duties  on  imports,  I  consider 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  observe  that  the  average  rate  already  imposed,  exceeds  six 
teen  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ;  that  the  last  advance  of  the  duties  was  made  at  a 
time  when  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  was  far  from  being  in  a  natural 
state  ;  that  the  temptations  to  illicit  trade  will  increase  in  proportion  to  any  re- 
VOL.  T.  37 


434  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

duction  of  the  general  rate  of  mercantile  profit  ;  and  that  a  considerable  reduc 
tion  of  this  general  rate  is  to  be  expected  whenever  the  present  war  in  Europe 
shall  terminate.  On  these  grounds,  I  conclude  that  present  experience  affords 
us  certain  data  for  an  opinion  respecting  the  permanent  operation  of  the  existing 
duties." 

The  committee  agreed  upon  these  articles  except  salt, 
and  an  act  passed  accordingly,  the  duties  being  appro 
priated,  first  to  the  payment  of  the  foreign  debt  and  after 
wards  to  that  to  the  bank.  This  was  the  only  revenue 
bill  passed  during  the  session.  An  ineffectual  attempt  was 
made  to  obtain  from  the  states,  found  indebted  to  the  Uni 
ted  States  on  a  settlement  of  the  accounts,  the  payment 
of  their  balances.  The  committee  of  ways  and  means 
reported  that  application  be  forthwith  made  to  the  states 
for  that  purpose ;  the  balances  to  be  receivable  in  the 
same  proportions  of  six  per  cent.,  deferred,  and  three  per 
cent,  stocks,  in  which  those  due  to  the  creditor  states 
had  been  paid.  These  balances  were  due  from  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and 
North  Carolina,  and  amounted  to  about  four  and  a  half 
millions,  over  one-half  being  due  from  the  State  of  New 
York.  An  act  in  pursuance  of  the  recommendation 
could  not,  however,  be  procured.  The  amounts  due  from 
these  states,  being  in  all  about  $4,500,000,  which  would,  if 
paid,  have  been  a  reduction  of  so  much  of  the  debt,  and 
were  a  rightful  offset  to  the  same  amount  of  stock  issued 
for  the  balances  to  the  others,  were  never  collected. 

The  course  of  the  Barbary  negotiations  had  rendered 
necessary  a  further  appropriation.  Owing  to  accidental 
detention,  the  money  provided  for  the  execution  of  the 
treaty  did  not  arrive  at  Algiers  at  the  stipulated  time. 
The  impatience  of  the  Dey  at  this  circumstance  was  in 
creased  to  violence  by  another  occurrence.  This  was  the 
publication  of  the  papers  relative  to  the  original  negotia 
tions  which  had  been  communicated  in  confidence  to  the 
Senate.  A  copy  of  these  having  been  sent  him  through 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  435 

some  secret  channel,  he  threatened  to  break  off  the  treaty 
altogether,  when  Mr.  Barlow,  who  had  been  sent  by  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Col.  Humphreys  to  join  Mr.  Donaldson,  pro 
mised  a  frigate  in  addition  to  the  stipulated  sum.  The 
sudden  fall  of  the  stock  remitted  for  payment,  together 
with  this  new  demand,  required  a  further  appropriation 
of  $250,000,  which  was  made. 

Reports  were  made  by  the  Secretaries  of  State  and  of 
the  Treasury  to  the  President,  relative  to  the  situation  of 
affairs  with  the  Dey  and  Regency,  which  were  transmitted 
to  the  Senate  in  a  confidential  message  from  the  Presi 
dent,  on  the  19th  of  January.  These  reports  detailed  all 
the  circumstances  of  this  unhappy  negotiation  in  a  man 
ner  perfectly  satisfactory,  so  far  as  the  government  was 
concerned.  The  fact  of  the  expense  and  the  loss  was, 
however,  enough  for  the  purpose  of  the  anti-federalists, 
and  the  secrecy  of  the  message  was  violated  by  some 
senator  through  the  medium  of  Mr.  Livingston,  to  render 
the  transaction  more  odious.  The  disclosure  was  the 
more  disgraceful,  as  the  vote  had  been  so  nearly  unani 
mous,  twenty-four  senators  voting  for  the  ratification  to 
three  against.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say,  that  Mr. 
Mason  of  Virginia,  was  one  of  the  latter. 

So  much  was  said  at  the  time  and  afterwards,  about 
the  payment  of  this  tribute,  that  it  is  worth  while  to  see 
who  were  the  tributaries. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  paper  by  Wolcott, 
written  during  Jefferson's  administration. 

"  The  facts  relating  to  this  subject  are,  that  the  granting  of  subsidies  to  the 
Barbary  powers  as  a  condition  of  their  remaining  at  peace,  was  not  a  measure 
of  Washington.  It  was  his  opinion  that  a  naval  force  ought  to  be  found  to  de 
fend  our  rights.  He  belieVed  that  in  our  then  defenceless  situation,  a  peace  pur 
chased  with  money  would  increase  the  cupidity  of  the  piratical  states,  and  ex 
pose  great  numbers  of  our  countrymen  to  capture  and  consequent  slavery,  or 
entail  on  our  country  the  necessity  of  incurring  a  heavy  and  disgraceful  expense. 
Congress  would  not  consent  to  build  ships,  and  for  six  years  after  the  present 
government  was  formed,  a  number  of  our  citizens  remained  in  captivity,  The 


436  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

people  of  our  commercial  cities,  influenced  by  a  generous  sensibility  for  their 
countrymen  in  bondage,  were  about  forming  a  subscription  to  redeem  them  at 
private  expense.  The  payment  of  tribute,  if  such  it  must  be  called,  became 
popular,  the  objections  of  Congress  to  the  expense  vanished  of  course,  and  a 
large  sum  for  the  '  purchase  of  peace'  was  appropriated  by  law.  This  was  no 
party  work  ;  the  grant  was  made  with  the  approbation  of  all  parties,  and  especi 
ally  with  the  approbation  of  Mr.  Madison. 

*  *  *  * 

"But  if  the  frigate  must  be  mentioned,  would  it  not  have  been  candid  to  men 
tion  that  the  frigate  was  promised  after  peace  had  been  concluded,  and  by  an 
agent  designated  by  Mr.  Monroe,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  government, 
and  that  this  agent  had  no  authority  to  make  tms  promise  1  Have  none  of  the 
present  [Jefferson's]  administration  'clear  perceptions,'  that  they  opposed  an 
appropriation  of  money  for  this  frigate,  until  they  discovered  that  the  engage 
ment  had  been  made  by  a  popular  character  of  their  own  party  1  Have  they  for 
gotten  that  they  required  from  the  executive  administration  a  disclosure  of  the 
most  confidential  papers,  relating  to  the  Barbary  negotiations  ;  that  they  were 
furnished  under  an  injunction  of  secrecy  ;  that  the  injunction  of  secrecy  was  dis 
solved  ;  that  papers  of  the  most  important  nature  were  published  in  the  news 
papers,  by  one  of  their  friends,  and  by  some  unknown  channel  perfidiously  con 
veyed  to  the  Dey  of  Algiers?  Are  they  apprized  of  the  existence  of  official 
evidence,  that  this  conduct  furnished  pretexts  for  extorting  from  the  United  States 
an  additional  sum,  not  much  less  than  200,000  dollars  1  Were  not  these  trans 
actions  all  justified  on  the  grounds,  that  '  free  governments  ought  to  have  no 
secrets  1 ' " 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  18,  1797. 
Sir, 

I  send  you  an  evening  paper.  If  the  account  of  the  French  depredations 
under  the  Norfolk  head  be  true,  (and  it  is  believed)  it  is  further  evidence  of  their 
system  of  plunder.  We  expect  the  President's  communication  about  our  rela 
tions  with  that  power  this  week.  As  the  principal  design  is  to  justify  the  con 
duct  of  our  government,  I  presume  the  communication  will  be  for  public  infor 
mation.  Our  country  must  get  over  its  love  sickness  for  France,  and  if  one 
degree  of  insult  and  suffering  won't  answer  that  valuable  purpose,  they  will  have 
madness  enough  to  administer  a  sufficiency. 

The  subject  of  direct  taxes  lias  been  several  days  before  the  House  ;  what 
course  it  will  take  can't  be  conjectured.  We  must  come  to  additional  substan 
tial  revenue  before  long ;  I  believe  to  direct  taxes.  As  yet  I  can't  say  public 
opinion  will  bear  the  measure  this  session.  I  don't  find  any  conveyance  to  for 
ward  the  Secretary's  report. 

The  session  does  not  present  any  object  so  universally  interesting  as  the  last, 
but  on  the  whole  it  is  more  perplexing.  The  government  must  come  to  a  num 
ber  of  principles  by  which  to  steer  its  course.  If  the  war  continues  in  Europe, 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  437 

we  shall  yet  find  difficulty  to  steer  the  ship.  Is  the  ambition  of  the  country  to 
be  kept  up  in  all  its  enterprizes  at  home  and  abroad  ?  If  so  we  must  have 
money.  It  is  idle  to  murmur  at  the  government  because  it  does  not  protect 
commerce,  and  not  give  the  Executive  the  means.  We  must  leave  the  naviga 
tor  to  himself,  and  not  extend  our  point  of  honour  beyond  our  soil,  or  else  begin 
arrangements  to  protect  commerce.  If  we  mean  to  pay  our  debt  we  must  finally 
come  to  the  mass  of  property  ;  whiskey  and  carriages  won't  do  it.  We  must 
arm  the  Executive  with  powers  to  curb  the  lawless  efforts  of  our  citizens  to  em 
broil  us  abroad,  and  repel  all  insults  on  the  government.  These  things  can't  be 
done  with  this  House  of  Representatives.  I  hope  the  next  will  be  federal.  We 
are  in  good  health.  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


JAMES  HILLHOUSE  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SE*. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  23d,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  not  troubled  you  with  any  letter  since  the  meeting  of  Congress,  as 
nothing  important  has  occurred  which  could  claim  your  particular  attention,  until 
the  receipt  of  the  special  message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  prom 
ised  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  containing  a  more  particular 
communication  in  relation  to  France.  In  this  communication  are  detailed  facts 
which  were  very  important  to  be  known,  to  manifest  the  solicitude  and  scrupu 
lous  exactness  with  which  the  government  of  the  United  States  have,  at  all  times, 
observed  their  treaties  with  France,  and  discharged  every  engagement  and  obli 
gation  they  were  under  to  that  nation.  And  as  the  United  States  have  suffered 
so  much  insult  and  injury  from  the  French,  and  have  been  so  often  charged  with 
the  base  crime  of  ingratitude,  the  Executive  must,  I  think,  stand  justified  to  that 
nation  and  all  the  world,  in  going  into  a  full  development  of  the  subject,  to  evince 
that  the  present  ruling  powers  in  France  are  actuated  by  the  same  motives,  and 
guided  by  the  same  views  as  those  which  influenced  the  old  government ;  anct 
that  the  plan  always  has  been  to  make  this  country  subservient  to  the  interests 
and  projects  of  France  ;  and  whenever  the  interests  of  the  two  countries  came 
in  competition,  to  sacrifice  that  of  the  United  States,  even  at  the  expense  of,  and 
in  direct  opposition  to,  their  treaties  with  us.  I  have  enclosed  you  the  commu 
nication  as  far  as  it  is  published,  which  contains  the  substance  of  the  whole  ;  the 
residue  being  only  documents  to  substantiate  the  facts  here  stated.  This  disclo 
sure  will,  I  hope,  silence  all  further  complaints  from  France,  of  our  not  having 
executed  our  treaties  with  them,  and  fulfilled  every  obligation  we  ever  were  un 
der  to  them  ;  and  convince  them  that  it  is  the  fixed  determination  of  our  govern 
ment  to  observe  an  impartial  neutrality,  and  not  to  suffer  our  councils  to  be  gui 
ded  or  influenced  by  any  foreign  nation  whatever.  I  do  not  apprehend  any  fur 
ther  danger  of  France  declaring  war  against  us  ;  we  have  certainly  given  them 
no  just  cause.  Though  I  should  deprecate  such  a  calamity  as  much  as  any  one, 
yet  if  we  have  but  the  alternative  of  war,  or  submitting  to  have  our  councils  un 
der  the  influence  and  guidance  of  a  foreign  nation,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  single 

37* 


438  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

moment  to  prefer  the  former.  Our  independence  is  what  we  ought  to  guard 
with  the  most  watchful  jealousy,  and  spurn  every  attempt  to  introduce  for 
eign  influence — an  evil  to  which  free  governments  are  vastly  more  liable  than 
any  other.  Our  losses  and  sufferings  have  been  great,  but  I  flatter  myself  that 
some  good  will  spring  out  of  the  much  evil  we  have  experienced  :  and  that  by 
being  buffeted  by  all  nations,  we  shall  be  weaned  from  all  foreign  attachments, 
learn  that  we  are*  Americans,  and  be  taught  that  self-restraint  which  alone  can 
make  us  respected  by  other  nations. 

With  sentiments  of  the  highest  respect  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  excel 
lency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

JAMES  HILLHOUSE. 


URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  24th  Jan.,  1797. 

I  wrote  you  some  days  since  of  the  aspect  of  our  public  affairs.  We  get  noth 
ing  new  ;  a  continuation  of  spoliations  on  our  trade,  especially  in  the  West 
Indies,  is  what  was  expected.  We  have  had  some  intimations  that  the  Span 
iards  were  taking  our  vessels.  The  Spanish  minister  denies  this  ;  but  it  is  not 
very  important,  as  the  French  are  able  to  molest  us  so  materially  without  Span 
ish  assistance. 

The  House  of  Representatives  are  very  seriously  at  work  on  the  Secretary's 
report  on  direct  taxation.  What  will  be  done  I  cannot  divine  ;  but  unless  driven 
by  more  serious  depredations  on  our  trade,  I  believe  no  tax  will  be  laid  this  ses 
sion.  We  have  about  770,000  tons  of  shipping  subject  to  tonnage  ;  of  this, 
about  200,000  tons  is  improved  coastwise,  and  in  fishing ;  of  the  remaining 
570,000  tons,  about  70,000  tons  belong  to  foreigners ;  the  remainder,  about  half 
a  million  of  tons,  belongs  to  Americans,  and  is  in  foreign  trade.  Tonnage  and 
impost  form  the  principal  part  of  our  revenue  ;  and  yet,  sir,  not  a  ship  of  force, 
not  even  a  gun  boat,  is  in  preparation  to  protect  this  immense  floating,  defence 
less  property.  The  country,  with  the  prodigious  duty  levied  on  trade,  is  not  able 
to  fulfil  its  contracts.  What  must  be  the  result  of  this  view  of  the  subject  I 
Will  it  not  be  this,  that  some  mode  of  raising  a  revenue,  either  by  direct  or  in 
direct  taxation,  which  depends  not  on  the  sport  of  winds  and  waves,  and  what  is 
worse,  the  fraternal  hugs  of  our  friends  the  French,  must  be  resorted  to  1 

The  British  nation,  with  their  unparalleled  commerce  and  fleet  to  protect  it, 
have  not  usually  raised  more  than  one-fourth  part  of  their  revenue  by  impost, 
and  not  ordinarily  more  than  a  fifth  part  of  it.  In  1788  their  revenue  netted 
them  something  more  than  £15,000,000  sterling  ;  of  this  their  customs,  as  stated 
by  St.  Johns  St.  Clair,  amount  to  £3,780,000,  or  thereabouts.  If  the  United 
States  can,  under  the  present  discouragements  to  their  defenceless  commerce, 
expect  to  succeed  in  their  fiscal  arrangements,  by  the  assistance  of  impost  only, 
I  think  the  result  is  cercain  disappointment,  and  consequent  confusion.  Direct 
and  indirect  internal  taxes  must  be  resorted  to.  I  acknowledge  the  idea  of  dire.ct 
taxes,  by  apportionment,  has  never  worn  a  pleasant  appearance  to  me,  but  on  the 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  439 

contrary,  a  very  unpleasant  one  ;  but  of  evils  we  must  choose  the  least,  and  of 
exceptionable  measures  adopt  the  most  unexceptionable.  It  seldom  occurs,  in 
political  warfare,  that  the  politician  can  be  perfectly  gratified.  A  choice  of  evils 
is  almost  the  only  alternative  which  presents  itself  in  many  of  the  most  trying 
emergencies.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  it  is  incumbent  on  the  government, 
before  a  separation,  to  organize  as  far  as  may  be,  a  direct  tax,  and  likewise  to  lay 
as  much  internal  indirect  taxation,  as  will  possibly  go  down.  I  am  convinced 
that,  by  excises  of  various  kinds,  a  million  and  a  half  or  two  million  of  dollars 
of  revenue  might  be  raised.  I  do  not  think  the  import  will  bear  much  raising, 
even  if  commerce  were  unmolested.  An  excise  on  salt  even  to  a  half  dollar  per 
bushel,  would  be  an  equal  and  very  productive  tax,  &c.  &c. 

But  our  friends  in  Congress  who  have  uniformly  opposed  the  government,  are 
determined  that  no  tax  shall  be  laid  but  a  direct  one,  and  I  believe  equally  deter 
mined  that  a  direct  tax  never  shall  be  collected.  They  now  intend,  sir,  to  alarm 
with  fear  of  a  direct  tax,  but  lo  be  sure  and  never  collect  it,  and  to  prevent  any 
more  excises  from  being  either  collected  or  laid  ;  and  they  encourage  French 
depredations  to  cut  up  our  import.  This  prospect  of  our  affairs  affords  them  the 
satanic  hope,  that  they  can  enjoy  the  fulfilment  of  their  prophecies  concerning  the 
administration  ;  and  by  introducing  their  beloved  confusion,  enjoy  the  measure 
of  liberty  for  which  the  French  partisans  have  long  been  planting.  God  grant 
they  may  be  disappointed  ;  but  unless  our  people  from  the  northward  consent  to 
every  tax,  direct  as  well  as  others,  they  intend  to  throw  the  blame  on  us,  by 
claiming  that  all  would  have  been  well,  had  we  not  defeated  a  direct  tax. 

You  may  call  me  a  croaker,  but  I  really  feel  the  present  as  a  most  eventful 
period.  Our  President  whose  factitious  support  to  this  government  was  almost 
infinite,  withdraws,  and  a  divided,  I  will  not  say  disturbed  people,  are  to  have 
reason  sufficient  to  allay  their  passions  and  undergo  severe  self-denial,  for  what? 
to  support  a  government  which  more  than  half  of  them  hate  ;  for  truly  they  hate 
it  in  all  its  possible  shapes.  However,  sir,  I  am  not  one  who  despairs  of  the  com 
monwealth  ;  I  have  sworn  to  support  the  Constitution  ;  my  inclination  induces 
me  to  attempt  its  support  by  every  fair  and  proper  measure,  and  I  hope  for  the 
best  possible  events. 

It  is  impossible  to  form  much  conjecture  concerning  a  peace  in  Europe.  I  am 
rather  of  opinion  that  Lord  Malmesbury  does  not  effect  a  general  pacification, 
and  a  partial  one  is  certainly  not  within  his  orders.  Mr.  Adams  (who  is  still  at 
the  Hague)  has  lately  written  home  that  the  Belgians  are  paying  somewhat 
dearly  for  their  liberty.  The  provinces  of  Holland  have  taxed  every  citizen 
within  a  year  on  the  incomes  and  profits  of  their  estates,  till  they  found  the 
revenue  incompetent,  and  they  have  laid  a  tax  on  the  whole  of  each  man's  proper 
ty  to  the  amount  of  twelve  per  cent.  This  must  of  course  absorb  more  than  all 
the  profits  made,  and  trench  considerably  on  each  man's  capital.  To  support  a 
government  at  such  expense,  one  would  suppose  the  government  must  be  a  very 
good  one,  at  least  it  must  be  a  strong  one  if  it  can  exist  long. 

We  have  at  length  effected  a  treaty  with  the  Creeks  which  is  a  good  one,  ar.d 
if'the  Georgians  and  Tennesseites  can  be  kept  in  order,  we  shall  have  peace  on 
that  frontier.  I  am  convinced  that  you  will  be  fatigued  with  this  long  letter. 


440  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

Your  family  here  are  well.     I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  very  humble 
servant, 

URIAH  TRACY. 

N.  B.     I  enclose  you  a  paper  containing  a  defence  of  our  government  against 
Adet's  notes. 


JAMES  DAVENPORT  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  24th,  1797. 

I  was  honoured  with  your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  9th  instant,  four  days  ago, 
but  as  nothing  of  any  importance  has  taken  place  since,  I  concluded  to  defer  an 
swering  it  until  the  communication,  promised  by  the  President  on  his  speech  at 
the  opening  of  the  session  of  Congress,  (which  was  daily  expected)  should  be 
made.  It  is  now  received,  and  I  enclose  you  the  part  of  it  which  has  been  print 
ed  ;  the  whole  was  very  voluminous,  but  the  part  not  printed  contains  only  the 
vouchers  to  support  the  facts  in  the  letter.  The  communication  will,  I  hope,  have 
the  effect  of  relieving  us  from  that  debt  of  gratitude  the  French  Ministers  and  our 
Jacobins  have  endeavoured  to  fix  upon  us,  and  which  would  only  be  dis 
charged  by  yielding  up  our  independence. 

The  public  mind  appears  to  me  to  be  preparing  for  a  change,  and  I  am  inclin 
ed  to  believe  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  conduct  of  that  nation  will  uni 
versally  be  viewed  with  detestation.  Such  an  event  will  be  of  the  utmost  con 
sequence,  as  its  tendency  will  be  to  excite  in  us  national  feelings  and  attach 
ments,  without  which  the  American  name  never  will  be  respectable.  It  will 
also  arrest  the  depravation  of  morals  which  has  so  universally  taken  place  among 
those  who  have  attached  themselves  to  the  interests  of  this  (the  French)  people. 

The  distresses,  occasioned  by  the  depredations  on  our  trade,  and  the  inter 
ferences  in  our  internal  concerns  to  which  we  have  been  obliged  to  submit,  may 
be  attributed  in  a  degree  to  our  own  countrymen.  It  is  an  unfortunate  fact  that 
all  our  public  persons  employed  in  France,  have  been  open  enemies  to  the  ad 
ministration  of  our  government,  and  have,  instead  of  exerting  themselves  toward 
off  evils,  assisted  to  produce  those  we  are  now  suffering.  The  letter  of  Thomas 
Paine  to  the  President,  was  written  while  Paine  was  living  with  Monroe,  and 
was  read  in  his  house.  It  is  believed  when  the  French  find  their  violent  measures 
do  not  have  the  effect  they  were  led  to  expect,  that  they  will  change  their  system. 

The  subject  of  direct  taxes  has  been  before  Congress,  and  the  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means  are  directed  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  levying  and  collecting  one. 
I  doubt  its  final  passage. 

When  the  motion  for  calling  for  the  balances  from  the  debtor  states  was  un 
der  discussion,  Mr.  Livingston  made  a  motion  to  enquire  into  the  title  of  the 
United  States  to  the  reserved  lands  sold  by  Connecticut.  I  presume  by  letters 
from  the  state,  this  has  occasioned  much  alarm.  I  do  not  believe  the  motion 
will  be  again  called  up,  or  that  any  measure  will  be  adopted  that  will  affect  the 
title  of  those  who  purchased  the  land. 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  441 

I  thank  you  for  the  manner  in  which  you  inform  me  of  my  election  to  the 
next  Congress,  and  for  your  wishes  that  my  situation  may  be  happy.  I  can  only 
say  that  all  my  exertions  shall  be  to  make  it  useful  and  beneficial  to  my  country. 
With  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  your  Excellency's  most  ob't.  servant. 

JAMES  DAVENPORT. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  27,  1797. 
Sir, 

I  feel  myself  under  peculiar  obligations  for  your  letter  of  the  23d  instant.  If 
information  from  us  to  our  friends  is  valuable,  their  sentiments  on  public  business 
in  return,  are  at  once  necessary  and  very  grateful. 

The  course  our  measures  are  taking  in  the  House  of  Representatives  can't,  I 
think,  afford  pleasure  to  the  discerning  friends  of  our  country.  The  resolve  for 
a  direct  tax  was  carried  by  a  small  majority,  among  whom  are  several  who  voted 
for  it  merely  to  give  opportunity  for  a  bill.  My  own  opinion  has  been  that  we 
ought  to  organize  a  system,  and  leave  the  imposition  and  apportionment  to  a  fu 
ture  session.  In  that  case,  the  public  mind  might  be  drawn  gradually  to  the  sub 
ject,  and  the  measure  rendered  more  palatable.  On  this  ground,  the  federal  side 
of  the  House  ought  to  have  stood.  It  has  as  yet  been  impossible  to  produce  any 
union  of  sentiment  or  concert.  I  fear  that  will  continue  notwithstanding  any 
exertions  to  avoid  the  mischievous  consequences  of  division  on  so  interesting  a 
matter. 

The  House  already  has  voted  a  reduction  of  the  military  establishment,  and  I 
foresee  an  onset  is  to  be  made  on  the  small  naval  establishment.  Yesterday,  the 
report  of  a  select  committee  for  an  increase  of  the  salary  of  the  officers  of  gov 
ernment  was  rejected  by  a  considerable  majority. 

I  sent  to  your  son  a  few  days  since  a  paper  containing  the  President's  com 
munication  on  our  relations  with  France.  I  will  take  care  to  forward  the  "  Cen 
sor"  of  the  last  month.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  of  our  health,  and  to 
be  with  respect  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELHHIA,  Feb.  10,  1797. 
Sir, 

I  am  honoured  with  your  letter  of  the  6th  instant.  The  continuance  of  public 
confidence  amidst  the  embarrassments  of  the  public  councils  is  a  gratifying  cir 
cumstance  ;  I  hope  the  proceedings  of  Congress  will  not  impair  it.  In  that  case 
one  of  the  evils  to  be  apprehended  from  disunion  on  interesting  points  will  be 
avoided. 

The  attempt  in  the  House  to  reduce  the  military  establishment  from  four  to 
three  regiments  failed.  Two  companies  of  light  dragoons  are  deranged.  Two 
bills  for  increase  of  compensation,  the  last  from  the  Senate,  have  been  rejected. 
Nothing  effectual,  if  anything  at  all,  will  be  done  in  that  respect  this  session. 
The  paper  I  send  herewith,  contains  the  report  of  a  committee  on  the  naval  ar- 


442  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

mament.  An  amendment  to  the  first  resolution  providing  for  the  suspension  of 
manning  the  three  ships  mentioned  in  the  first  resolution,  has  been  moved  and 
carried  to-day  in  a  committee  of  the  whole.  Although  it  is  not  probable  they 
would  be  completed  so  as  to  put  to  sea  before  next  session,  the  measure  wears 
the  appearance  of  instability,  and  a  dereliction  of  the  actual  use  of  their  small 
force,  at  this  time  unfortunate  to  our  affairs.  The  second  resolution  will  be  lost, 
and  small  hopes  remain  of  the  success  of  the  last. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  ascribe  to  our  friends,  who  differ  in  opinion  from  us  on 
this  and  other  important  measures,  a  want  of  attachment  to  our  own  country  or 
a  crouching  spirit  to  another.  Their  conduct  is  to  be  traced  to  an  unreasonable 
prejudice  against  past  expense,  and  a  want  of  comprehensive  views,  or  an  en 
lightened  policy  in  arranging  and  steadily  conducting  the  affairs  of  an  indepen 
dent  nation.  It  is  not  certain  that  a  more  decided  opposition  than  a  silent  vote, 
would  promote  the  public  good.  It  is  certain  in  the  House  it  would  have  no  ef 
fect  ;  it  might  only  serve  to  increase  disunion  among  ourselves,  be  followed  by 
distraction  of  public  sentiment,  and  although  on  a  personal  account  it  is  accom 
panied  with  extreme  chagrin,  silence  may  be  a  sacrifice  which  public  duty 
requires. 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Pinckey  at  Bordeaux  announces  a  favourable  reception  from 
the  people  of  that  place,  and  that  he  was  hastening  to  Paris  ;  advices  of  conse 
quence  from  him  may  soon  be  expected. 

I  form  no  conjectures  of  the  course  that  will  be  pursued  as  to  revenue  ;  the 
want  of  concert  at  the  beginning  of  the  session  has  lost  us  advantages  we  pos 
sessed,  and  I  fear  now  put  them  out  of  our  power.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  has  drawn  two  bills,  one  apportioning  and  imposing  the  tax,  the  other  for 
collecting  it.  Both  are  reported  with  no  essential  alterations.  The  last  I  wished 
might  be  passed  and  the  other  postponed. 

We  have  received  two  celebrated  letters  written  by  Mr.  Burke  against  the 
ministry  for  entering  on  negotiations  of  peace.  Though  but  lately  put  to  the 
press,  they  have  run  to  the  eighth  edition.  He  considers  the  republic  of  France 
as  an  Algiers  in  the  centre  of  Europe,  with  whom  the  civilized  world  can  hold 
no  communion.  Whether  he  be  correct  or  not  in  his  main  point,  the  pamphlet 
is  full  of  original  sentiment  relative  to  the  Jacobins  in  England,  France,  and  the 
world,  highly  valuable  to  every  country,  and  to  ours  as  much  as  anyone.  There 
are  but  one  or  two  here  ;  I  hope  they  will  soon  be  reprinted. 

Judge  Ellsworth,  the  next  day  after  his  arrival,  was  taken  with  a  fever  which 
has  confined  him  ever  since.  It  is  meliorating,  and  I  expect  he  will  get  out  in  a 
few  days.  I  forgot  to  mention  that  Mr.  Adams  has  been  declared  to  be  chosen 
chosen  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  Vice-President.  I  understand  the  latter  may 
be  expected  here  before  the  session  ends.  I  shall  put  under  cover  some  newspa 
pers  containing  the  last  advices  from  abroad. 

If  there  be  nothing  in  this  detail  to  give  you  pleasure,  you  will  rejoice  in  the 
continuance  of  the  health  of  the  family,  who  join  me  in  the  respectful  and  affec 
tionate  sentiments  with  which  I  am,  your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  443 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

[NEW  YORK,]  Feb.  17,  1797. 

I  groan,  my  dear  sir,  at  the  disgraceful  course  of  our  affairs.  I  pity  all  those 
who  are  officially  in  the  vortex.  The  behaviour  of  Congress  in  the  present  cri 
sis,  is  a  new  political  phenomenon.  They  must  be  severely  arraigned  before  the 
bar  of  the  public.  How  unfortunate  that  our  friends  suffer  themselves  by  their 
passiveness,  to  be  confounded  in  the  guilt !  Yours,  truly, 

A.  H. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  February  20th,  1797. 

The  session  has  nearly  come  to  a  conclusion  ;  nothing  has  yet  been  done  ;  even 
the  appropriations  for  the  current  expenses  of  government,  are  not  yet  made. 
The  conduct  of  Congress  is  a  political  phenomenon,  over  which  I  would  if  possi 
ble  draw  a  veil ;  but  it  cannot  be  concealed  that  there  has  been  no  system,  no 
concert,  no  pride,  and  no  industry.  This  has  arisen  from  various  causes,  but 
chiefly  from  the  mode  of  establishing  committees  after  having  excluded  the  ex 
ecutive  officers  from  that  just  and  reasonable  influence  which  is  due  to  experience 
and  information  ;  they  have  found  that  the  popular  advantages  which  their  chair 
men  derive  from  an  access  to  official  documents,  renders  them  too  conspicuous 
in  the  eyes  of  the  country.  A  spirit  of  envy,  of  rivalry  and  ambition  has  been 
excited  in  their  own  body  which  they  are  not  able  to  manage.  Hence,  eternal 
speeches,  captious  criticisms,  and  new  projects,  are  found  to  consume  all  the  time 
which  ought  to  be  devoted  to  business.  A  sense  of  disgrace,  and  an  experience 
in  the  country  of  some  evil  consequences,  can  alone  produce  a  cure,  and  a  sure 
one  in  this  way  will  be  soon  effected. 

Nothing  has  been  heard  from  Mr.  Pinckney  since  his  arrival  at  Bourdeaux.  I 
have  not  a  doubt  that  he  will  be  received,  and  that  what  he  will  say  will  be  ac 
cepted  as  satisfactory.  The  game  of  hypocrisy  will,  however,  be  probably  con 
tinued,  and  our  commerce  disturbed  for  some  time  to  come.  I  shall  send  here 
with,  the  papers  relating  to  France.  Nothing  will  probably  be  done  this  session 
on  the  subject  of  direct  taxes.  All  men  know  that  a  tax  was  indispensable  ;  there 
has,  however,  been  so  much  said  formerly  against  direct  taxes,  that  but  few  have 
the  courage  to  speak  out.  I  have,  however,  done  my  duty.  I  knew  the  tax  to 
be  necessary — the  plan  I  have  prepared  is  a  good  one,  and  if  adopted,  would  not 
only  establish  the  government  and  public  credit  more  than  any  one  measure,  but 
would  lead  the  States  to  improve  their  own  systems.  Moreover,  it  would  not  be 
generally  unpopular  ;  the  people  have  more  sense,  patriotism  and  justice  than 
to  complain  ;  they  wish  to  have  the  debt  extinguished,  and  they  are  desirous  of 
seeing  the  national  establishments  equal  to  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  and 
honour  of  the  country  ;  in  short,  I  know  that  the  measure  will  be  adopted,  and 
with  the  general  consent  of  the  people.  I  enclose  bills  which  I  prepared,  devel 
oping  the  system. 


444  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

JAMES  HILLHOUSE  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  4, 1797. 
Sir, 

It  was  with  peculiar  satisfaction  I  received  your  favour  of  the  13th  ult.,  and 
am  fully  of  opinion  with  you,  that  a  very  great  proportion  of  the  evils  we  suffer, 
have  been  brought  upon  us  by  the  imprudence  and  indiscretion  of  the  people  of 
our  own  country.  If  we  mean  to  preserve  to  ourselves  the  rights  and  benefits  of 
neutrality,  we  ought  to  be  perfectly  impartial  in  all  our  conduct  towards  the  bel 
ligerent  nations. 

Congress  closed  their  session  at  a  late  hour  last  night,  and  tho'  they  have  not 
done  all  that  could  be  wished,  yet  we  have  been  able  to  get  through  those  things 
that  were  of  indispensable  necessity.  We  have  given  some  aid  to  the  revenue, 
though  not  so  great  as  was  to  be  wished,  or  as  is  necessary  to  make  such  an  im 
pression  upon  our  national  debt  as  the  public  good  requires  ;  if  we  could  provide 
revenue  adequate  to  the  discharge  of  our  foreign  debt  as  fast  as  the  instalments 
fell  due,  it  would  in  my  opinion  be  a  very  important  attainment. 

Mr.  Tracy  is  much  out  of  health,  but  I  cannot  but  hope  that  on  his  return  to 
the  salubrious  air  of  Connecticut,  he  will  recover  his  health.  With  sentiments 
of  the  highest  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  your  excy's  most  ob't  humble  servant, 

JAMES  HILLHOUSE. 

N.  B.  We  have  no  news  from  Mr.  Pinckney  since  his  arrival  at  Paris. 

With  this  session  ended  Washington's  administration. 
Not  to  review  here  the  benefits  which  had  accrued  to  the 
country  from  the  direct  action  of  the  government,  in  the 
retrieval  of  ruined  credit,  the  creation  of  a  sound  curren 
cy,  the  settlement  of  foreign  relations,  the  revival  of  ag 
riculture,  of  arts,  of  commerce  and  manufactures — in 
contemplating  this,  the  most  momentous  period  of  the 
Constitutional  Government,  there  is  one  object  which 
those  eight  years  had  effected,  of  greater  moment  than 
all ;  that  which  the  Constitution  itself  had  been  designed 
to  effect,  and  towards  the  accomplishment  of  which,  all 
the  measures  of  the  administration  had  tended.  It  was 
the  creation  of  NATIONAL  UNITY. 

Habituated  as  we  are  at  this  later  day,  to  regard  the 
individuality  of  the  American  people  as  a  thing  of  course, 
to  look  upon  its  division  as  an  order  of  things  which  would 
be  new,  accustomed  rather  to  speculate  on  the  future  pros- 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  445 

pects  of  that  nation  than  the  means  by  which  it  was  ren 
dered  one,  there  are  few  persons  who  rightly  appreciate 
the  difficulties  which  attended  its  nationalization.  His 
tory  does  not  present  us  another  example  of  different 
states  or  colonies,  with  different  opinions,  prejudices,  in 
terests,  and  in  a  certain  degree,  institutions,  who  by  the 
mere  action  of  a  political  system,  have  been  fused  into 
one.  Conquest  has  sometimes  merged  the  vanquished  na 
tion  into  the  victor.  A  common  danger  has  often  caused, 
as  in  the  original  case  of  the  colonies,  alliances  and 
leagues.  It  was  reserved  for  the  American  Constitution 
to  turn  such  league  into  national  union — and  a  policy  like 
that  of  the  first  administration  was  necessary  to  render 
that  union  enduring.  It  was  this  intended  union  which  had 
been  the  source  of  opposition ;  it  was  according  to  the 
degree  in  which  particular  measures  favoured  it,  that  they 
were  contested.  Though  the  grounds  of  actual  dispute 
were  often  different,  in  almost  every  case  the  motive  was 
the  same.  The  Judiciary,  the  funding  system,  the  as 
sumption  of  the  State  debts,  the  creation  of  the  National 
Bank,  the  revenue  system,  all  these  were  devised,  with 
other  and  great  objects,  it  is  true,  but  still  all  shaped  to 
bear  upon  the  one  great  plan  of  union,  and  were  all  op 
posed  on  that  ground.  The  measures  were  successful ; 
minor  interests  were  swallowed  up  in  the  greater,  and  by 
the  time  that  Washington  left  the  presidential  chair,  they 
had  become  an  integral  part  of  the  government.  Oppo 
sition,  and  a  powerful  one  existed,  but  that  opposition  was 
no  longer  sectional,  it  was  diffused.  Henceforth  it  might 
overturn  the  government,  but  it  could  not  separate  the 
Union. 

It  was  to  the  gigantic  intellect  of  one  man,  perhaps 
more  than  to  all  others  together,  that  the  developement  of 
this  principle  of  unity  was  owing.  With  a  clear  estima 
tion  of  its  necessity — with  a  scope  and  comprehensiveness 
of  mind  which  enabled  him  to  grapple  with  every  diffi- 

VOL.  i.  38 


446  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

culty ;  as  bold  in  execution  as  he  was  profound  in  sug 
gestion  ;  occupying  a  station  above  all  others  adapted  to 
the  object,  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  projected  that  system 
of  measures  which  completed  what  the  Constitution  had 
begun  ;  measures  which,  affecting  all  classes,  in  every 
part  of  the  country,  should  interest,  if  not  every  man,  at 
least  men  every  where,  in  the  preservation  of  the  govern 
ment.  Once  carried  oat,  he  knew  that  though  he  himself 
might  fall — though  his  party  might  be  annihilated,  still 
his  end  would  be  accomplished,  and  whatever  party  fol 
lowed  must  hold  power  at  the  expense  of  the  object  for 
which  they  pretended  to  seek  it.  Experience  has  long 
since  proved  not  only  the  truth  of  these  views,  but  the 
adaptation  of  the  measures  intended  to  effect  them. 

The  purity  and  wisdom  of  Washington's  administration 
needs  no  longer  a  defence.  The  time  has  been  when 
such  men  as  Paine,  and  Callender,  and  Bache,  and  Du- 
ane,  libelled  and  were  listened  to,  but  it  has  passed.  The 
best  commentary  on  that  government  is  found  in  the  fact, 
that  the  country  has  been  most  prosperous  when  its 
policy  has  been  most  nearly  imitated,  and  that  its  bitter 
est  opponents  have  been  driven  to  adopt  in  turn  almost 
every  characteristic  measure. 

Just  before  his  final  retirement,  Washington  held  his 
la.st  formal  levee.  An  occasion  more  respectable  in  sim 
plicity,  more  imposing  in  dignity,  more  affecting  in  the 
sensations  which  it  awakened,  the  ceremonials  of  rulers 
never  exhibited.  There  were  the  great  chiefs  of  the  re 
public  of  all  parties  and  opinions  ;  veterans  of  the  war 
of  independence,  weather  stained  and  scarred  ;  white 
haired  statesmen,  who,  in  retirement,  were  enjoying  the 
fruits  of  former  toil ;  there  were  his  executive  counsellors 
and  private  friends  ;  ministers  of  foreign  governments, 
whose  veneration  approached  that  of  his  countrymen  ; 
citizens,  who  came  to  offer  the  tribute  of  a  respect,  sincere 
and  disinterested.  Little  was  there  of  the  pageantry 


1797.]  OF  WASHINGTON.  447 

of  courts,  little  of  the  glitter  which  attends  the  receptions 
of  royalty  ;  yet  in  the  grave  assemblage  that  stood  in  that 
unadorned  chamber,  there  was  a  majesty  which  these 
knew  not.  The  dignitaries  of  a  nation  had  come  toge 
ther  to  bid  farewell  to  one,  who  at  their  own  free  call,  by 
their  own  willing  trust — not  as  an  honor  to  be  coveted,  but 
as  a  duty  to  be  discharged — had  in  turn  led  their  armies 
and  executed  their  laws ;  one  who  now,  his  last  task 
worthily  fulfilled,  was  to  take  his  place  again  among  them, 
readier  to  relinquish  than  he  had  been  to  undertake  pow 
er  ;  a  soldier,  without  stain  upon  his  arms ;  a  ruler,  with 
out  personal  ambition  ;  a  wise  and  upright  statesman  ;  a 
citizen  of  self  sacrificing  patriotism  ;  a  man  pure,  unblem 
ished  and  true  in  every  relation  he  had  filled  ;  one  to 
whom  all  ages  should  point  as  the  testimony  that  virtue 
and  greatness  had  been  and  could  be  united. 

And  he  who  was  the  object  of  this  gathering — what 
thoughts  crowded  upon  his  mind,  what  recollections  filled 
the  vista  of  the  sixty  odd  years  which  had  passed  over 
him,  what  changes  of  men,  opinions,  society  had  he  seen  ! 
Great  changes,  indeed,  in  the  world  and  its  old  notions ;  the 
growling  dissatisfaction  of  certain  English  emigrants  at 
customary  tyrannies  and  new  intended  ones,  had  taken 
form  and  shape ;  embodied  itself  into  principles  and  vin 
dicated  them ;  blazed  up  an  alarming  beacon  to  the  world's 
eyes  as  the  Sacred  Right  of  Rebellion  j  fought  battles  ;  as 
serted  independence,  and  maintained  it  at  much  cost  of 
bloodshed ;  made  governments  after  its  own  new  fangled 
fashion  ;  impressed  a  most  unwilling  idea  on  history — the 
doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty ;  one  which  had  proved 
contagious  and  had  been  adopted  elsewhere,  running 
riot  indeed  in  its  novelty.  And  out  of  all  this  confusion 
there  had  arisen  the  nation  which  he  had  presided  over, 
already  become  great  and  factious  in  its  greatness,  with 
a  noble  birthright,  noble  virtues,  energies  and  intellect ; 


448  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  13. 

with  great  faults  and  passions,  that  unchecked,  would  as 
in  lusty  individual  manhood,  lead  to  its  ruin. 

What  was  to  be  the  Future  of  that  nation?  Dark 
clouds  hung  over  it,  dangers  threatened  it,  enemies  frown 
ed  upon  it — the  worst  enemy  was  within.  License  might 
blast  in  a  few  hours  the  growth  of  years  ;  faction  destroy 
the  careful  work  of  the  founders.  On  this  he  had  left  his 
great,  solemn  charge,  like  the  last  warning  of  a  father  to 
his  children. 

The  men  who  stood  round  him,  the  men  who  had 
passed  away,  and  whose  forms  were  there  in  his  mind's 
e}re  only — Franklin,  Morris,  the  two  Adamses,  Hancock, 
Greene,  Jay,  and  that  host  of  compatriots  living  and 
dead,  honored  already  as  of  remote  and  ancient  days, 
canonized  in  men's  minds,  the  ancestry  of  their  virtuous 
of  all  times,  the  objects  of"  hero  worship  "  even  in  their 
own  generation. 

Himself — uneducated  son  of  a  farmer  in  the  provin 
ces  of  a  distant  empire  ;  wandering  surveyor  of  the 
Alleghany  forests;  partisan  officer;  representative  of  some 
revolted  colonists  in  a  congress  of  other  like  outlaws  ; 
leader  of  an  army  of  half  armed  rebels  ;  general,  victori 
ous  over  the  tried  veterans  of  Europe  ;  statesman,  who 
had  helped  to  solve  the  vast  problem  of  government ; 
ruler  by  acclamation  of  the  youngest  born  of  nations, 
treating  with  kings  and  princes  as  their  equal ;  now  sink 
ing  back  into  the  great  mass  of  three  million  indi 
viduals,  to  be  no  more  among  them  in  the  eye  of  the  law 
than  any  other. 

What  strifes  had  he  gone  through,  not  least  with  him 
self!  How  had  he  made  passion  bend  to  principle,  im 
pulse  yield  to  will ;  how  had  he  borne  misunderstanding, 
calumny,  desertion ;  withstood  temptations  ;  refrained 
from  vengeance  ;  how  had  he  trod  firmly  the  road  he  had 
marked  out  or  which  destiny  assigned,  sustained  by  cou 
rage,  faith,  conscience ! 


1797  ]  OF  WASHINGTON.  449 

Was  it  strange  that  there  were  few  smiles  at  the  last 
reception  day  of  Washington,  or  that  tears  fell  from  eyes 
unused  to  them  upon  the  hand  that  many  pressed  for  the 
last  time  ? 

The  relation  in  which  the  Secretaries  had  stood  with  the 
President  had  been  one  of  respectful  but  affectionate  in 
timacy.  Familiarity  with  him  was  a  thing  impossible, 
but  the  most  cordial  and  unreserved  friendship  was  ex 
tended  to  all  whom  he  trusted  and  esteemed.  The  Sec 
retaries  of  State  and  of  War  had  been  his  fellow  soldiers; 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had,  as  it  were,  grown  up 
under  his  eye.  The  pure  morals  and  straight  forward 
ness  of  these  men  had  secured  his  confidence,  arid  a  mu 
tual  feeling  of  attachment  arose  from  their  association. 
The  simplicity  and  military  frankness  of  Pickering,  the 
kindly  nature  and  refinement  of  McHenry,  the  warm 
heartedness  and  bonhommie  of  Wolcott ;  all  won  upon  his 
regard.  On  their  part  there  was  a  no  less  sincere  love 
for  their  chief.  There  are  those,  devotion  to  whom  is 
no  degradation.  Washington  was  such  an  one,  and  to 
him  it  was  rendered  in  the  spirit  of  men  who  respected 
themselves.  Among  all  connected  with  him,  either  in 
military  or  civil  life,  this  sentiment  was  retained.  His 
death  hallowed  his  memory  in  their  hearts  to  a  degree 
and  with  a  sanctity  which  none  can  know  who  have  nut 
heard  from  their  own  lips,  none  can  feel  who  were  not  of 
them.  And  in  like  wise  the  wife  and  family  of  Washing- 
ington  were  cherished.  They  had  been  universally  be 
loved  on  their  own  account  ;  and  the  hand  of  fate,  in  de 
priving  them  of  a  husband  and  father,  as  it  were  be 
queathed  them  to  the  tender  care  of  a  nation.  There 
was  something  beautiful  in  these  sentiments,  in  a  land 
where  the  ties  that  bind  men  depend  so  little  on  associa^ 
tions. 

Wolcott,  among  others,  had   enjoyed  much  of  the  do 
mestic  society  of  the  President's  house.     His  gentle  and 

38* 


450  SECOND  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  [CHAP.  13- 

graceful  wife  had  been  regarded  with  maternal  tender 
ness  by  Mrs.  Washington,  and  was  the  friend  and  corres 
pondent  of  her  eldest  daughter.  His  child  had  been  used 
to  climb,  confident  of  welcome,  the  knees  of  the  chief; 
and  though  so  many  years  his  junior,  while  Wolcott's 
character  and  judgment  had  been  held  in  respect  by 
the  President,  his  personal  and  social  qualities  had  drawn 
towards  him  a  warm  degree  of  interest. 

On  leaving  the  seat  of  government,  Washington  pre 
sented,  it  is  believed,  to  all  his  chief  officers,  some  token 
of  regard.  To  Wolcott  he  gave  a  piece  of  plate.  Mrs. 
Washington  gave  to  his  wife,  when  visiting  her  for  the  last 
time,  a  relic  still  more  interesting.  Asking  her  if  she  did 
not  wish  a  memorial  of  the  General,  Mrs.  Wolcott  replied, 
*  yes,'  she  '  should  like  a  lock  of  his  hair.'  Mrs.  Washington, 
smiling,  took  her  scissors  and  cut  off  for  her  a  large  lock 
of  her  husband's,  and  one  of  her  own.  These,  with  the 
originals  of  Washington's  letters,  Wolcott  preserved  with 
careful  veneration,  and  divided  between  his  surviving 
children. 

"  On  the  retirement  of  General  Washington,"  says  Wol 
cott,  "  being  desirous  that  my  personal  interests  should 
not  embarrass  his  successor,  and  supposing  that  some 
other  person  might  be  preferred  to  myself,  I  tendered  my 
resignation  to  Mr.  Adams  before  his  inauguration.  The 
tender  was  declined,  and  I  retained  office  under  mv  for 


mer  commission." 


CHAPTER    XIV. 


SPRING    OF    1797. 


On  the  1st  of  March,  Washington  had  addressed  a  note 
to  the  Senate,  desiring  them  to  attend  in  their  chamber  on. 
Saturday,  the  4th,  at  10  o'clock,   "  to  receive  any  com 
munication  which  the    President   of  the    United  States 
might  then  lay  before  them,  touching  their  interests."     In 
conformity  with  this  summons,  the  Senate  assembled  on 
that  day,  and  commenced  their  thirteenth  session.     The 
oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Mr.  Bingham  to  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  thereupon  took  the  chair.     The  new  Sen 
ators  were  then  sworn,  and  the  Vice  President  delivered 
a  brief  address.     The  Senate  then  repaired  to  the  cham 
ber  of  the   House  of  Representatives,  to  attend   the   ad 
ministration  of  the  oath  of  office   to  the  new  President. 
Mr.  Adams  entered,  accompanied  by  the  heads  of  depart 
ments,  the  Marshal  of  the  district  and  his  officers,   and 
took  his  seat  in  the  Speaker's  chair ;  the  Vice  President 
and   Secretary  of  the  Senate  were  seated  in  advance  on 
his  right,  and  the  late  Speaker  and  Clerk  on  the  left ;  the 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Court   sat  before  the  President, 
the  foreign  ministers  and  members  of  the  House  in  their 
usual  seats.     Washington,  once   more   a  private  citizen, 
sat  in  front  of  the  judges.     The  rest  of  the  chamber  was 
occupied  by  citizens. 

Mr.   ADAMS   then    arose    and   delivered    his  inaugural 
speech.     This  address  was  brief  and  well  suited  to  the 


452  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

occasion.  After  adverting  to  the  circumstances  which  led 
to  the  formation  of  the  new  constitution,  he  expressed  the 
unqualified  approbation  with  which,  in  a  foreign  land  and 
apart  from  the  seat  of  controversy,  he  had  first  perused  it, 
and  the  undiminished  confidence  which,  after  eight  years 
of  experience,  he  entertained  of  its  fitness.  He  remarked 
briefly  on  the  abuses  to  which  it  was  subject,  and  against 
which  it  became  the  duty  of  the  people  to  guard  ;  and 
having  disclosed  his  opinions  of  general  policy,  pledged 
himself  anew  to  the  support  of  the  government.  The 
oath  of  office  was  then  administered  by  Chief  Justice 
Ellsworth,  the  other  justices  attending,  after  which  he  re 
tired. 

As  the  history  of  the  period  now  entered  upon  is  ob 
scure — existing  in  fact,  so  far  as  the  public  knowledge  ex 
tends,  chiefly  in  newspapers  and  fugitive  publications  ;  as 
misrepresentation  and  misunderstanding  have  prevailed 
widely  respecting  the  policy  of  the  dominant  party,  and 
the  designs  of  its  leaders ;  and  as  the  then  Chief  Magis 
trate  has  himself  recorded  statements  corroborative  of 
these  calumnies  and  errors,  a  more  detailed  narrative  of 
its  principal  occurrences  will  be  entered  upon,  than  has 
hitherto  been  thought  necessary,  when  following  the  beat 
en  track  of  Washington's  administration.  To  this  object, 
an  indispensable  preliminary  is  an  examination  of  the 
character  of  the  new  President. 

Among  the  sources  from  which  it  may  be  deduced,  he 
has  himself  furnished  some  of  the  most  important.  His 
letters  to  the  Boston  Patriot,a  the  papers  known  as  the 
Cunningham  Correspondence,13  and  the  letters  to  his  wife 
recently  published,  with  some  scattered  documents,  will 

a  "  Correspondence  of  the  late  Presi-  ending    in    1812."  Boston.    8vo.,   1823. 

dent  Adams  ;  originally  published  in  the  See,  also,  "  A  Review  of  the  Correspon- 

Boston  Patriot."  Boston,  8vo.,  1809.  dence  between  the  Hon.  John  Adams, 

b  "  Correspondence  between  the  Hon.  late  President  of  the  United  States,  and 

John  Adams,  late  President  of  the  Uni-  the  late  Wtn.  Cunningham,  by  Timothy 

ted  States,  and  the  late  William  Gun-  Pickering,"  8vo.   Salem,  18.^1. 
ningharn,  Esq.,  beginning  in   1803   and 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  453 

prove  to  be  extensive,  and  it  is  believed,  unexceptionable 
materials. 

The  Cunningham  papers,  as  it  is  already  known  to 
many,  consist  of  his  correspondence  with  a  relative  of  that 
name,  extending  from  1803  to  1812.  They  contain  ani 
madversions  on  many  leading  men  of  both  parties,  inter 
spersed  with  much  laudation  of  himself  and  of  his  son. 
Though  of  no  other  historical  importance,  and  with  little 
connection  of  subjects  or  ideas,  they  afford,  in  their  un 
guarded  confidences,  some  valuable  hints  and  suggestions. 
The  letters  to  the  Patriot  were  published  in  1809,  and  ap 
pear  to  have  been  commenced  under  the  sting  of  some 
newspaper  reflections,  which  had  awakened  his  ire  against 
his  former  political  friends,  and  led  him  into  a  fragmen 
tary  history  of  his  administration.  Much  of  it  is  in  an 
swer  to  the  pamphlet  published  by  Mr.  Hamilton  in  1800. 
The  intensity  of  feeling  under  which  they  were  written, 
may  be  imagined  from  a  description,  by  their  author,  of 
the  passion  which  must  have  dictated  them.  "  The  de 
sire  of  the  esteem  of  others,"  he  says,  "is  as  real  a  want 
of  nature  as  hunger,  and  the  neglect  and  contempt  of  the 
world,  as  severe  a  pain  as  the  gout  or  the  stone."a  And 
of  their  object,  he  says  in  a  letter  to  Cunningham,  "  The 
great  body  [of  the  federalists]  are  silent  and  inactive,  and 
not  a  man  of  them  has  ever  stepped  forth  to  vindicate  me, 
or  express  the  slightest  indignation  at  the  eternal  revilings 
which  appear  in  their  newspapers."  *  *  *  "  I  will 
either  throw  off  that  intolerable  load  of  obloquy  and  inso 
lence  they  have  thrown  upon  me,  or  I  will  perish  in  the 
struggle.  In  vain  you  will  sooth  me  with  the  hopes  of 
justice  from  posterity — from  any  future  historian.  Too 
many  falsehoods  are  already  transmitted  to  posterity  that 
are  irrevocable.  Records  themselves  are  often  liars.  No 
human  being  but  myself  can  do  me  justice,  and  I  shall  not 

*s  "  Discourses  on  Davila,"  No.  4.— Pickering's  "  Review,"  p.  3. 


454  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

be  believed.     All  I  can  say  will  be  imputed  to  vanity  and 
self-love."a 

In  the  Patriot  letters,  nevertheless,  Mr.  Adams  at 
tempts  to  do  himself  this  justice,  not  a  little,  it  must  be 
confessed,  at  the  expense  of  others.  They  purport  to  lift 
the  veil  from  the  recesses  of  the  cabinet  chamber — to  dis 
close  the  moving  causes  of  events,  and  the  hidden  secrets 
of  men's  hearts.  The  scenes  narrated  in  them  are  almost 
melo-dramatic  in  their  character.  Even  a  plot  is  not 
wanting.  Mr.  Adams  is  surrounded  by  a  band  of  despe 
rate  conspirators  in  the  shape  of  his  secretaries  and  their 
friends,  in  and  out  of  Congress — Hamilton  being  the 
chief  villain  of  the  piece.  War  with  France,  and  through 
it  the  subversion  of  the  government,  and  the  establish 
ment  of  a  monarchy  on  its  ruins,  are  the  least  of  their  in 
tended  crimes.  As  the  intrigue  ripens,  a  good  genius  in 
the  shape  of  Mr.  Gerry,  reveals  its  existence,  and  points 
out  the  mode  of  thwarting  it.  Mr.  Adams  happily  effects 
this,  makes  peace  with  France,  and  becomes  thereby  the 
saviour  of  his  country.  His  vivid  imagination  has  clothed 
the  chief  actors  with  all  the  requisite  attributes  of  their 
respective  parts.  At  once  gloomy  and  ferocious,  the  sec 
retaries  vary  the  cabinet  councils  by  sullen  silence  or  fu 
rious  outbreaks  of  passion,  and  from  time  to  time  Hamil 
ton,  muffled  and  masked,  stalks  over  the  stage,  directing 
his  subordinates  or  menacing  the  hero,  who,  amidst  all, 
preserves  the  dignity  and  calmness  for  which  he  was  so 
remarkable.  The  later  Cunningham  letters  show  the 
melancholy  sequel  of  this  drama.  Mr.  Adams  has  expe 
rienced  the  usual  fate  of  patriots — ingratitude.  Reviled 
by  the  Hamiltonians,  whose  designs  he  had  exposed ; 
neglected  by  the  democrats,  to  whom  he  could  be  no  lon 
ger  useful ;  deserted,  in  short,  by  all,  he  had  retired  to 
private  life,  soured  and  discontented,  to  vent  his  spleen  on 

all  men,  and  principally  on  the  federalists. 

• 

*  Letter  XXXVI. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  455 

When  an  individual  whose  patriotism,  integrity,  and 
public  services  have  rendered  his  name  sacred  among 
his  countrymen,  elevated  by  their  gratitude  to  a  more 
conspicuous  and  trying  post,  requiring  different  qualifica 
tions,  is  found  too  late  to  be  unfitted  by  nature  for  its  du 
ties  ;  every  good  and  virtuous  citizen,  lamenting  the  errors 
of  honest  but  mistaken  judgment,  will  desire  to  palliate 
or  overlook  them.  But  when  in  addition  to  errors  of 
judgment,  faults  of  the  heart  also  are  disclosed  ;  when 
the  magistrate  yields  himself  to  suspicion  and  envy,  to 
the  indulgence  of  personal  animosity  and  the  gratification 
of  a  vanity  which  refuses  counsel  and  is  obstinate  in 
wrong ;  when  from  mortified  pride  and  disappointed  am 
bition  he  turns  against  his  original  friends  and  lends  his 
countenance  to  falsehoods  invented  by  their  enemies  ;  our 
sorrow  gives  way  to  indignation  and  we  forget  the  patriot 
in  the  apostate.  The  presidential  career  of  Mr.  Adams 
furnishes  a  pitiable  instance  of  how  completely  the  mis 
takes,  and  still  more  the  faults  of  maturer  years  blot  out 
the  remembrance  of  early  and  important  services.  By 
the  federalists,  with  few  exceptions  among  the  more  prom 
inent,  he  came  to  be  ultimately  regarded  as  the  main 
cause  of  their  defeat  and  the  subversion  of  their  political 
system  ;  by  the  great  body  of  the  anti-federal  party,  he 
has  been  handed  down  with  opprobrium  as  a  supporter  of 
the  very  system  he  betrayed.  The  writings  which  have 
been  referred  to,  totally  unsuccessful  as  a  defence  of  his 
public  course,  did  not  redeem  him  in  the  opinion  of  the 
latter,  and  exasperated  still  more  the  resentment  of  the 
former  party. 

His  chief  magistracy  commenced  at  a  critical  period. 
The  influence  of  revolutionary  France  in  this  country, 
though  still  powerful  from  its  theoretical  democracy,  still 
dangerous  from  its  active  intrigue,  had  nevertheless  re 
ceived  a  severe  shock,  as  the  instability  of  its  government, 
and  its  violence  and  injustice  became  apparent.  The 


456  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

tide  of  popular  enthusiasm  in  her  favor  was  already  on 
the  ebb,  and  the  first  event  which  followed  his  inaugura 
tion  hastened  its  recession.  It  needed  only  consistency 
on  his  part  to  have  forever  prevented  its  return.  But 
consistency  unfortunately,  to  borrow  a  phrase  of  his  own, 
"belonged  to  other  people."  Of  a  restless  and  irritable 
temperament ;  jealous  of  other's  praise,  and  suspicious  of 
their  influence  ;  obstinate  and  yet  fickle  ;  actuated  by  an 
ambition  which  could  bear  neither  opposition  nor  luke- 
warmness,  and  vain  to  a  degree  approaching  insanity  ;  he 
was  of  himself  incapable  alike  of  conceiving  or  of  acting 
upon  a  settled  system  of  policy,  and  was  to  others  as 
easy  a  subject  for  indirect  management  as  he  was  im 
practicable  to  more  legitimate  approach.  He  possessed 
an  active  but  an  ill  regulated  mind,  varied  learning 
without  elegance  in  its  employment.  His  patriotism  was 
undoubted,  his  morals  beyond  reproach.  With  the  noblest 
impulses  and  the  meanest  passions,  he  presents  a  portrait 
which,  in  its  contradictory  features,  resembles  more  the 
shifting  image  of  a  dream  than  the  countenance  of  an  ac 
tual  being. 

As  was  his  character,  so  proved  Mr.  Adams'  adminis 
tration  ;  flickering,  unstable,  without  fixed  rule  or  definite 
object.  Many  causes  contributed  to  this,  but  two  were 
especially  active.  Mr.  Adams  never  was  consistently 
a  federalist.  The  bias  of  his  mind  on  the  one  hand  was 
towards  radicalism  ;  his  temper  on  the  other  was  despotic. 
In  his  unguarded  hours,  he  sometimes  startled  his  hearers 
with  doctrines  destructive  of  all  order ;  in  his  moments 
of  irritation,  by  the  avowal  of  principles  as  subversive  of 
liberty.  He  by  turns  defended  the  mob,  and  advocated 
hereditary  power.  The  other  cause  was  the  conflicting 
influences  to  which  he  was  exposed.  There  was  the  set 
tled,  far  sighted,  national  policy  of  the  federalists,  who 
at  the  commencement  of  his  administration  were  cordially 
united.  Interchange  of  opinion  between  the  cabinet  and 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  457 

distinguished  men  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  a  com 
mon  object  and  mutual  concession  for  its  attainment,  pro 
duced  a  unity  of  action  which,  though  slower  to  set  in  mo 
tion,  was  yet  in  the  end  always  superior  to  mere  party 
dicipline.  On  the  other  side,  the  weaknesses  of  the  Pre 
sident's  character  and  the  instability  of  his  principles  were 
well  known  and  skilfully  taken  advantage  of  by  the  op 
position. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  idea  was  entertained  of  se 
curing  a  double  chance  against  Mr.  Jefferson  by  supporting 
equally  Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Adams  for  the  Presidency, 
and  that  among  the  federalists  there  were  some,  even  at 
the  northward,  who  would  not  have  regretted  an  accident 
which  should  have  given  the  first  place  to  the  former. 
Among  them  Mr.  Hamilton  was  conspicuous  ;  and  the 
fact,  when  known  to  Mr.  Adams,  awakened  that  enmity 
which,  studiously  aggravated,  pursued  its  object  even  be 
yond  the  grave.  This  was  the  entering  wedge  by  which 
it  was  calculated,  and  as  the  end  proved,  not  without 
foresight,  to  separate  Mr.  Adams  from  his  party.  It  was 
important  to  efface  from  his  mind  as  far  as  possible  the 
remembrance  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  rivalship,  and  to  restore 
their  earlier  intimacy  ;  to  revive  what  there  was  of  accor 
dance  in  their  opinions,  and  most  of  all  to  destroy  the  in 
fluence  with  him  of  the  man  Mr.  Jefferson  himself  most 
hated  and  feared.  Merely  to  throw  a  brand  into  the  fed 
eral  camp  was  of  itself  an  object.  An  instance  of  his 
manner  of  effecting  these  ends  may  be  found  in  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Adams,  written  on  the  28th  of  December  preceding 
the  election  and  shortly  before  its  issue  was  known. 
After  remarking  that  "  the  public  and  the  public  papers  had 
been  much  occupied  lately  in  placing  them  in  opposition 
to  each  other,"  and  that  he  "  confidently  trusted  they  had 
felt  less  of  it  themselves  ;"  he  proceeds  to  notice  the  pro 
bable  result  in  the  choice  of  Mr.  Adams. 

VOL.  i.  39 


4-58  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

"  I  never  for  a  single  moment  expected  any  other  issue  ;  and  though  I  shall  not 
be  believed,  yet  it  is  not  the  less  true,  that  I  never  wished  any  other.  My 
neighbours,  as  my  compurgators,  could  aver  this  fact,  as  seeing  my  occupations 
and  my  attachments  to  them.  It  is  possible  indeed,  that  even  you  may  be  cheat 
ed  of  your  succession  by  a  trick  worthy  the  subtlety  of  your  arch  friend  of  New 
York,  who  has  been  able  to  make  of  your  real  friends  tools  for  defeating  their 
and  your  just  wishes.  Probably,  however,  he  will  be  disappointed  as  to  you, 
and  my  inclinations  put  me  out  of  his  reach.  *  *  *  I  have  no  ambi 
tion  to  govern  men.  It  is  a  painful  and  thankless  office.  And  never  since  the 
day  you  signed  the  treaty  of  Paris,  has  our  horizon  been  so  overcast.  I  devoutly 
wish  you  may  be  able  to  shun  for  us  this  war  which  will  destroy  our  agriculture, 
commerce,  and  credit.  If  you  do,  the  glory  will  be  all  your  own.  And  that 
your  administration  may  be  filled  with  glory  and  happiness  to  yourself,  and  ad 
vantage  to  us,  is  the  sincere  prayer  of  one  who,  though  in  the  course  of  our 
voyage,  various  little  incidents  have  happened  or  been  contrived  to  separate  us, 
yet  retains  for  you  the  solid  esteem  of  the  times  when  we  were  working  for  our 
independence,  and  sentiments  of  sincere  respect  and  attachment."1 

This  letter  was  enclosed  in  one  to  Mr.  Madison,  who, 
it  seems  "  exercised  a  discretion"  committed  to  him,  by 
communicating  its  contents  alone.  To  that  gentleman, 
Mr.  Jefferson  expressed  the  same  sentiments  with  regard 
to  his  preference  of  the  second  place  in  the  government, 
concluding  with  the  significant  remark,  that  "  If  Mr.  Ad 
ams  could  be  induced  to  administer  the  government  on  its 
true  principles,  quitting  his  bias  for  an  English  constitu 
tion,  it  would  be  worthy  consideration  whether  it  would 
not  be  for  the  public  good  to  come  to  a  good  understand 
ing  with  him  as  to  his  future  elections."13  In  a  subsequent 
letter,  he  reverts  to  the  subject. 

"  Mr.  Adams  and  myself,  were  cordial  friends  from  the  beginning  of  the  rev 
olution.  Since  our  return  from  Europe,  some  little  incidents  have  happened 
which  were  capable  of  affecting  a  jealous  mind  like  his.  His  deviation  from  that 
line  of  politics  on  which  we  had  been  united,  has  not  made  me  less  sensible  of 
the  rectitude  of  his  heart ;  and  I  wished  him  to  know  this  and  also  another 
truth — that  I  am  sincerely  pleased  at  having  escaped  the  late  draught  for  the 
helm,  and  have  not  a  wish  that  he  stands  in  the  way  of.  That  he  should  be 
convinced  of  these  truths  is  important  to  our  mutual  understanding,  and  perhaps 
to  the  harmony  and  good  of  the  public  service."  c 

-"Jefferson's  Writings,  III.  p.  338.  b  ibid.  p.  340.  c  Ibid,  p,  348. 


1797.J  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  459 

Never  was  the  nolo  episcopari  more  strenuously  asserted, 
and  never  more  credulously  believed.  Mr.  Jefferson  says 
again  : 

'•'  My  letters  inform  me  that  Mr.  Adams  speaks  of  me  with  great  friendship, 
and  with  satisfaction  in  the  prospect  of  administering  the  government  in  concur 
rence  with  me.  I  am  glad  of  the  first  information,  because,  though  I  saw  that 
our  ancient  friendship  was  affected  by  a  little  leaven  produced  partly  by  his  con 
stitution,  partly  by  the  contrivance  of  others,  yet  I  never  felt  a  diminution  of  con 
fidence  in  his  integrity,  and  retained  a  solid  affection  for  him.  His  principles  of 
government  I  knew  to  be  changed,  but  conscientiously  changed.  As  to  my  par 
ticipating  in  the  administration,  if  by  that  he  meant  the  Executive  cabinet,  both 
inclination  and  duty  will  shut  that  door  to  me."  a 

The  good  effects  of  this  policy  in  removing  any  preju 
dice  against  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  substantially  shown  at  the 
outset  of  Mr.  Adams'  administration ;  the  manifestation 
of  its  success  in  exciting  his  animosity  against  Hamilton, 
was  later,  but  as  sure.  To  such  a  height  did  that  ani 
mosity  finally  rise,  that  it  extended  itself  to  every  one 
suspected  of  attachment  to  the  Ex-Secretary,  and  indeed, 
to  every  public:  measure  of  which  he  was  or  had  been  an 
advocate.  His  very  name  was  to  the  President's  imag 
ination  as  hateful  as  that  of  Banquo  to  Macbeth,  and  from 
the  same  sort  of  apprehension.  The  parallel  might  be 
carried  further. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  persons  with  whom  Mr.  Ad 
ams  was  in  reality  upon  terms  of  actual  friendship,  or 
perhaps  rather  the  men  who  possessed  most  influence 
over  him,  were  never  to  be  found  among  those  most  dis 
tinguished  for  their  attachment  to  federal  principles,  or  for 
their  exertions  in  support  of  the  federal  administration. 
They  were  chiefly  among  a  certain  clan  of  anti-federal 
ists,  those  of  the  ultra  democrats  who  had  chanced  to  be 
his  associates  in  his  earlier  political  life.  Of  all  men, 
however,  the  one  who  seems  to  have  obtained  and  kept 

a  Jefferson's  Writings  III.  p.  346, 


460  ADMINISTRATION  [CiiAp.  14. 

the  greatest  power  over  him,  was  MR.  GERRY,  a  known 
opponent  of  the  Constitution,  and  always  an  anti-federal 
ist.  This  gentleman  is  almost  the  only  man  of  whom 
Mr.  Adams  has,  in  his  writings,  uniformly  spoken  well. 
Of  nearly  every  federalist  of  note,  he  has  recorded  some 
contemptuous,  or  some  disparaging  observation,  even 
when  his  feelings  have  not  not  led  him  to  do  more.  Be 
sides  Mr.  Hamilton — Pickering,  Me  Henry,  Wolcott, 
Cabot,  Ames,  the  Pinckneys,  Goodhue,  Hillhousc,  Bayard, 
Harper,  Gore,  Sedgwick,  Tracy,  and  others,  have  shared 
his  dislike.  The  leaders  of  opposition,  Mr.  Jefferson, 
Mr.  Madison,  and  others,  have  been  by  turns  praised  and 
censured;  of  Mr.  Gerry  alone,  but  one  language  is  ever 
used.  The  consequences  of  this  partiality  were  impor 
tant.  Most  of  the  federalists  who  have  been  named,  \vere 
personally  favorable  to  Mr.  Adams — all  of  them  certainly, 
sincerely  desirous  of  contributing  to  the  success  of  his  ad 
ministration  ;  and  yet  at  its  very  commencement,  he  con 
trived  to  excite  their  anxiety  and  distrust — its  termination 
found  almost  every  one  alienated  from,  if  not  openly  hos 
tile  to  him.  It  is  so  rarely  that  one  man  is  right  against 
all  the  world,  that  this  fact  alone  would  render  it  proba 
ble,  that  some  inherent  defect  in  Mr.  Adams'  organization, 
was  its  cause.  The  explanation  is  to  be  sought  in  the 
characteristics  that  have  been  attributed  to  him.  Men 
thus  constituted,  forever  have  before  their  eyes  the  dread 
of  being  considered  under  management  or  influence,  the 
fear  that  others  will  absorb  the  glory  they  themselves  co 
vet.  They  will  be  found  oftener  personally  at  variance 
with  their  colleagues,  their  political  allies  and  supporters, 
than  with  their  opponents.  By  the  latter  indeed,  they 
may  be  defeated,  by  the  former  they  may  be  over 
shadowed. 

Some  of  the  instances  in  which  Mr.  Adams  has  attacked 
more  specifically  the  characters  of  his  friends,  will  be 
hereafter  noticed.  One  or  tw^o  will  serve  for  the  present 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  461 

illustration  of  his  general  temper.  They  are  taken  from 
letters  to  his  wife,  written  at  a  period  when  no  collisions 
with  his  party  had  yet  embittered  him.  The  first  was 
written  about  the  middle  of  January,  the  second  just  after 
his  inauguration.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  his  illib 
eral  remarks  on  Messrs.  Cabot  and  Ames,  there  can  be 
but  one  opinion  with  regard  to  his  observations  on  Wash 
ington's  retirement.  The  "  being  of  too  much  sensibility" 
to  take  part  in  that  "  exhibition,"  might  at  least  have  im 
agined  the  cause  of  the  grief  shown  there.  The  jealousy 
of  Washington's  superior  popularity,  thus  manifested,  be 
sides  its  direct  light  on  Mr.  Adams'  character,  sheds  that 
of  probability  on  a  fact  stated  by  both  Mr.  Hamilton  and 
Mr.  Pickering  as  of  current  report ;  that  Mr.  Adams,  at 
the  time  of  the  first  Presidential  election,  openly  express 
ed  his  irritation  that  some  votes  had  been  intentionally 
diverted  from  him,  to  avoid  an  equality  with  Washington  ; 
thereby  preventing  his  having  an  equal  chance  for 
the  first  office.  His  resentment  at  those  who  wished 
to  put  Mr.  Pinckney  on  a  par  with  him,  is  well  estab 
lished. 

PHILA.,  Jan.  14,  1797.  "  Mr.  Madison  is  to  retire.  It  seems  the  mode  of  be 
coming  great,  is  to  retire.  Madison,  I  suppose,  after  a  retirement  of  a  few  years,, 
is  to  be  President  or  Vice  President.  Mr.  Cabot,  I  suppose,  after  aggrandizing 
his  character  in  the  shade  a  few  years,  is  to  be  some  great  thing  too  ;  and  Mr. 
Ames,  &c.  &c.  &c.  It  is  marvellous  how  political  plants  grow  in  the  shade. 
Continued  day-light  and  sunshine  show  our  faults  and  record  them.  Our  persons,, 
voices,  clothes,  gait,  air,  sentiments,  &c.,  all  become  familiar  to  every  eye,  and 
ear,  and  understanding,  and  they  diminish  in  proportion,  upon  the  same  princi 
ple  that  no  man  is  a  hero  to  his  wife  or  valet  de  chambre.  These  gentlemen  are 
in  the  right  to  run  away  and  hide.  Tell  Mr.  Cabot  so,  if  you  see  him.  His 
countrymen  will  soon  believe  him  to  be  a  giant  in  a  cave,  and  will  go  in  a 
body  and  dig  him  out.  I  wish,  but  don't  tell  Cabot  so,  that  they  would  dig  up 
GERRY!"* 

March  7,  1797.  "  It  is  the  general  report  that  there  was  more  weeping  than 
there  has  ever  been  at  the  representation  of  a  tragedy.  But  whether  it  was  from 

a  Letters  of  John  Adams,  addressed  to  Francis  Adams.  12mo.  Boston,  1841. 
h.is  wife,  edited  by  his  grandson  Charles  vol.  II.  p.  240, 

39* 


462  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

grief  or  joy,  whether  from  the  loss  of  their  beloved  President,  or  from  the  acces 
sion  of  an  unbeloved  one,  or  from  the  novelty  of  the  thing,  or  from  the  sublimity 
of  it  arising  from  the  multitude  present,  or  whatever  other  cause,  /  know  not ; 
one  thing  I  know,  I  am  a  being  of  too  much  sensibility  to  act  any  part  well  in 
such  an  exhibition.  Perhaps  there  is  little  danger  of  my  having  such  another 
scene  to  feel  or  behold. 

The  stillness  and  silence  astonishes  me.  Every  body  talks  of  the  tears,  the 
full  eyes,  the  streaming  eyes,  the  trickling  tears,  &c.,  but  all  is  enigma  beyond. 
No  one  descends  to  particulars  to  say  why  or  wherefore  ;  I  am  therefore  left  to 
suppose  that  it  is  all  grief  for  the  loss  of  their  beloved."* 


The  very  first  step  of  Mr.  Adams  on  entering  upon  the 
duties  of  his  office,  was  both  characteristic  of  the  heed- 
lessness  and  imprudence  of  his  nature,  and  indicative  of 
the  success  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  manoeuvres.  The  account 
which,  in  1809,  he  himself  gave  of  the  transaction,  is 
sufficiently  curious  to  be  worth  extracting.  It  should  be 
premised  that  intelligence  had  arrived  that  Mr.  Pinckney 
had  not  been  received  or  recognized  by  the  French  au 
thorities,  and  that  the  question  of  the  course  proper  to  be 
pursued  by  the  United  States  on  the  occasion,  engrossed 
the  attention  of  all  parties.  The  political  opinions,  the 
official  rank  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  were  severally  alleged  by 
the  anti-federalists  as  sufficient  grounds  for  his  non-recep 
tion  ;  and  the  great  body  even  of  the  usual  supporters  of 
the  government  seemed  still  unwilling  to  relinquish  the 
hope  of  accommodation.  The  principal  characters  of  the 
federal  party  were  themselves  divided  in  opinion  as  to  the 
measures  to  be  adopted. 

It  was  in  this  state  of  things,  one  demanding  cool  de 
liberation,  and  it  would  seem,  the  opinions  at  least  of  his 
constitutional  advisers,  that  Mr.  Adams  found  the  coun 
try.  But  to  his  own  narration : 

"  The  morning  after  my  inauguration,  Mr.  Fisher  Ames  made  me  a  visit  to 
take  leave.     His  period  in  Congress  had  expired,  and  the  delicacy  of  his  health, 

*  Letters  of  John  Adams,  II.,  p.  247. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  463 

the  despondency  of  his  disposition,  and  despair  of  a  reelection  from  the  increase 
of  the  opposite  party  in  his  district,  had  induced  him  to  decline  to  stand  a  can 
didate.  I  was  no  longer  to  have  the  assistance  of  his  counsel  and  eloquence, 
though  ]\Ir,  Hamilton  continued  to  enjoy  both  until  his  death.  Mr.  Ames  was 
no  doubt  one  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  privy  council  when  he  resolved  to  send  a  new 
commission  of  three.  Mr.  Ames,  with  much  gravity  anJ  solemnity,  advised  me 
to  institute  a  new  commission  to  France.  Our  affairs  with  that  republic  were  in 
an  unpleasant  and  dangerous  situation,  and  the  people  in  a  long  recess  of  Con 
gress  must  have  some  object  on  which  to  fix  their  contemplation  arid  their  hopes, 
and  he  recommended  Mr.  George  Cabot  for  the  northern  states  to  be  one  of  the 
three,  if  a  commission  was  sent,  or  alone  if  but  one  was  to  go.  I  answered  Mr. 
Ames  that  the  subject  had  almost  engrossed  my  attention  for  a  long  time  ;  that  I 
should  determine  nothing  suddenly ;  that  I  should  make  deliberate  inquiries  con 
cerning  characters,  and  maturely  consider  the  qualities  and  qualifications  of  can 
didates  before  anything  was  finally  determined.  Mr.  Ames  departed  for  Mas 
sachusetts. 

"  I  had  rolled  all  these  tilings  in  my  own  mind  long  before.  The  French  na 
tion  and  their  government  were  in  a  very  umbrageous  and  inflammable  disposi 
tion.  Much  delicacy  and  deliberation  were  necessary  in  the  choice  of  charac 
ters.  Most  of  the  prominent  characters  in  America  were  as  well  known  at  Paris 
as  they  were  in  Philadelphia.  I  had  sometimes  thought  of  sending  Mr.  Madi 
son  and  Mr.  Hamilton  to  join  Mr.  Pinckney  in  a  new  commission.  I  had  thought 
of  Mr.  Ames  himself,  as  well  as  Mr.  Cabot,  Judge  Dana,  Mr.  Gerry,  and  many 
others  in  the  northern,  middle,  and  southern  states.  I  had  thought  much  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  but  had  great  doubts  whether  the  constitution  would  allow  me  to  send 
the  Vice-President  abroad.  The  nation  at  large  had  assigned  him  a  station 
which  I  doubted  whether  he  had  a  right  to  abandon,  or  I  a  right  to  invite  him  to 
relinquish  though  but  for  a  time. 

"  I  had  great  doubts  about  reappointing  Mr.  Pinckney.  He  might  have  been 
so  affected  with  horrors  he  had  seen  or  heard  in  France,  as  to  have  uttered  some 
expressions,  which,  reported  by  spies  to  the  ruling  powers,  might  have  excited 
prejudices  against  him  which  would  ensure  his  second  rejection  and  that  of  his 
colleagues  too ;  but  as  I  knew  of  no  such  accusation,  I  could  not  bear  the  thought 
of  abandoning  him.  I  had  not  time  to  communicate  all  these  reflections  to  Mr. 
Ames,  and  moreover  I  had  business  of  more  importance  to  do. 

"  I  had  long  wished  to  avail  myself  and  the  public  of  the  fine  talents  and 
amiable  qualities  and  manners  of  Mr.  MADISON.  Soon  after  Mr.  Ames  left  me, 
I  sought  and  obtained  an  interview  with  Mr.  Jefferson.  With  this  gentleman  I 
had  lived  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship  for  five-and-twenty  years,  had  acted 
with  him  in  dangerous  times  and  arduous  conflicts,  and  always  found  him  as 
siduous,  laborious,  and,  as  far  as  I  could  judge,  upright  and  faithful.  Though  by 
this  time  I  differed  with  him  in  opinion  by  the  whole  horizon  concerning  the 
practicability  and  success  of  the  French  revolution  and  some  other  points,  I  HAD 

NO  REASON  TO  THINK  THAT  HE  DIFFERED  MATERIALLY  FROM  ME  WITH  REGARD  TO  OUR 

NATIONAL  CONSTITUTION.  I  did  not  think  that  the  rumbling  noise  of  party  calumny 
ought  to  discourage  me  from  consulting  men  whom  I  knew  to  be  attached  to  the 


464  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

interest  of  the  nation,  and  whose  experience,  genius,  learning,  and  travels  had 
eminently  qualified  them  to  give  advice.  I  asked  Mr.  Jefferson  what  he  thought 
of  another  trip  to  Paris,  and  whether  he  thought  the  constitution  and  the  people 
would  be  willing  to  spare  him  for  a  short  time.  Are  you  determined  to  send  to 
France '?  Yes.  That  is  right,  said  Mr.  Jefferson ;  but  without  considering 
whether  the  constitution  will  allow  it  or  not,  I  am  so  sick  of  residing  in  Europe 
that  I  believe  I  shall  never  £0  there  again.  I  replied,  I  own  I  have  strong  doubts 
whether  it  would  be  legal  to  appoint  you  ;  but  I  believe  no  other  man  could  do 
the  business  so  well.  What  do  you  think  of  sending  Mr.  Madison  ?  Do  you 
think  he  would  accept  of  an  appointment '?  I  do  not  know,  said  Mr.  Jefferson. 
Washington  wanted  to  appoint  him  some  time  ago,  and  kept  the  place  open  for 
him  a  long  time  ;  but  he  never  could  get  him  to  say  that  he  would  go.  Other 
characters  were  considered  and  other  conversation  ensued.  We  parted  as  good 
friends  as  we  had  always  lived  ;  but  we  consulted  together  very  little  afterwards. 
Party  violence  soon  rendered  it  impracticable,  or,  at  least,  useless  ;  and  this  party 
violence  was  excited  by  Hamilton  more  than  any  other  man.  I  WILL  NOT  TAKE 
LEAVE  OF  MR.  JEFFERSON  IN  THIS  PLACE  WITHOUT  DECLARING  MY  OPINION  THAT  THE 
ACCUSATIONS  AGAINST  HIM  OF  BLIND  DEVOTION  TO  FRANCE,  OF  HOSTILITY  TO  ENGLAND, 
OF  HATRED  TO  COMMERCE,  OF  PARTIALITY  AND  DUPLICITY  IN  HIS  LATE  NEGOTIATIONS 
WITH  THE  BELLIGERENT  POWERS,a  ARE  WITHOUT  FOUNDATION ."b 

So  far  Mr.  Adams  on  the  conference  with  his  great  rival. 
Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  "  Ana,"  gives  a  slightly  varied  ac 
count  of  the  same  visit : 

"  He  found  me  alone  in  my  room,  and  shutting  the  door  himself,  said  he  was 
glad  to  find  me  alone,  for  that  he  wished  a  free  conversation  with  me.  He  en 
tered  immediately  on  an  explanation  of  the  situation  of  our  affairs  with  France, 
and  the  danger  of  a  rupture  with  that  nation,  a  rupture  which  would  convulse 
the  attachments  of  this  country  ;  that  he  was  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  an 
immediate  mission  to  the  Directory  ;  that  it  would  have  been  the  first  wish  of  his 
heart  to  have  got  me  to  go  there,  but  that  he  supposed  it  was  out  of  the  question, 
as  it  did  not  seem  justifiable  for  him  to  send  away  the  person  destined  to  take 
his  place  in  case  of  accident  to  himself,  nor  decent  to  remove  from  competition 
one  who  was  a  rival  in  the  public  favour.  That  he  had  therefore  concluded  to 
to  send  a  mission,  which  by  its  dignity  should  satisfy  France,  and  by  its  selection 
from  the  three  great  divisions  of  the  continent  should  satisfy  all  parts  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  ;  in  short,  that  he  had  determined  to  join  Gerry  and  Madison  to  Pinck- 
ney,  and  he  wished  me  to  consult  Mr.  Madison  for  him."c 

Mr.  Jefferson  says,  in  continuation,  that  he  concurred 
with  Mr.  Adams  as  regarded  himself.  He  thought,  too. 
that  Mr.  Madison  would  not  go,  and  on  a  conference  with 

a  Those  during  Jefferson's  administration.  '*    b  Boston  Patriot,  Letter  XIIL 
c  "  Ana,"  Jefferson's  Writings,  IV.,  p.  5.01. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  465 

the  latter  he  confirmed  the  idea.  A  few  days  after,  March 
6th,  he  communicated  this  to  Mr.  Adams.  "  He  imme 
diately  said  that  on  consultation,  some  objections  to  that 
nomination  had  been  made  which  he  had  not  contem 
plated,  and  was  going  on  with  excuses  which  evidently 
embarrassed  him,"  when  they  parted.  Mr.  Jefferson's  in 
ference  was,  that  on  that  day  when  Mr.  Adams  first  met 
the  cabinet,  they  had  dissuaded  him  from  the  idea, 

Mr.  Adams'  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  propo 
sition  was  received  by  the  heads  of  department  is  as  fol 
lows.  The  person  to  whom  he  first  mentioned  it,  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been  Wolcott : 

"  From  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  went  to  one  of  the  heads  of  department  whom  Mr. 
Washington  had  appointed,  and  I  had  no  thoughts  of  removing.  Indeed,  I  had 
then  no  objections  to  any  of  the  secretaries.  I  asked  him  what  he  thought  of 
sending  Mr.  Madison  to  France,  with  or  without  others '?  Is  it  determined  to 
send  to  France  at  all  ?  Determined  ?  Nothing  is  determined  till  it  is  executed, 
smiling.  But  why  not  ?  I  thought  it  deserved  consideration.  So  it  does  ;  but 
suppose  it  determined,  what  do  you  think  of  sending  Mr.  Madison  ?  Is  it  de 
termined  to  send  Mr.  Madison  1  No  :  but  it  deserves  consideration.  Sending 
Mr.  Madison  will  make  dire  work  among  the  passions  of  our  parties  in  Congress 
and  out  of  doors  through  the  states  !  Are  we  forever  to  be  overawed  and  direct 
ed  by  party  passions  ?  All  this  conversation  on  my  part  was  with  the  most  per 
fect  civility,  good-humour,  and,  indeed,  familiarity ;  but  I  found  it  excited  a  pro 
found  gloom  and  solemn  countenance  in  my  companion,  which  after  some  time 
broke  out  in:  '  Mr.  President,  we  are  willing  to  resign.'  Nothing  could  have 
been  more  unexpected  to  me  than  this  observation.  Nothing  was  further  from 
my  thoughts  than  to  give  any  pain  or  uneasiness.  I  had  said  nothing  that  could 
possibly  displease,  except  pronouncing  the  name  of  Madison.  I  restrained  my 
surprise,  however,  and  only  said,  I  hope  nobody  will  resign.  I  am  satisfied  with 
all  the  public  officers. 

"  Upon  further  enquiries  of  the  other  heads  of  departments,  and  of  other  per 
sons.  I  found  that  party  passions  had  so  deep  and  extended  roots,  that  I  seri 
ously  doubted  whether  the  Senate  would  not  negative  Mr.  Madison,  if  I  should 
name  him.  Rather  than  expose  him  to  a  negative,  or  doubtful  contest  in  the 
Senate,  I  concluded  to  omit  him.  If  I  had  nominated  Madison,  I  should 
have  nominated  Hamilton  with  him.  The  former  I  knew  was  much  esteemed 
in  France,  the  latter  was  rather  an  object  of  jealousy.  But  I  thought  the  French 
would  tolerate  one  for  the  sake  of  the  other.  And  I  thought  too,  that  the  man 
ners  of  the  one  would  soon  wear  off  the  prejudices  against  him,  and  probably 
make  him  a  greater  favourite  than  the  other.  But  having  given  up  Madison,  I 
ought  to  give  up  Hamilton  too.  Who  then  should  I  name  ?  I  mentioned  Mr. 


466  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

Dana  and  Mr.  Gerry  to  the  heads  of  departments,  and  to  many  leading  men  in 
both  Houses.  They  all  preferred  Mr.  Dana.  But  it  was  evident  enough  to  me 
that  neither  Dana  nor  Gerry  was  their  man.  Dana  was  appointed  but  refused. 
I  then  called  the  heads  of  departments  together,  and  proposed  Mr.  Gerry.  All 
the  five  voices  were  unanimously  against  him.  Such  inveterate  prejudice  shock 
ed  me.  I  said  nothing,  but  was  determined  I  would  not  be  the  slave  of  it.  I 
knew  the  man  infinitely  better  than  all  of  them.  He  was  nominated  and  ap 
proved,  and  finally  saved  the  peace  of  the  nation  ;  for  he  alone  discovered  and 
furnished  the  evidence  that  X.,  Y.  and  Z.  were  employed  by  Talleyrand  ;  and 
he  alone  brought  home  the  direct,  formal  and  official  assurances,  upon  which  the 
subsequent  commission  proceeded  and  peace  was  made. 

I  considered  Mr.  Ames'  candidate,  Mr.  Cabot,  as  deliberately  as  any  of  the 
others,  arid  with  as  favourable  and  friendly  a  disposition  towards  him  as  any 
other,  without  exception.  But  I  knew  his  character  and  connections  were  as 
well  known  in  France,  particularly  by  Talleyrand,  as  Mr.  Gerry's  were  ;  and 
that  there  were  great  objections  against  the.  former,  and  none  at  all  against  the 
latter.  It  would  be  therefore  inexcusable  in  rne  to  hazard  the  success  of  the 
mission  merely  to  gratify  the  passions  of  a  party  in  America,  especially  as  I 
knew  Mr.  Gerry  to  say  the  least,  to  be  full  as  well  qualified  by  his  studies,  his 
experience,  and  every  quality  for  the  service,  as  the  other. 

*  *  *  * 

"  This  preference  of  Mr.  Gerry  to  Mr.  Cabot,  was  my  first  mortal  offence 
against  my  sovereign  heads  of  departments,  and  their  disciples  in  all  the  states. 
It  never  was,  or  has  been  forgiven  me  by  those  who  call  themselves,  or  are  called 
by  others, '  the  leading  men'  among  the  federalists."  a 

It  will  be  noticed  that  there  is  much  confusion  in  Mr. 
Adams'  own  account  of  the  matter,  and  some  discrepancy 
between  it  and  that  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Mr.  Adams  states 
that  if  he  had  nominated  Mr.  Madison,  he  would  have 
nominated  Mr.  Hamilton  also  ;  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  he  had 
determined  to  join  Gerry  and  Madison  to  Pinckney. 
Which  of  these  two  versions  is  accurate,  it  is  difficult  to 
say.  It  does  not  appear  from  Mr.  Adams  himself,  that  he 
named  Hamilton  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  or  to  any  member  of 
the  cabinet.  To  the  first,  it  is  probable  he  did  not.  It 
would  at  once  have  been  objected  to  by  Mr.  Jefferson, 
and  such  an  association  would  unquestionably  have  de 
terred  Mr.  Madison  from  going,  even  had  he  been  other 
wise  willing.  Had  Mr.  Hamilton  been  named  to  the  cab- 

a  Boston  Patriot,  Letter  XIII. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  467 

inet,  it  would  have  removed  much  of  their  objection  to 
his  proposed  colleague,  and  the  circumstance  would  cer 
tainly  have  been  mentioned  by  some  of  them.  The  de 
termination,  if  made,  must  have  therefore  been  kept  to 
himself.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Jefferson  positively  states, 
that  Gerry  was  to  have  been  sent  with  Madison,  and  al 
though  that  gentleman  is  not  always  high  authority  in 
matters  of  fact,  yet  as  he  had  in  this  case  no  visible  mo 
tive  for  deception,  and  as  his  memoranda  appear  to  have 
been  recorded  at  the  time,  while  Mr.  Adams' account  was 
written  twelve  years  after  ;  there  is  strong  ground  for  be 
lieving  that  the  memory  of  the  latter  had  betrayed  him. 
The  supposition  is  otherwise  corroborated.  Why  has  Mr. 
Adams  given  as  a  reason  for  relinquishing  Mr.  Madison, 
that  he  doubted  whether  the  Senate  would  not  negative 
him,  when  Mr.  Jefferson  had  communicated  his  refusal  of 
the  nomination  ?  Why,  as  he  asserts,  was  it  necessary 
to  drop  Hamilton,  because  Madison  was  dropped  ?  Other 
members  of  the  opposition  there  were,  not  inferior  to 
Madison  in  ability  and  eminence,  to  connect  with  Hamil 
ton. 

Nor  are  these  the  only  instances  of  confusion.  Mr. 
Adams,  forgetting  the  nomination  of  Gen.  Marshall  alto 
gether,  continues,  that  he  then  mentioned  Mr.  Dana  and 
Mr.  Gerry,  and  that  the  heads  of  departments  all  preferred 
Mr.  Dana.  According  to  the  face  of  his  a.ccount  there 
were  yet  two  to  be  appointed,  and  the  preference  of  one 
would  therefore  be  inexplicable.  There  was,  however, 
but  one  vacancy  left  in  the  commission,  and  of  the  two 
names  suggested,  the  secretaries  wisely  preferred  Mr. 
Dana  ;  it  was  not  until  the  meeting  of  Congress,  after  Mr. 
Dana  had  been  appointed  and  refused,  that  Mr.  Gerry 
was  finally  nominated.  Of  the  first  appointment  Col. 
Pickering  relates  that  "  Elbridge  Gerry  was  Mr.  Adams' 
choice,  and  it  was  with  some  difficulty  that  the  heads  of 
departments  prevailed  on  him  to  substitute  Mr.  Dana  ; 


468  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

but  Mr.  Dana  declining  the  service,  Mr.  Adams  recurred 
to  the  first  object  of  his  partiality,  Mr.  Gerry.  Further 
opposition  was  in  vain.  One  reason  assigned  by  Mr. 
Adams  for  preferring  Mr.  Gerry  was,  that  besides  posses 
sing  the  requisite  talents,  he  was  a  firm  man  and  superior 
to  all  the  arts  of  French  seduction  !"  a  The  truth  of  this 
commendation,  as  well  as  of  the  merits  attributed  to  him 
above,  will  be  hereafter  examined. 

But  the  discrepancies  in  the  narrative  are  of  less  mo 
ment  than  the  fact  which  is  admitted.  What  but  insani 
ty  could  have  led  Mr.  Adams,  before  even  meeting  his 
cabinet,  to  seek  out  in  his  defeated  rival  an  adviser  on  a 
great  question  of  policy,  the  one  too,  on  which  he  differed 
from  him,  "  by  the  whole  horizon,"  and  that,  when  the 
contest  just  gained  had  been  fought  on  the  very  ground 
of  that  policy  !  How  successful  must  have  already  been 
the  impressions  upon  his  mind  to  have  led  him  to  such  a 
course,  and  how  completely,  yet  unwittingly,  has  he  be 
trayed  them  !  Mr.  Ames  was  one  of  the  most  distinguish 
ed,  the  most  upright,  the  most  honored  patriots  in  the  na 
tion.  He  was  on  the  point  of  retiring  from  public  life,  and 
Mr.  Adams  "  was  no  longer  to  have  the  assistance  of  his 
counsel  and  eloquence  ;"  yet  his  counsel  at  this  moment, 
the  last  that  it  might  ever  be  offered  or  obtained,  was 
slighted.  Although  Mr.  Adams  had  already  revolved  in 
his  mind  the  subject  of  Mr.  Ames'  visit,  he  had  not  time 
to  communicate  his  reflections  to  him ;  he  had  things  of 
more  importance  to  do  ;  to  consult  not  his  cabinet,  not  his 
other  political  friends,  but  Mr.  Jefferson.  Mr.  Ames  was 
a  well  known  friend  of  Hamilton  ;  he  was  to  enjoy  his  coun 
sel  and  his  eloquence,  and  herein  lay  the  secret  of  the 
neglect  shown  to  his  advice,  although  in  consonance  with 
Mr.  Adams'  own  views,  and  indeed  intentions.  Mr.  Ames 
is  therefore  told  by  Mr.  Adams,  that  he  should  "  deter- 

a  Pickering's  "  Review,"  Section  IV. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  469 

mine  nothing  suddenly ;  he  should  make  deliberate  en 
quiries  concerning  the  qualities  and  qualifications  of  can 
didates  before  anything  was  determined ;"  and  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  the  next  moment  is  informed  of  his  resolution  to  send 
a  mission,  and  the  characters  already  fixed  upon  to  con 
duct  it.  His  references  to  Mr.  CABOT  further  disclose  the 
hidden  but  deep  seated  motive.  The  preference  of  Mr. 
Gerry  to  Mr.  Cabot  was,  he  asserts,  his  first  mortal  offence 
against  his  sovereign  heads  of  departments  and  their  dis 
ciples,  one  for  which  he  never  was  forgiven  by  them.  The 
idea  was  but  the  echo  of  his  own  thoughts.  Their  prefer 
ence  of  Cabot,  another  friend  of  Hamilton's,  and  one  who 
as  such  receives  Mr.  Adams'  abuse,  first  excited  his  cold 
ness  towards  those  "  sovereigns"  without  sceptre  and 
without  dominion. 

But  a  further  light  is  thrown  upon  the  origin  of  these 
events  from  another  source.  "  There  was  supposed,"  to 
use  the  subdued  expression  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  biographer, 
"to  be  not  entire  harmony  of  views  between  Mr.  Adams 
and  his  cabinet,  as  Mr.  Jefferson's  sagacity  had  quickly 
perceived,  and  subsequent  events  fully  confirmed  the 
fact."  a  Mr.  Jefferson  had,  as  is  intimated  in  the  para 
graph  quoted  from  his  "  Ana,"  attributed  to  the  opposi 
tion  of  his  ministers,  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Adams'  intention  to 
nominate  Mr.  Madison.  He  was  acquainted  with  the 
President's  friendship  for  Mr.  Gerry,  and  his  desire  that 
he  should  be  one  of  the  envoys.  An  excellent  opportu 
nity  thus  afforded  itself  for  checkmating  the  cabinet,  and 
stirring  up  afresh  Mr.  Adams'  suspicions  of  the  Hamilton 
party.  Accordingly  just  before  the  meeting  of  Congress, 
he  writes  to  Mr.  Gerry : 

"  I  entirely  commend  your  dispositions  towards  Mr.  Adams  ;  knowing  his 
worth  as  intimately,  and  esteeming  it  as  much  as  any  one,  and  acknowledging  the 
preference  of  his  claims,  if  any  I  could  have  had,  to  the  high  office  conferred 

a  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson,  II.  p.  19. 
VOL.    I.  40 


470  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14, 

upon  him.  But  in  truth,  I  had  neither  claims  nor  wishes  on  the  subject,  though 
I  know  it  will  be  difficult  to  obtain  belief  of  this.  When  I  retired  from  this 
place  and  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  it  was  in  the  firmest  contemplation  of 
never  more  returning  here.  There  had  indeed  been  suggestions  in  the  public 
papers,  that  I  was  looking  towards  a  succession  to  the  President's  chair,  but  feel 
ing  a  consciousness  of  their  falsehood,  and  observing  that  the  suggestions  came 
from  hostile  quarters,  I  considered  them  as  intended  merely  to  excite  public  odi 
um  against  me.  I  never  in  my  life  exchanged  a  word  with  any  person  on  the 
subject,  till  I  found  my  name  brought  forward  generally,  in  competition  with 
that  of  Mr.  Adams.  Those  with  whom  I  then  communicated,  could  say  if  it 
were  necessary,  whether  I  met  the  call  with  desire,  or  even  with  a  ready  acqui 
escence,  and  whether  from  the  first  moment  of  my  first  acquiescence,  I  did  not 
devoutly  pray  that  the  very  thing  might  happen  which  has  happened.  The  second 
office  of  this  government  is  honourable  and  easy  ;  the  first  is  but  a  splendid  misery. 
"  You  express  apprehensions  that  stratagems  will  be  used  to  produce  a  mis 
understanding  between  the  President  and  myself.  Though  not  a  word  having 
this  tendency  has  ever  been  hazarded  to  me  by  any  one,  yet  I  consider  as  a  cer 
tainty  that  nothing  will  be  left  untried  to  alienate  him  from  me.  These  machi 
nations  will  proceed  from  the  Hamiltonians  by  whom  he  is  surrounded,  and  who 
are  only  a  little  less  hostile  to  him  than  tome."  * 

The  letter  concluded  with  observations  on  the  ancient 
topic  of  British  influence  in  America,  leading  to  war  with 
France,  and  to  our  subjection  to  the  interests  of  her  rival, 
and  on  the  writer's  own  heart- felt  desire  for  peace  with 
both  nations,  which  had  been  his  "  constant  object  through 
his  public  life."  "  With  respect  to  the  English  and 
French  particularly,  he  had  too  often  expressed  to  the  for 
mer  his  wishes,  and  ma,de  to  them  propositions  verbally, 
and  in  writing,  officially  and  privately,  to  official  and  pri 
vate  characters,  for  them  to  doubt  his  views,  if  they  would 
be  content  with  equality." 

That  the  inferences  which  have  been  deduced  of  the 
attempts  to  manage  Mr.  Adams,  and  of  their  success,  are 
correct,  and  that  this  was  one  of  them,  a  train  of  circum 
stances,  extending  through  his  administration,  will  tend  to 
show.  Some  of  the  more  immediate  proofs  may  be  found 
in  its  curious  coincidence  with  the  assertions  of  Mr. 
Adams,  before  quoted,  that  further  consultation  of  Mr. 

a  Writings  of  Jefferson,  III.  350. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  471 

Jefferson  was  rendered  impracticable  by  the  party  vio 
lence  excited  by  Hamilton,  and  by  the  endorsement  of 
Mr.  Jefferson's  claim  to  good  faith  in  his  negotiation  with 
the  belligerent  powers.  Another  corroboration  is  found 
in  the  facts  attending  the  appointment,  shortly  after,  of 
Mr.  Gerry  as  one  of  the  ambassadors — "  by  way  of  excel 
lence,"  as  Mr.  Adams  terms  him,  "  my  own  ambassador, 
for  I  appointed  him  against  the  advice  of  all  my  ministers, 
to  the  furious  provocation  of  Pinckney,  and  against  the 
advice  of  all  the  Senators  whom  he  could  influence."  a 

Mr.  Adams'  narrative  opens  a  field  of  remark  which 
must  be  hereafter  reentered.  At  present,  a  few  observa 
tions  are  sufficient.  It  has  been  seen  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
considered  him  to  have  deviated  from  that  line  of  politics 
upon  which  they  had  formerly  united.  Mr.  Adams'  prin 
ciples  of  government  according  to  him,  though  conscien 
tiously,  had  yet  changed.  The  latter,  on  the  contrary, 
says  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  position  and  his  own,  that  though 
by  this  time  he  differed  with  the  former  in  opinion  "  by 
the  whole  horizon  concerning  the  practicability  and  suc 
cess  of  the  French  Revolution  and  some  other  points,"  yet 
he  had  no  reason  to  think  that  Mr.  Jefferson  "  differed 
materially  from  him  with  regard  to  the  national  constitu 
tion."  These  ideas  of  each  other  are  somewhat  at  vari 
ance.  Whether  either  and  which  was  correct  in  them,  it 
is  not  now  proposed  to  enquire ;  but  did  Mr.  Adams 
indeed  think  that  the  abstract  questions  of  the  practica 
bility  and  success  of  the  French  Revolution  were  the  only 
material  subjects  of  difference  between  him  and  Mr. 
Jefferson  ?  Did  he  not  know  when  he  made  this  asser 
tion,  that  his  party,  at  least,  differed  with  that  gentleman 
on  other  points,  and  elected  him  under  the  supposition 
that  he  did  also  ?  Could  Mr.  Adams  have  really  thought 
that  the  country  was  divided  on  such  questions  in  a  hotlv 

R  To  Cunningham,  Letter  XXXIV. 


472  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14, 

contested  election,  or  that  the  mere  personal  preference 
of  himself  had  actuated  his  supporters  ?  Had  he  forgotten 
the  great  national  questions  of  domestic  as  well  as  foreign 
policy,  that  had  shaken  the  government  to  its  founda 
tions,  and  his  own  votes  upon  those  questions  in  a  divided 
Senate?  Did  he  consider  all  the  charges  of  the  federal 
ists  against  their  opponents  false  and  groundless  ?  Did 
those  opponents  profess  no  distinctive  principles  of  their 
own,  or  support  Mr.  Jefferson  without  motive?  Mr.  Adams' 
very  election  contradicted  his  assertions. 

The  circumstances  under  which  the  letters  containing 
these  statements  were  written,  deserve  notice.  His 
slumbering  resentment  had  just  been  aroused  by  an  attack 
in  a  federal  paper ;  he  determined  to  throw  off  the 
"  intolerable  load  of  obloquy  and  insolence"  which  had 
been  cast  upon  him  by  the  federalists ;  he  would  do  him 
self  the  justice  which  others  denied  him.  There  was  the 
debt  of  vengeance  due  to  Hamilton  ;  there  was  the  long 
treasured  hatred  of  Pickering ;  there  was  the  grudge 
against  others  whose  open  disapprobation,  or  lukewarm 
support  had  contributed  to  his  fall.  These  should  be  at 
length  satisfied.  But  had  Mr.  Adams  no  feelings  of  anger 
against  his  former  political  opponents  also  ?  Had  he 
forgotten  his  statement  to  his  friend  Cunningham  that,  as 
it  had  since  appeared,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  countenanced 
Freneau,  Bache,  Duane,  and  Callender  at  the  very  time 
when  he  was  professing  great  friendship  for  him  ?  Had 
he  forgotten  the  memorable  sentence  written  at  the  close 
of  Jefferson's  first  Presidency,  "I  SHUDDER  AT  THE  CA 
LAMITIES  I  FEAR  HIS  CONDUCT  IS  PREPARING  FOR  HIS 
COUNTRY  ;  FROM  A  MEAN  THIRST  OF  POPULARITY,  AN  INOR 
DINATE  AMBITION,  AND  A  WANT  OF  SINCERITY."  a  Mr. 

Adams,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  now  stood  in  a  different 
position  with  regard  to  parties.  For  himself,  he  had  in- 

a  To  Cunningham,  Letter  IV. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  473 

deed,  nothing  to  hope  or  fear,  but  his  son  had  enlisted 
himself  under  the  banners  of  democracy,  and  he  could 
pass  over  subjects  of  grievance  which  had  formerly  exci 
ted  his  rage,  but  which  it  would  now  mar  that  son's 
prospects  to  revive.  It  was  this  son  who  had  vindicated 
the  course  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  "  his  late  negotiations  with 
the  belligerents  ;"  who  had  declared  in  his  place  in  the 
Senate  when  the  embargo  was  secretly  recommended,  "  I 
WOULD  NOT  CONSIDER,  I  WOULD  NOT  DELIBERATE.  I 
WOULD  ACT.  DOUBTLESS,  THE  PRESIDENT  POSSESSES 
SUCH  FURTHER  INFORMATION  AS  WILL  JUSTIFY  THE  MEA 
SURE."  While,  therefore,  he  indulged  his  revenge  to  the 
uttermost  against  his  federal  foes,  he  carefully  adapted  his 
confession  of  political  faith  to  the  standard  of  the  day,  the 
creed  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Thus  these  letters  throughout  are 
made  to  represent  Hamilton  and  himself  as  the  exponents 
of  opposite  and  opposing  systems — the  "  EBONY  AND 
TOPAZ"  of  the  constitution. 

The  most  exciting  topic   of  present  consideration  was 
now  the  state  of  the  relations  with  France. 


Dear  Sir, 


FROM  RUFUS  KING. 

LONDON,  Dec.  12,  1796. 


The  conclusion  of  peace  may  be  near,  but  if  so,  this  desirable  event  is  covered 
with  clouds  and  darkness,  which  hide  its  approach.  Neither  side  is  willing  to 
risque  the  reproach  of  breaking  off  the  negotiation  ;  though  neither  side  appears 
to  expect  that  it  will  terminate  the  war.  That  the  minister  of  this  country  has 
been  able  to  raise  on  the  terms,  and  in  the  manner  he  has  done,  the  supplies  for 
another  year's  war,  may  perhaps  appear  extraordinary  ;  but  I  am  persuaded  that 
he  could  have  obtained  a  much  larger  sum,  and  that  if  the  negotiation  should 
fail,  not  through  any  unreasonable  demands  of  England,  but  by  the  French  re 
fusing  those  terms  which,  on  an  appeal  to  the  world,  may  be  judged  moderate 
and  reasonable,  there  will  not  be  wanting  still  further  proof  of  the  wealth  and 
pride  of  this  nation.  Abercrombie  is  gone,  and  General  Simcoe  is  going  to  the 
West  Indies.  I  don't  find  that  any  considerable  reinforcement  is  going  or  gone 
out.  The  conquest  of  St.  Domingo  I  apprehend  to  be  relinquished  as  impracti 
cable  ;  the  principal  care  must  be  to  prevent  that  communication  between  the 

40* 


474  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14, 

British  Islands  and  Guadaloupe,  and  St.  Domingo,  which  will  expose  the  former 
to  the  disorders  and  ruin  which  are  seen  in  the  latter.  I  have  conversed  with 
both  Abercrombie  and  Simcoe,  concerning  the  injuries  we  have  sustained  in  the 
West  Indies  ;  both  spoke  with  great  candor,  and  avowed  a  resolution  to  prevent, 
so  far  as  should  depend  on  them,  a  repetition  of  these  injuries.  Farewell.  Yours 
very  sincerely, 

RUFUS  KING. 


FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

LONDON,  15th  January,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  to  you,  on  the  8th  December,  a  letter  expressive  of  my  opinion  as  to 
the  probable  issue  of  our  negotiation  with  France,  and  urging  the  prudence,  and 
even  necessity  of  an  immediate  preparation  for  war.  We  have  just  received 
copies  of  a  message  sent  by  the  Directory  to  the  two  councils  on  the  fifth  instant, 
in  which  they  propose  that  a  law  be  passed,  declaring  good  prize  every  ship  of 
whatever  nation,  whose  cargo  shall  be  found  to  consist,  either  in  whole  or  in  part, 
of  articles  of  the  produce  or  manufacture  of  Great  Britain,  or  any  of  her  pos 
sessions.  Such  a  law  will  doubtless  pass,  and  an  end  is  thus  put,  in  my  opinion, 
to  all  possibility  of  further  negotiation.  It  remains  to  say,  whether  the  power 
and  ambition  of  this  extraordinary  nation,  be  as  irresistible  on  the  ocean  as  they 
have  proved  on  the  land.  For  us  no  alternative  is  left ;  and  as  we  have  sought 
peace  with  great  sincerity  and  patience,  so  it  is  now  our  duty  to  defend  our  rights 
with  the  utmost  vigor  of  exertion.  The  possessions  of  our  enemies  in  the  West 
Indies  are  vulnerable  ;  those  of  their  allies,  whose  own  tergiversations  on  the 
Mississippi  are  enough  to  justify  hostilities,  are  much  more  so.  The  question  of 
boundaries  ought  to  be  terminated  by  the  immediate  seizure  of  Florida  and  New 
Orleans ;  and  since  this  is  the  age  of  revolution,  the  emancipation  of  Mexico 
and  South  America  from  the  yoke  of  Spain,  and  the  establishment  of  a  new 
empire  in  those  countries,  ought  to  be  the  immediate  and  great  object  of  our 
policy.  In  either  or  all  of  these  objects,  we  may  rely  upon  the  cooperation  of 
the  naval  force  of  this  country  to  any  extent,  by  means  of  which  all  communica 
tion  with  the  parent  state  being  cut  off,  the  field  will  remain  clear  for  us,  and 
subject  to  no  opposition  but  such  a  feeble  one  as  a  weak  and  disaffected  country 
may  be  expected  to  make.  God  give  you  union  and  energy  ;  of  force  you  have 
enough,  if  you  choose  to  exert  it,  and  the  road  is  open  before  you.  I  am,  dear 
sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 


URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  15th  March,  1797. 
Sir, 

The  present  state  of  our  political  affairs  is  truly  unpleasant.     I  regret  the  oc 
casion  which  obliges  me  to  say,  I  think  our  difference  with  France  is  net  likely 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  475 

to  issue  in  an  amicable  settlement.  By  the  best  information  we  now  have,  Mr. 
Pinckney  is  not,  and  probably  will  not  be  received  by  the  Directory.  Of  course 
he  will  return,  or  if  he  continues  there,  it  will  not  be  in  character  of  minister. 
The  French  continue  to  take  all  our  commerce  almost  indiscriminately,  and  we 
have  reason  to  apprehend  the  same  treatment  from  the  Spaniards  and  Dutch. 

It  is  relied  upon  here  that  Lord  Malmesbury  has  left  France  without  effecting 
any  one  step  towards  a  peace.  Official  news  must  soon  arrive  from  Mr.  Pinck 
ney  or  Mr.  King,  or  some  one  of  our  foreign  ministers.  Not  one  word  has  been 
received  from  any  of  them  since  November,  excepting  one  solitary  letter  from 
Mr.  Adams,  at  the  Hague,  which  was  dated  in  December,  but  gave  no  new  in 
formation.  Arrivals  are  now  daily,  and  almost  hourly  expected.  The  first  offi 
cial  news  must  be  important.  I  very  much  expect  the  Senate  at  least,  if  not 
Congress,  will  be  convened  ;  but  this  step  will  not  be  taken  at  all,  until  official 
information  shall  be  received,  nor  even  then,  unless  it  shall  be  thought  absolutely 
necessary.  I  hope  the  official  news  will  render  it  unnecessary. 

I  fully  trust  to  your  discretion  respecting  the  time  of  issuing  the  writ  of  elec 
tion,  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  our  representation  in  Congress,  made  by  the  resigna 
tion  of  Mr.  Swift ;  nor  would  I  attempt  to  dictate,  but  barely  to  suggest  the  idea, 
that  Congress  may  be  called  before  their  next  legal  period  of  convening,  in 
which  case  it  would  be  a  desirable  object  that  our  representation  should  be 
complete. 

My  health,  though  much  better,  is  not  yet  so  confirmed  that  I  dare  venture  the 
atmosphere  of  Litchfield.  This  is  my  apology  for  not  writing  you  more  fre 
quently,  and  for  the  shortness  and  incoherence  of  this.  Inclosed  is  a  newspaper 
that  I  send  you,  not  that  it  is  a  good  one,  or  that  it  contains  news,  but  because 
it  is  a  bad  one,  and  shows  the  depravity  of  our  French  faction,  of  which  this  pa 
per  is  very  much  the  central  point.  Mr.  Ellsworth  is  gaining  health,  and  will 
be  up  soon  ;  your  connexions  are  in  tolerable  health.  Mrs.  Wolcott  is  a  little 
out  of  health,  but  not  so  much  but  she  is  about  house,  and  will  soon  be  as  well 
as  usual.  I  was  yesterday  to  visit  the  President,  Mr.  Adams,  who  requested  me 
to  present  his  respects  to  you.  I  am,  sir,  with  sentiments  of  respect  and  esteem, 
your  humble  servant, 

URIAH  TRACY. 


Sir, 


FROM  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

LITCUFIELD,  March  20th,  1797. 


Mr.  Tracy  informs  me  that  credible  information,  though  not  official,  has  been 
received,  that  Mr.  Pinckney  has  not  been  received  by  the  Directory.  Whether 
this  is  a  suspension  of  an  audience  till  they  shall  hear  from  America,  or  a  settled 
plan  to  induce  the  sending  of  an  envoy  with  powers  to  rescind  the  British  treaty, 
and  agree  to  open  our  ports  to  them,  exclusively  and  for  every  purpose  ;  to  ex 
clude  the  commerce  of  their  enemies  ;  confine  our  trade  to  themselves  and  allies  ; 
allow  French  tribunals  to  be  constituted  in  our  country,  &c.,  &c.,  is  yet  uncer- 


476  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

tain,  though  I  am  pretty  apprehensive  that  this  will  be  demanded.  I  will  only 
say,  that  in  no  circumstance,  in  my  opinion,  a  special  envoy  ought  to  be  sent. 
This,  I  perceive  the  French  faction  flatter  themselves,  will  be  done.  I  am  de 
cided  myself  that  such  a  step  would  be  far  worse  than  an  immediate  war.  De 
predations  would  continue,  universal  discontent  would  take  place,  the  spirit  of 
the  people  be  broken,  our  sailors  scattered  into  every  region  ;  and  nothing  better 
would  be  derived  from  the  measure  than  voluntary  debasement,  from  which  this 
country  could  not  recover.  America  is  to  yield  nothing,  nor  passively  to  suffer 
a  war.  She  is  to  retain  all  her  strength  and  energy,  and  put  it  into  the  most 
active  operation,  and  trust  to  that  Providence  which  has  hitherto  protected,  and, 
I  believe,  will  protect  her.  With  all  our  apparent  weakness  we  should  have  no 
reason  to  fear  an  essential  injury,  if  it  was  not  for  the  venality  and  most  depra 
ved  corruption  of  our  own  people.  If  things  shall  become  truly  serious,  we  shall 
divide  under  the  names  of  Federalist  and  Democrat,  and  war  as  we  did  under 
those  of  Whig  and  Tory,  with  the  same  acrimony  and  I  trust,  with  the  same 
success.  The  present  elections  of  Virginia,  which  for  years  past  has  been  a 
dead  weight  upon  the  Union,  will  be  very  interesting  at  this  period. 

The  French  faction  are  paying  the  most  adulatory  addresses  to  President 
Adams.  This  is  no  compliment  to  his  understanding.  The  strong  predilec 
tions,  expressed  in  his  speech,  for  the  French,  and  some  other  observations, 
equally  unnecessary,  they  considered  as  addressed  to  secure  their  confidence  and 
regard.  Mr.  Adams  will  judge  right,  if  he  considers  the  present  calm  no  other 
than  what  precedes  an  earthquake.  He  ca;i  only  contemplate  as  far  as  respects 
himself,  whether  he  will  meet  a  storm  which  will  blow  strong  from  one  point  or 
be  involved  in  a  tornado,  which  will  throw  him  into  the  limbo  of  vanity.  That  he 
has  to  oppose  more  severe  strokes  than  as  yet  it  has  been  attempted  to  inflict  on 
any  one,  I  am  very  sure  of,  in  case  our  affairs  continue  in  their  present  situation, 
or  shall  progress  to  a  greater  extreme.  We  have  done  the  best  we  could  in  our 
election.  We  have  chosen  a  very  honest  man,  a  friend  to  order  and  to  our  na 
tional  independence  and  honour  ;  but  that  you  may  know  that  I  am  not  mistaken, 
I  will  for  once,  under  a  strong  seal,  venture  to  tell  you  that  I  always 
considered  Mr.  Adams  a  man  of  great  vanity,  pretty  capricious,  of  a  very 
moderate  share  of  prudence,  and  of  far  less  real  abilities  than  he  believes  he 
possesses.  I  therefore  sincerely  wish  he  may  have  able  counsellors,  in  whom 
he  will  confide  ;  though,  as  he  will  not  be  influenced  but  by  an  apparent  compli 
ment  to  his  own  understanding,  it  will  require  a  deal  of  address  to  render  him 
the  service  which  it  will  be  essential  for  him  to  receive.  I  wish  you  may  be  for 
tunate  enough,  and  I  think  you  may,  to  render  him  this  service. 

I  have  read  our  ministerial  correspondence  with  the  French  ministers,  and  I 
think,  in  general,  it  has  been  well  executed,  and  its  publication,  at  this  time,  will 
be  highly  useful.  It  exhibits  that  extreme  caution,  even  to  a  degree  of  humiliation, 
has  been  observed  on  our  part,  not  to  give  offence  ;  and  on  the  part  of  France, 
the  most  insidious  Machiavelian  policy.  One  letter  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Mr. 
Pinckney  at  London,  bears,  in  my  opinion,  the  stamp  of  the  most  extreme  folly. 
He  urges  him  to  represent  to  the  British  minister  that  their  spoliations  of  our 
commerce  to  France,  v/ould  give  them  [the  French]  just  grounds  of  complaint 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  477 

that  we  did  not  observe  the  laws  of  neutrality,  a  principle  the  most  absurd,  but 
which  the  French  avail  themselves  of.  And  what  if  this  conduct  did  expose  us 
to  the  resentment  of  France  1  Would  a  British  minister  consider  it  otherwise 
than  a  fortunate  circumstance  ? 

I  am  much  pleased  with  the  high  respect  with  which  President  Washington 
has  been  treated.  It  was  due  to  his  merit,  and  will  instruct  the  French  and 
their  partisans  in  how  high  estimation  his  administration  has  been  held. 

I  am  issuing  a  writ  to  elect  a  representative  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Swift.  The 
propriety  of  this  mode  of  resigning  is  pretty  questionable,  but  it  has  been  practised. 
My  most  affectionate  regard  to  your  wife  and  children,  whom,  with  yourself,  I 
wish  to  see  here  the  next  May,  and  with  devout  wishes  for  your  happiness, 

I  am,  &c., 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

DEDHAM,  March  24,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

After  many  perils,  by  wind  and  water,  mud  and  ice,  after  crossing  Stratford  ferry 
in  a  snow  storm,  and  walking  on  the  ice  over  Connecticut  river,  I  am  by  my 
own  fireside.  The  great  theme  of  every  man's  inquiries  is,  are  we  going  to  war 
with  France.  This  is  dreaded  as  it  ought  to  be,  and  after  that,  it  is  still  dreaded 
as  it  ought  not  to  be  ;  for  I  think  I  discover  a  preference  of  peace  to  honour  and 
real  independence.  France  is  feared  as  if  her  cut-throats  could  fraternize  us,  and 
loved  by  the  multitude  as  if  they  were  not  cut-throats.  I  cannot  but  lament 
that  the  public  sentiment  receives  no  good  impression  from  the  legislature,  and  ^"^> 
no  sufficiently  strong  one  from  the  government.  The  Jacobins  had  the  people 
so  long  that  they  filled  all  the  weak  heads,  and  they  are  such  as  arguments  from 
books  they  do  not  read,  and  from  men  whose  conversation  and  company  they  do 
not  enjoy,  cannot  reach.  The  national  spirit  is  yet  lower,  and  popular  error 
more  inveterate,  in  my  calculations,  than  in  those  of  my  friends.  I  fear  little 
from  this,  if  Congress  should  be  disposed  and  really  obliged,  by  circumstances, 
to  assume  a  strong  position  for  the  country.  But  before  Congress  meets  there 
will  be  room  for  opinion  to  fix  itself,  instead  of  being  fixed,  as  it  ought  to  be,  by 
those  at  the  head  of  affairs.  I  forbear  to  go  into  any  detail  of  my  sentiments  on 
this  subject,  and  the  more,  as  I  am  much  shaken  in  my  adherence  to  them  by 
yours.  I  hope  Sumner  will  be  chosen  Governor,  and  the  prospect  is  believed  to 
be  good.  Sullivan  is  his  competitor. 

Wishing  your  rewards  of  public  approbation,  and  health  and  happiness  may  be 
equal  to  your  services,  and  that  you  may  not  be  discouraged  in  your  endeavours 
to  keep  this  generation  of  vipers  from  ruining  us,  I  am,  dear  sir,  truly  yours,  &c., 

FISHER  AMES. 


478  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  26  March,  1797. 
Sir, 

I  have  a  moment's  notice  only  of  the  conveyance  for  this  by  Mr.  Holbrook, 
who  says  he  shall  be  in  Litchfield  on  Thursday  or  Friday  of  this  week.  I  have 
to  inform  you  that  the  government  is  convened  by  the  President.  Both  Houses 
of  Congress  are  to  meet  on  the  15th  May,  in  this  city.  The  unparalleled  treat 
ment  we  receive  from  France,  both  as  respects  our  commerce,  and  in  the  person 
of  our  ambassador,  Mr.  Pinckney,  has  occasioned  this  step.  You  will  have  seen, 
before  you  receive  this,  a  newspaper  account  of  Mr.  Pinckney's  treatment  by  the 
French  Directory,  which  will  give  a  tolerably  accurate  statement  of  the  informa 
tion  contained  in  his  official  despatches  to  the  Executive.  M.  Adet  has  taken  a 
ship  for  transporting  him  to  France,  but  he  has  set  the  25th  April  for  his  depar 
ture.  I  conclude  from  this  he  expects  some  further  news,  and  possibly  different 
orders.  You  will  recollect  from  their  last  constitution,  the  French  are  to  choose 
a  third  of  their  government  in  this  month.  \  I  see  by  the  last  accounts  they  are 
collecting  a  great  military  force  to  superintend  order  and  support  liberty  at  the 
election.  Much  will  depend  on  their  choice  ;  the  spirit  of  the  nation  will  show 
itself  either  in  the  freedom  of  it,  or  in  submitting  to  the  will  of  the  men  in  power 
through  the  medium  of  the  military.  A  huge  effort  will  undoubtedly  be  made  to 
compose  this  one-third  of  revolutionary  men,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the 
constitution  of '95,  and  restoring  a  former  one  of '93 — another  effort  to  bring  in 
royalists,  who  will  wish  to  reinstate  that  of  ?89.  What  will  be  produced,  time 
alone  can  decide  ;  but  unless  an  alteration,  either  of  men  or  measures,  or  both, 
"-  takes  place  in  France,  we  must  have  war  with  them — -our  own  French  partisans 
being  so  much  worse  than  the  French  themselves,  that  I  fear  more  from  them 
than  I  do  from  the  crazy  Directory,  if  they  [the  latter]  could  act  uninfluenced. 

Mr.  Holbrook  is  waiting,  and  I  must  close  my  letter  with  adding  only  that  I 
am  in  better  health,  though  not  perfectly  restored.  I  am,  sir,  with  much  respect 
and  consideration,  your  very  humble  servant, 

URIAH  TRACY. 

FROM  JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 

HARTFORD,  March  26th,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  your  favour  of  the  16th  with  the  papers  I  wanted,  for  which  I  thank 
you.  I  am  for  rejecting  the  cup  of  humiliation  offered  us  by  the  terrible  repub 
lic  at  any  rate,  and  I  am  confident  the  country  will  be  tolerably  unanimous  on 
this  sentiment,  but  I  fear  the  government  will  not  be  firm.  I  consider  our  Leg 
islature  is  composed  of  very  discordant  materials.  Our  Executive  I  do  not  like 
to  describe,  as  I  try  to  hope  I  am  mistaken  in  my  opinion  of  it ;  but  I  confess  I 
do  not  see  how  they  will  be  able  to  conduct  the  political  ship.  There  are  some 
things  in  the  public  speeches,  which  have  been,  to  me  a  little  alarming,  and  I. 
fear  a  French  influence  will  predominate.  The  late  House  of  Representatives^ 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  479 

if  I  am  not  greatly  mistaken,  were  not  composed  of  solid  materials  ;  the  change 
will  not  very  materially  better  them.  The  present  one  I  suppose  will  be  soon 
called,  or  rather  fear  it.  There  is  a  general  opinion  in  this  state  that  France 
intends  war,  and  I  believe  war  is  better  than  our  present  state.  We  are  all  well 
except  colds,  which  now  are  pretty  general  here.  The  family  join  me  in  every 
good  wish.  I  am,  dear  sir,  sincerely  your  friend, 

JAS.  WADSWORTH. 

If  you  have  any  news  from  Mr.  Pinckney,  pray  let  us  have  it. 

Subsequent  to  the  news  of  Mr.  Pinckney's  non-recep 
tion  by  the  Directory,  arrived  that  of  his  actual  expulsion 
from  the  territories  of  France. 

Had  there  been  the  slightest  disposition  on  the  part  of 
France  to  come  to  a  just  and  fair  settlement  of  her  diffi 
culties  with  America,  the  mission  of  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney  afforded  a  most  favorable  opportunity.  He 
was,  in  the  words  of* Mr.  Adams,  "a  character  whose 
integrity,  talents,  experience,  and  services  placed  him  in 
the  rank  of  the  most  esteemed  and  respected  in  the  na- 
tion."a  His  letters  of  credence  and  his  instructions  ex 
pressed  the  sincere  desire  of  the  government  to  restore  the 
former  friendship  of  the  two  countries,  and  his  conduct, 
characterized  by  temper  and  forbearance,  manifested  his 
own  earnest  wish  to  fulfil  that  object.  But  to  meet  the 
overtures  of  the  United  States  was  no  part  of  the  design 
of  the  Directory.  Flushed  with  new  victories  in  Europe, 
depending  upon  the  assistance  of  a  designing  faction  in 
America;  reaping  rich  profit  from  the  plunder  of  our 
commerce  and  stimulated  by  the  desire  of  wounding  Eng 
land  through  the  destruction  of  all  neutral  trade  ;  a  settle 
ment  of  disputes  on  any  basis  but  that  of  union  in  the  war, 
would  have  involved  too  great  a  sacrifice  of  advantage. 
Toward  Mr.  Pinckney  their  conduct  had  been  character 
ized  by  duplicity  and  delay.  There  was  no  intention  of 
bringing  matters  permanently  to  a  crisis.  The  circum- 

»  Message  to  Congress,  May  16th,  1797. 


480  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

stances  following  his  arrival  cannot  be  more  concisely 
stated  than  was  done  by  the  President  himself. 

Mr.  Pinckney  reached  thecapitol  on  the  5th  December. 

"  A  few  days  before  his  arrival  at  Paris,  the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Rela 
tions  informed  the  American  Minister,  then  resident  at  Paris,  of  the  formalities 
to  be  observed  by  himself  in  taking  leave  and  by  his  successor  preparatory  to  his 
reception.  These  formalities  they  observed,  and  on  the  ninth  of  December  pre 
sented  officially  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations,  the  one  a  copy  of  his 
letters  of  recall,  the  other  a  copy  of  his  letters  of  credence. 

"  These  were  laid  before  the  Executive  Directory.  Two  days  afterwards  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Relations  informed  the  recalled  American  Minister  that  the 
Executive  Directory  had  determined  not  to  receive  another  Minister  Plenipoten 
tiary  from  the  United  States  until  after  the  redress  of  grievances  demanded  of 
the  American  government,  and  which  the  French  Republic  had  a  right  to  expect 
from  it.  The  American  Minister  immediately  endeavoured  to  ascertain  whether 
by  refusing  to  receive  him,  it  was  intended  that  he  should  retire  from  the  terri 
tories  of  the  French  Republic,  and  verbal  answers  were  given  that  such  was  the 
intention  of  the  Directory.  For  his  own  justification  he  desired  a  written  an 
swer,  but  obtained  none  until  towards  the  last  of  January,  when  receiving  notice 
in  writing  to  quit  the  territories  of  the  republic,  he  proceeded  to  Amsterdam, 
where  he  proposed  to  wait  for  instructions  from  this  government.  During  his 
residence  at  Paris,  cards  of  hospitality  were  refused  him  and  he  was  threatened 
with  being  subjected  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  minister  of  police,  but  with  be 
coming  firmness  he  insisted  on  the  protection  of  the  law  of  nations  due  to  him 
as  the  known  minister  of  a  foreign  power."* 

In  contrast  with  Mr.  Pinckney's  reception,  was  Mr. 
Monroe's  public  audience  of  leave.  The  President  of 
the  Directory,  in  an  answer  to  his  address,  exhibited  the 
mixture  of  insolence  and  chicanery,  characteristic  of  its 
policy. 

"  France,  (he  said)  rich  in  her  liberty,  surrounded  by  a  train  of  victories,  strong 
in  the  esteem  of  her  allies,  will  not  abase  herself  by  calculating  the  consequen 
ces  of  the  condescension  of  the  American  government,  to  the  suggestions  of  her 
former  tyrants.  Moreover,  the  French  republic  hoped  that  the  successors  of  Co 
lumbus,  ofRaleigh,and  of  Penn,  proud  of  their  liberty,  will  never  forget  that  they 
owe  it  to  France.  They  will  weigh  in  their  wisdom,  the  magnanimous  benevo 
lence  of  the  French  people  with  the  crafty  caresses  of  certain  perfidious  persons 
who  meditate  bringing  them  back  to  their  former  slavery.  Assure  the  good 
American  people,  sir,  that  like  them  we  adore  liberty  ;  that  they  will  always  have 
our  esteem,  and  that  they  will  find  in  the  French  people  republican  generosity, 

a  Message  to  Congress,  May  16th,  1797. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  481 

which  knows  how  to  grant  peace,  as  it  does  to  cause  its  sovereignty  to  be  re 
spected. 

As  to  you,  Mr.  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  you  have  combated  for  principles — 
you  have  known  the  true  interests  of  our  country — depart  with  our  regret.  In 
you  we  give  up  a  representative  to  America,  and  retain  the  remembrance  of  the 
citizen  whose  personal  qualities  did  honour  to  that  title." 

This  treatment  of  Mr.  Pinckney;  the  manifest  determi 
nation  of  France  to  persist  in  her  aggressions ;  the  contin 
ued  and  increasing  plunder  of  our  trade;  the  symptoms 
of  difficulties  with  other  European  powers  and  upon  the 
frontiers ;  rendered  advisable  a  speedy  meeting  of  Con 
gress.  On  the  25th  of  March,  therefore,  the  President 
issued  his  proclamation,  convening  that  body  on  the  15th 
of  May. 

The  following  letters,  written  in  the  interim,  indicate 
the  course  of  conduct  recommended  by  different  mem 
bers  of  the  party.  It  is  worth  noticing,  that  without  a 
single  exception,  among  those  whom  Mr.  Adams  already 
began  to  consider  as  his  enemies,  the  most  cordial  intention 
is  expressed  to  facilitate  his  successful  administra 
tion  ;  and  that  prominent  among  them,  stands  Mr. 
Hamilton. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PIIILA.  March  29th,  1797. 

It  is  now  known  that  General  Pinckney  has  not  been  admitted  by  the  Direc 
tory,  and  that  the  refusal  has  been  attended  with  circumstances  of  indignity.  In 
addition  to  the  facts  detailed  in  a  letter  from  Paris,  dated  January  7th,  which  has 
been  published  in  the  papers,  there  is  one  which  ought  to  be  known. 

M.  De  La  Croix,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe,  announced  it  to  be  the  determina 
tion  of  the  Directory  not  to  receive  another  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the 
United  States  until  the  complaints  of  France  have  been  redressed.  The  grievan 
ces,  of  which  a  redress  must  be  preliminary  to  the  reception  of  a  minister,  or  any 
discussion,  are  supposed  to  be  those  stated  by  M.  Adet,  to  which  the  government 
has  given  an  answer,  by  which  they  must  and  will  abide.  The  violation  of  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  the  repeal  of  laws,  and  the  admission  of  a  consular 
jurisdiction  paramount  to  the  courts  of  our  country,  are  points  never  to  be  conceded. 

It  is  also  a  fact  that  Mr.  Pinckney  was  especially  instructed  on  every  point 
relative  to  which  any  complaint  exists ;  and  his  letter  of  credence,  of  which  a 

VOL.  I.  41 


482  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

copy  has  been  delivered,  stated  that  the  President,  "  sincerely  desirous  to  main 
tain  that  good  understanding  which,  from  the  commencement  of  their  alliance, 
has  subsisted  between  the  two  nations,  and  to  efface  unfavourable  impressions, 
banish  suspicions  and  restore  cordiality  which  was  at  once  the  evidence  and 
pledge  of  a  friendly  union,  had  judged  it  expedient  to  appoint,  &c."  The  rank 
with  which  Gen.  Pinckney  was  invested,  was  equal  to  that  enjoyed  by  Mr.  Jay  ; 
and  his  letter  of  credence  designated  him  to  be  a  special  messenger  of  conciliation. 
I  have  mentioned  these  facts  because  the  malcontents  will  endeavour  to  prevent 
the  adoption  of  any  defensive  measures  until  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  can  be  sent, 
and  the  issue  of  his  mission  known,  and  because  the  friends  of  government, 
having  been  the  advocates  for  negotiation  on  a  former  occasion,  may  be  embar 
rassed  by  the  specious  appearance  of  a  parallel  case.  The  truth  is,  Gen.  Pinckney 
is  in  fact  an  Envoy  Extraordinary,  special  objects  being  designated  in  his  commis 
sion,  and  though  he  is  styled  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  yet  this  is  a  grade  pre 
cisely  equal  to  that  of  Envoy  Extraordinary.  No  pretence  against  his  reception 
can  be  urged  therefore  either  from  a  defect  of  powers,  or  a  want  of  attention  on 
our  part  to  etiquette. 

The  system  under  which  the  French  act  with  respect  to  us  has  been  a  compli 
cated  one.  They  meant  to  influence  the  election  of  President  by  the  terror  of  war, 
to  which  they  know  we  are  averse  ;  if  this  scheme  failed,  they  knew  the  admin 
istration  would  be  embarrassed.  They  consider  the  country  as  nearly  equally 
divided,  and  by  supporting  their  faction  they  hope  to  govern  oar  counsels ;  they 
aim  at  wounding  Great  Britain  by  destroying  our  commerce,  which  they  consider 
as  a  principal  aliment  of  British  credit,  and  this  with  their  general  wish  for  plun 
der,  has  determined  them  to  suffer  no  discussion  :  thereby  preventing  the  trouble 
and  chagrin  of  hearing  our  complaints. 

It  is  contrary  to  the  general  system  of  France  that  we  should  longer  remain 
neutral,  and  no  commercial  nation  will  be  permitted  to  be  so.  We  must  join 
France  in  the  war,  or  defend  ourselves  against  her  depredations. 

The  Directory  expect  that  the  people  will  not  support  the  government.  If 
they  separate  on  this  occasion,  our  country  is  undone.  In  my  opinion,  we  must 
prepare  for  a  serious  state  of  things  ;  one  which  will  continue  for  a  considerable 
time,  and  to  meet  which  successfully, firmness  and  system  are  indispensable.  We 
must  suffer  our  merchants  to  arm  for  defence  ;  we  must  fortify  some  of  our  ports  ; 
we  must  equip  some  ships  of  war  to  serve  as  convoys  ;  we  must  embody  a  force 
to  prevent  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves  ;  we  must  lay  a  tax,  and  we  must  keep 
a  minister  as  near  the  terrible  republic  as  the  Directory  will  suffer  him  to  remain, 
to  profit  by  any  opportunities  for  settling  our  disputes.  One  thing  we  must  not 
do  ;  we  must  not  retract  any  thing  which  has  been  said  or  done.  The  opposite 
plan  will  be  to  do  nothing  but  send  a  new  minister,  and  one  of  the  French  party. 
In  the  meantime,  our  commerce  will  languish,  public  credit  will  fail,  despondency, 
distress,  arid  faction  will  impair  and  divide  our  country  ;  and  the  French  faction 
will  obtain  an  ascendancy.  It  appears  to  me  necessary  that  the  country  should 
be  roused,  not  influenced  ;  that  the  people  should  make  up  their  minds  for  a  seri 
ous  and  persevering  exertion  ;  some  sacrifices  must  be  made,  but  if  the  people  do 
not  support  the  government  and  reject  the  distinction  between  them  which  the 
Directory  is  attempting  to  establish,  all  is  lost. 


1797.1  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  483 

In  reference  to  the  following  to  and  from  Mr.  Hamilton, 
it  requires  to  be  stated  that  the  proposition  to  appoint  a 
commission  of  three,  of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madi 
son  should  be  one,  had  been  suggested  to  the  President 
by  Mr.  Hamilton  himself,  through  the  medium  of  Senator 
Tracy.  Mr.  Hamilton  thus  mentions  the  fact. 

"  After  the  rejection  of  Mr.  Pinckney  by  the  government  of  France,  immedi 
ately  after  the  instalment  of  Mr.  Adams  as  President,  and  long  before  the  mea 
sure  was  taken,  I  urged  a  member  of  Congress,  then  high  in  the  confidence  of 
the  President,  to  propose  to  him  the  immediate  appointment  of  three  commis 
sioners,  of  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  to  be  one,  to  make  another 
attempt  to  negotiate."  a 

Mr.  Adams  in  commenting  upon  this,  says  : 

"  I  will  relate  all  that  I  can  recollect  relative  to  this  subject.  Mr.  Tracy  of 
Connecticut,  who  indeed  was  always  in  my  confidence,  came  to  me,  I  believe  at 
the  opening  of  the  special  session  of  Congress  which  I  called  soon  after  my 
inauguration,  and  produced  a  long,  elaborate  letter  from  Mr.  Hamilton,  contain 
ing  a  whole  system  of  instruction  for  the  conduct  of  the  President,  the  Senate 
and  the  House  of  Representatives.  I  read  it  very  deliberately,  and  really  thought 
the  man  was  in  a  delirium.  It  appeared  to  me  a  very  extraordinary  instance  of 
volunteer  empiricism  thus  to  prescribe  for  a  President,  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  all  desperately  sick  and  in  a  state  of  deplorable  debility,  with 
out  being  called.  And  when  I  maturely  considered  the  contents  of  the  letter, 
my  surprize  was  increased.  I  despised  and  detested  the  letter  too  much  to  take 
a  copy  of  it,  which  I  now  regret.  This  letter  is  still  in  being,  and  I  doubt  not 
many  copies  of  it  are  extant.  I  most  earnestly  request  any  gentleman  who  pos 
sesses  one  to  publish  it.  That  letter,  though  it  had  no  influence  with  me,  had  so 
much  with  both  Houses  of  Congress,  as  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  overthrow 
of  the  federal  party,  and  of  the  revolution  that  followed  four  years  afterwards.  I 
will  endeavour  to  recollect  as  much  of  the  contents  of  it  as  I  can,  and  if  I  am 
incorrect  in  any  point,  those  who  possess  the  letter  can,  by  the  publication  of  it, 
easily  set  all  right."b 

Mr.  Adams  accordingly  goes  on  to  recapitulate  the  con 
tents  of  the  letter  from  a  memory  most  apparently  defec 
tive,  as  recommendations  are  referred  to,  which  could  not 
have  been  made,  and  measures  spoken  of  which  were  not 

*•"  Letter  concerning  the  public  con-    President  of  the  United  States."    New 
duct  and  character  of  John  Adams,  Esq.,    York,  1800.  p.  47. 
»»  Boston  Patriot,  Letter  XIII. 


484  ADMINISTRATION  jCnAP.  14. 

adopted  until  a  year  after.  What  the  letter  was,  is  not 
known,  but  its  real  contents  will  doubtless  be  shown  from 
an  authentic  source  and  in  due  time.  Mr.  Adams  pro 
ceeds  : 

"  How  it  happened  that  Mr.  Hamilton's  contemplations  coincided  so  exactly 
with  mine,  as  to  think  of  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  for  envoy  to  France,  it 
may  be  more  difficult  to  explain.  But  let  it  be  considered  that  this  letter  was 
written  long  after  my  conversation  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  concerning  himself  and 
Mr.  Madison,  which  was  the  morning  after  my  inauguration ;  that  I  had  com 
municated  that  conversation  to  one  or  more  of  the  heads  of  departments  the 
same  morning.  It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Hamilton  received  hints  from  some  of 
his  correspondents,  thai  I  had  thought  of  Madison  and  Hamilton,  and  that  he 
was  not  displeased  with  the  idea." 

In  reference  to  the  time  when  Mr.  Hamilton's  views 
were  made  known  to  the  President,  the  former  states  that 
it  was  immediately  after  the  inauguration ;  the  latter  that 
the  letter  was  written  long  after  the  conversation  with 
Mr.  Jefferson.  The  following  letters  show  conclusively, 
that  Mr.  Hamilton  as  usual,  was  right.  The  matter  is  of 
little  consequence,  except  as  showing  the  habitual  inac 
curacy  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  because  he  has  made  it  the 
basis  of  a  paltry  insinuation  against  Mr.  Hamilton's  "cor 
respondents."  It  appears  that  one  alone  of  the  Cabinet, 
knew  of  the  President's  determination ;  and  it  will  be 
seen  from  Wolcott's  letter  of  March  30th  to  Mr.  Hamil 
ton,  that  that  one  had  never  communicated  it.  Why  the 
recommendation  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  of  a  measure  in  con 
sonance  with  Mr.  Adams'  own  views,  provoked  this  dis 
play  of  impotent  malignity,  those  who  have  fathomed  his 
character  can  determine. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

[NEW  YORK]  March  30, 1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Every  one  who  can  properly  appreciate  the  situation  of  our  affairs  at  this  mo 
ment,  in  all  the  extent  of  possible  circumstances,  must  be  extremely  anxious 
fora  course  of  conduct  in  our  government  which  will  unite  the  utmost  prudence 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  485 

with  energy.  It  has  been  a  considerable  time  my  wish  that  a  commission  extra 
ordinary  »  should  be  constituted  to  go  to  France,  to  explain,  demand,  negotiate, 
&c.  I  was  particularly  anxious  that  the  first  measure  of  the  present  President's 
administration  should  have  been  that,  but  it  has  not  happened.  I  now  continue 
to  wish  earnestly  that  the  same  measure  may  go  into  effect,  and  that  the  meeting 
of  the  Senate  may  be  accelerated  for  that  purpose.  Without  opening  a  new 
channel  of  negotiation,  it  seems  to  me  the  door  of  accommodation  is  shut,  and 
rupture  will  follow,  if  not  prevented  by  a  general  peace.  Who,  indeed,  can  be 
certain  that  a  general  pacification  of  Europe  may  not  leave  us  alone  to  receive 
the  law  from  France  ?  Will  it  be  wise  to  omit  any  thing  to  parry,  if  possible, 
these  great  risks?  Perhaps  the  Directory  have  declared  that  they  will  not  re 
ceive  a  minister  till  their  grievances  shall  have  been  redressed !  This  can 
hardly  mean  more  than  that  they  will  not  receive  a  residing  minister.  It  cannot 
mean  that  they  will  riot  hear  an  extraordinary  messenger,  who  may  even  be  sent 
to  know  what  will  satisfy.  Suppose  they  do.  It  will  still  be  well  to  convince 
the  people  that  the  government  has  done  all  in  its  power,  and  that  the  Directory 
are  unreasonable. 

But  the  enemies  of  the  government  call  for  the  measure.  To  me  this  is  a 
very  strong  reason  for  pursuing  it.  It  will  meet  them  on  their  own  ground,  and 
disarm  them  of  the  plea  that  something  has  been  omitted. 

I  ought,  my  good  friend,  to  apprise  you,  for  you  may  learn  it  from  no  other., 
that  a  suspicion  begins  to  dawn  among  the  friends  of  the  government  that  the 
actual  administration  (ministers)  is  not  averse  from  war  with  France.  How  very 
important  to  obviate  this.  « 

The  accounts  just  received  offer  a  great  danger  that  the  emperor  may  be  com 
pelled  to  make  peace.  Paul  of  Russia  is  evidently  lukewarm  in  the  cause  of  the 
allies.  From  lukewarrnness  to  enmity,  where  fortune  takes  the  other  side,  is  but 
a  step.  If  England  is  left  to  bear  the  burden  alone,  who  can  say  France  may 
not  venture  to  sport  an  army  to  this  country.  It  may  get  rid  of  troublesome 
spirits.  As  in  the  case  of  England,  so  now,  my  opinion  is  to  exhaust  the  expedi 
ent  of  negotiation,  and  at  the  same  time  to  prepare  vigorously  for  the  worst.  This 
is  sound  policy.  Any  omission  or  deficiency  either  way,  will  be  a  great  error. 
God  bless  you  ! 

A.  HAMILTON. 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

PHILA.  March  31,  1797. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  March  30th,  and  I  consider  it  as  a  valuable  ac~ 
quisition.  It  developes  the  origin  of  a  transaction  which  came  to  my  knowledge 
at  the  close  of  the  last  session,  which  filled  my  mind  with  inexpressible  surprise. 
To  you  I  will  say,  but  in  the  most  perfect  confidence,  that  the  President  had  de 
termined  on  instituting  a  commission,  though  it  would  not  have  been  composed 
of  the  persons  you  have  proposed.  I  believe  no  one  of  the  heads  of  departments 

a  In  the  margin  is  written, "  Madison,  Pinckney,  Cabot," 

41* 


486  ADMINISTRATION  |.CHAP.  14. 

v/as  acquainted  with  the  decision,  except  myself.  I  had  attributed  it  to  Mr. 
Ames,  from  a  casual  expression  of  his,  and  I  own  that  by  means  of  my  most  sin 
cere  and  urgent  expostulations — nay,  supplications,  it  was  postponed. 

I  am  far  from  believing  that  considering  General  Pinckney's  diplomatic  rank, 
his  personal  character,  and  the  special  objects  of  his  mission,  which  were  speci 
fied  in  his  letters  of  credence,  and  communicated  to  the  Directory,  there  is 
any  just  or  even  specious  pretext  for  not  receiving  him.  On  the  contrary,  it  ap 
pears  to  me  that  France  has  insolently  rejected  a  fair  and  suitable  proposition  for 
a  discussion  and  adjustment  of  the  existing  disputes  ;  that  the  national  indignity 
is  such  that  it  must  be  noticed.  There  is  a  point  (but  where  I  allow  to  be  uncer 
tain)  below  which  the  government  cannot  stop  without  losing  the  confidence  of 
the  people,  and  producing  that  despondency,  loss  of  credit,  and  want  of  public 
concert  which  would  ruin  our  affairs.  I  wish  we  may  find  that  our  apathy  has 
not  been  already  carried  to  a  fatal  extent. 

The  plan  of  measures  I  would  propose,  is  as  follows  : 

1st.  That  the  President  should  in  his  speech  to  Congress  take  a  view  of 
the  complaints  of  France,  and  of  the  measures  adopted  by  his  predecessor, 
particularly  in  the'mission  of  General  Pinckney,  and  should  give  them  his 
decided  approbation.  That  he  should  intimate,  but  in  decided  terms,  that  France 
has  rejected  a  suitable  opportunity  for  discussion,  but  that  this  would  not  prevent 
him  from  persevering  in  the  line  of  negotiation  ;  that  measures  would  be  accord 
ingly  perseveringly  pursued  for  renewing  proposals  and  entering  upon  negotiations 
with  France,  whenever  the  concurrence  of  that  government  shall  be  manifested. 

2d.  That  the  President  should  recommend,  and  in  more  than  usual  terms  of 
confidence,  the  adoption  of  the  following  measures.  1st.  An  increase  of  revenue. 
2d.  The  arming  our  vessels  for  defence,  with  the  right  of  capturing  the  attack 
ing  force.  3d.  The  equipment  of  a  certain  number  of  stout  merchant  ships  to 
prove  as  guards  to  our  coasts,  and  convoys  for  our  trade.  4th.  The  fortification 
of  our  ports.  5th.  The  enrollment  of  a  land  force,  principally  with  a  view  to 
ike  suppression  of  any  insurrection  of  the  slaves  in  the  southern  States.  6th. 
A  discretionary  and  summary  authority  to  arrest  vessels  suspected  of  being  de 
signed  as  cruisers  upon  our  trade,  or  that  of  nations  with  whom  we  are  at  peace. 

3d.  A  serious  and  firm  call  upon  Congress  for  their  united  and  vigorous  sup 
port  of  the  Executive,  with  an  appeal  to  the  honour,  generosity,  and  patriotism 
of  the  people,  in  the  present  critical  state  of  affairs. 

My  own  ideas  of  the  system  and  intentions  of  France  would  lead  me  further 
in  defensive  and  cautionary  measures  than  I  have  proposed  ;  but  I  am  sensible  of 
the  impolicy  of  anticipating  public  opinion.  On  the  subject  of  negotiation,  I 
would  ever  be  ready  to  meet  France,  and  would  keep  an  agent,  or  if  you  please, 
agents  in  Europe  ready  for  that  purpose  ;a  but  I  am  not  willing  to  admit  that  the 
government  has  already  done  less  than  the  occasion  required,  or  that  France  is 
justifiable  in  refusing  to  recognize  Mr.  Pinckney.  I  am  also  free  to  declare  that 
I  conceive  the  claims  of  France  to  be  in  any  other  than  the  last  and  most  ex 
treme  necessity,  utterly  indefensible.  They  in  fact  require  a  surrender  of  national 
independence.  I  would  propose  to  retract  nothing. 

«•  Note.    "  I  would  not  refuse  a  modification  ,>!'  treaties  if  desired." 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  487 

The  idea  of  a  commission  consisting  of  Mr.  Madison,  or  any  one  like  him,  I 
must  own  to  you,  is  one  which  I  can  never  adopt  without  the  utmost  reluctance. 
I  have  no  confidence  in  Mr.  Madison  ;  he  has  been  a  frequenter  of  Adet's  politi 
cal  parties.  I  have  been  just  informed  that  M.  Adet  has  suggested  the  idea  of 
sending  this  gentleman.  We  know  that  the  French  count  upon  the  support  of  a 
party  in  this  country,  and  so  shameless  is  the  faction  grown,  that  positive  proof 
of  a  devotion  to  French  views,  is  with  many,  no  injury  to  a  man's  popularity. 
If  the  government  suffers  France  to  dictate  what  description  of  men  shall  be 
appointed  to  foreign  courts,  our  country  is  undone.  From  that  moment  the  con 
fidence  of  all  the  old-fashioned,  honourable  and  virtuous  men  of  the  interior 
country  is  irrevocably  lost. 

Another  consequence  of  not  rejecting  the  interference  of  France  is,  that  it 
will  encourage  other  nations  to  interfere,  especially  Great  Britain,  and  will  more 
over  countenance  the  calumny,  that  a  British  faction  exists.  The  French  say 
that  Mr.  Jay  and  his  friends  were  in  the  British  interest,  and  that  therefore  he 
was  appointed.  Can  it  be  safe  to  appoint  a  man  known  to  be  of  the  French 
party,  and  thus  to  give  to  a  calumny  the  force  of  an  argument  1 

I  have  no  objection  to  sending  a  man  of  neutral  politics,  if  he  is  a  man  of  sin 
cere  firmness  and  integrity.  General  Pinckney  is  of  this  description.  If  a 
commission  of  them  is  generally  preferred,  it  is  a  point  perhaps  not  to  be  con 
tested  ;  but  how  can  the  commission  be  composed  ?  From  what  was  on  the 
point  of  being  done,  I  presume  Mr.  Cabot  cannot  be  brought  forward.  If  a 
man  of  his  principles  were  to  be  associated  with  Mr.  Madison,  either  nothing 
would  be  done,  or  something  worse  than  nothing.  Mr.  Madison  would  insist 
upon  a  submission  to  France,  or  would  obstruct  a  settlement,  and  throw  the  dis 
grace  of  failure  on  the  friends  of  government. 

Either  result  would  deliver  the  country,  bound  hand  and  foot,  to  French  influ 
ence.  If  nothing  was  done,  the  obstinacy  of  the  federalists  would,  be  complained 
of.  If  something  was  done,  however  humiliating,  the  responsibility  would  be 
divided,  and  all  the  mischief  would  be  attributed  to  the  desperate  state  of  affairs, 
induced  by  the  fatal  treaty  with  Great  Britain. 

The  present  is  a  moment  of  apparent  tranquillity  ;  but  I  conjecture  that  it  is  a 
calm  which  forebodes  a  hurricane.  The  Executive  will  either  find  a  violent  and 
steady  gale  from  one  point,  or  be  assailed  with  a  tornado  which  will  throw  every 
thing  into  confusion.  I  predict  that  no  treaty,  no  compromise,  no  concession 
will  afford  security.  Revenue  is  essential,  and  there  will,  I  fear,  be  insuperable 
objections  started  by  the  friends  and  enemies  of  government.  Credit  has  been 
abused — has  been  exhausted  in  senseless  speculations. 

You  know  that  I  am  accustomed  to  respect  your  opinions ;  and  at  any  rate 
I  am  not  so  ignorant  of  the  extent  of  your  influence  with  the  friends  of  govern 
ment,  as  not  to  be  sensible  that  if  you  are  known  to  favour  the  sending  a  commission, 
either  nothing  will  be  done  or  your  opinion  will  prevail.  In  this  case,  what  will  be 
the  objection  against  sending  Mr.  Ingersoll  of  this  city,  or  some  such  character,  to 
be  united  with  Gen.  Pinckney  and  John  Q.  Adams,  or  with  Mr.  Murray,  to 
rendezvous  at  Amsterdam,  until  the  consent  of  France  to  renew  negotiations 


488  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14.. 

can  be  obtained.  Is  a  direct  mission  to  France,  of  which  Mr.  Madison  is  to  be 
a  member,  in  your  view  indispensable  1 

I  should  be  sorry  if  the  friends  of  the  government  were  to  consider  me,  or  any 
of  the  public  officers,  as  desirous  of  producing  a  war  with  France,  because  I 
should  consider  this  as  evidence  that  our  affairs  are  desperate.  If  the  public 
pulse  does  not  beat  higher  than  that  of  government,  all  is  over.  So  far  as  indi 
vidual  characters  are  affected,  public  opinion  is  of  no  consequence  ;  but  the  public 
opinion  with  regard  to  measures,  is  of  the  utmost  importance.  There  ought  to 
be  a  zeal  for  strenuous  measures,  and  this  zeal  ought  to  be  an  engine  in  the 
hands  of  the  Executive  for  preserving  peace.  I  think  1  can  assure  you  that  the 
movements  of  our  political  machine  cannot  be  adjusted  to  a  minute  scale,  and 
that  if  the  direction  is  attempted  to  be  varied,  its  future  course  will  be  nearly  op 
posite  to  the  present. 

Our  finances  will  be  hereafter  difficult  to  manage,  owing  to  the  profligate 
abuse  of  private  credit.  The  reluctance  of  the  eastern  gentlemen  to  direct  taxes, 
will,  I  suspect,  relax  the  tone  of  our  measures ;  the  consequences  will  be,  I 
fear,  a  humiliating  settlement  with  France,  ruin  of  commerce  and  credit,  and 
the  establishment  of  foreign  factions  in  our  country.  Though  the  Executive  will 
not  be  blameable,  it  will  be  blamed  for  these  evils.  Having  no  ambition  to  grat 
ify,  no  theory  or  project  to  support,  I  shall  be  ready  to  serve  my  country  with  my 
best  exertions,  and  shall  be  happy  to  receive  your  opinions  and  to  know  the  state 
of  public  opinion.  No  person  can  exceed  me  insincere  wishes  that  what  is  pro 
per  maybe  done. 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  April  3d,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Vour  favour  of  the  16th  ultimo,  and  its  accompaniment,  were  received  yester 
day.  Whether  the  government  will  have  virtue  enough  to  profit  by  your  labours 
or  not,  time  only  will  show  ;  but  we,  the  people,  are  certainly  much  the  wiser, 
and  as  one  of  them,  I  thank  you  for  the  instruction.  I  foresaw  at  an  early 
period,  that  if  the  federalists  were  faithful  to  the  country,  their  conduct  would 
be  liable  to  misrepresentation  ;  and  considering  the  sort  of  stuff  men  are  made  of, 
I  confess  my  apprehensions  have  been  very  great  that  some  of  the  best  characters 
in  the  nation  would  be  looked  upon  with  jealousy.  Although  I  took  no  part  in 
the  election,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  avow  niy  opinion  that  the  first  and  highest 
duty  of  the  electors  was,  to  prevent  the  election  of  the  French  President,  and 
this  being  provided,  the  next  object  would  have  been  to  secure  the  election  of 
Mr.  Adams.  But  I  will  never  admit  that  we  ought  to  take  any  considerable 
risque  of  seeing  a  French,  or  any  foreign  President,  rather  than  the  risque  of  any 
one  federal  candidate  in  preference  to  another  ;  but  one  misfortune  is,  that  when 
we  profess  to  set  the  interests  of  the  public  above  that  of  our  friends,  their  pride 
forbids  them  to  believe  it,  or  egotism  to  forgive  it.  I  have  not  the  privilege  of  a 
democrat,  and  therefore  cannot  answer  your  questions  for  the  people  ;  but  for 
myself,  I  can  readily  say,  that  the  United  States  are  manifestly  in  the  right,  and 
therefore  cannot  confess  they  are^in  the  wrong ;  of  consequence  they  can  neither 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  489 

repeal  the  acts  of  their  legislature,  nor  reverse  the  just  judgments  of  their  courts, 
nor  violate  their  engagements  to  another  nation.  But  you  would  know  what 
the  people  will  think.  I  presume  if  the  government  assumes  the  tone  it  ought, 
that  the  people  will  accord  with  them ;  and  if  the  government  does  not,  I  should 
expect  the  people  will  blame  them  hereafter,  when  they  shall  have  experienced 
in  addition  to  their  losses  of  property,  the  more  irreparable  loss  of  honour.  Such 
is  my  course  of  thinking,  when,  abstracted  from  the  world,  I  revolve  the  subject 
in  my  mind  ;  but  I  ought  to  add,  that  whenever  I  go  out  of  my  own  house,  ^r 
have  guests  within  it,  I  am  led  to  distrust  my  reasonings  and  conclusions.  I 
find  myself  in  the  errours  of  the  French  revolutionists,  who  maintain  that  the 
people  understand  their  true  interests,  and  will  always  vindicate  them.  How 
this  may  be  in  the  political  millennium  I  know  not ;  but  in  the  present  state  of 
society,  folly  and  the  vices  which  are  its  natural  offspring,  have  a  power  which 
cannot  be  overcome.  After  all,  we  must  take  the  world  as  it  is,  and  by  expect 
ing  less,  expose  cursives  to  less  chagrin.  I  have  long  seen  that  your  sensibility 
was  deeply  wounded  by  the  want  of  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  which 
is  discovered  by  many  public  men  ;  but  I  hope  you  will  not  always  be  a  prey  to 
that  sort  of  anxiety  ;  and  if  you  cannot  arrive  at  a  pure  apathy,  I  hope  you  will 
at  least  moderate  your  sufferings,  for  I  am  sure  the  consciousness  of  what  you 
have  done,  ought  to  satisfy  pride  as  well  as  principle  ;  and  if  there  is  to  be  public 
disgrace,  no  part  of  it  will  attach  to  you. 

G.  C. 


FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

[NEW  YORK]  April  5,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  March  31st.  I  hope  nothing  in  my  last  was 
misunderstood.  Could  it  be  necessary,  I  would  assure  you  that  no  one  has  a 
stronger  conviction  than  myself,  of  the  purity  of  the  motives  which  direct  your 
public  conduct,  or  of  the  good  sense  and  judgment  by  which  it  is  guided.  If  I 
have  a  fear,  (you  will  excuse  my  frankness)  it  is,  lest  the  strength  of  your  feel 
ings,  the  companion  of  energy  of  character,  should  prevent  that  pliancy  to  cir 
cumstances  which  is  sometimes  indispensable.  I  beg  you  only  to  watch  yourself 
on  this  score,  and  the  public  will  always  find  in  you  an  able,  as  well  as  faithful 
servant. 

The  situation  of  our  country,  my  dear  sir,  is  singularly  critical.  The  map  of 
Europe  is  every  way  discouraging.  There  is  too  much  reason  to  apprehend  that 
the  Emperor  of  Germany,  in  danger  from  Russia  and  Prussia,  [and]  perhaps  [from] 
the  Porte  as  well  as  France,  may  be  compelled  to  yield  to  the  views  of  the  latter. 
England  standing  alone,  may  be  driven  to  a  similar  office.  It  is  certain  that 
great  consternation  in  court  and  country,  attends  the  intelligence  of  Buonaparte's 
last  victories.  Either  to  be  in  rupture  with  France,  united  with  England  alone, 
or  singly,  as  is  possible,  would  be  a  most  unwelcome  situation.  Divided  as  we 
are,  who  can  say  what  would  be  hazarded  by  it?  In  such  a  situation,  it  appears 
to  me  we  should  rather  err  on  the  side  of  condescension,  than  on  the  opposite 


490'  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

side.  We  ought  to  do  every  thing  to  avoid  rupture  without  unworthy  sacrifices, 
and  to  keep  in  view,  as  a  primary  object,  union  at  home.  No  measure  can  tend 
more  to  this  than  an  extraordinary  mission.  And  it  is  certain,  to  fulfil  these 
ends  proposed,  it  ought  to  embrace  a  character  in  whom  France  and  the  opposi 
tion  have  full  credit.  What  risk  can  attend  sending  Madison,  if  combined  as  I 
propose,  with  Pinckney  and  Cabot  ?  or  such  a  man  (tiro  deciding}  ?  Depend 
on  it,  Pinckney  is  a  man  of  honour  and  loves  his  country.  Cabot,  we  both  know. 
Besides,  there  ought  to  be  certain  leading  instructions  from  which  they  may  not 
deviate.  I  agree  with  you,  that  we  have  nothing  to  retract ;  that  we  ought  to 
risk  every  thing  before  we  submit  to  any  dishonourable  terms.  Cut  we  may 
re-mould  our  treaties.  We  may  agree  to  put  France  on  the  same  footing  as 
Great  Britain  by  our  treaty  with  her.  We  may  also  liquidate  with  a  view  to 
future  wars,  the  import  of  the  mutual  guarantee  in  the  treaty  of  alliance,  sub 
stituting  specific  succors  and  defining  the  casus  fcederis.  But  this  last  mayor 
may  not  be  done,  though  with  me  it  is  a  favourite  object.  Ingersoll  will  not  fulfil 
the  object,  but  I  had  rather  have  him  than  do  nothing. 

I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  President  shall  come  forward  to  Congress  in 
a  manly  tone,  and  that  Congress  shall  adopt  vigorous  defensive  measures.  Those 
which  you  propose  are  proper,  and  some  others  on  which  I  may  write  hereafter. 

If  Madison  is  well  coupled,  I  do  not  think  his  intrigues  can  operate  as  you 
imagine.  Should  he  advocate  dishonourable  concessions  to  France,  the  public 
opinion  will  not  support  [him].  His  colleagues,  by  address  and  showing  a  disposi 
tion  to  do  enough,  may  easily  defeat  his  policy,  and  maintain  the  public  confidence. 
Besides  that,  it  is  possible  that  too  much  may  be  taken  for  granted  with  regard 
to  Mr.  Madison.  Yours  truly, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  April  7,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

It  gives  me  infinite  pleasure  to  learn  from  you  that  our  Palinurus  is  undaunted 
at  the  storm  which  is  gathering.  Popular  gales  sometimes  blow  hard,  but  they 
don't  blow  long  :  and  the  man  who  has  the  courage  to  face  them,  will  at  last 
outface  them.  I  hope  from  my  soul,  that  the  President  will  enjoy  that  immor 
tality  which  is  due  to  the  man  who  dares  to  do  right,  when  all  the  world  does 
wrong.  I  believe,  however,  if  he  is  sternly  and^  strongly  right,  a  great  many 
people  will  discover  that  they  themselves  are  so. 

I  readily  accept  the  apostleship  you  mention,  and  shall  use  your  discourse  as  if 
it  were  my  own.  Your  letter  arrived  yesterday  afternoon,  and  already  my  zeal 
has  produced  a  letter  of  two  sheets,  which  will  be  transcribed  as  a  circular  to 
half  a  dozen  friends.  I  shall  quote  no  authorities  to  infidels,  and  as  for  the  faith 
ful — they  won't  need  them.  Our  best  prayers  are  for  blessings  on  Mrs.  Wolcott 
and  the  little  ones.  I  am  as  ever,  your  affectionate  and  faithful, 

G.  CABOT. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  491 

FROM   ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

[NEW  YORK]  April  13th,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

The  post  of  to-day  brought  me  a  letter  from  you.  I  am  just  informed  that  an 
order  is  come  to  the  Custom  House  not  to  clear  out  any  vessels  if  armed,  unless 
destined  for  the  East  Indies.  Under  the  present  circumstances,  I  very  much 
doubt  the  expediency  of  this  measure.  The  excesses  of  France  justify  passive- 
ness  in  the  government ;  and  its  inability  to  protect  the  merchants,  requires  that 
it  should  leave  them  to  protect  themselves.  Nor  do  I  fear  that  it  would  tend  to 
rupture  with  France,  if  such  be  not  her  determination  otherwise.  The  legality 
of  this  prohibition  cannot  be  defended.  It  must  stand  on  its  necessity.  It  would, 
I  think,  have  been  enough  to  require  security  that  the  vessel  is  not  to  be  employ 
ed  to  cruise  against  any  of  the  belligerent  powers.  Perhaps  even  now,  where 
vessels  have  been  armed  previous  to  the  receipt  of  the  prohibition,  it  is  safe  and 
advisable  to  except  them  on  the  condition  of  such  security.  Think  of  this 
promptly.  The  general  measure  may  be  further  considered  at  leisure.  Nor  am 
I  am  prepared  to  say  that,  having  been  taken,  it  ought  to  be  revoked. 

I  will  send  you,  shortly,  some  remarks  in  reply  to  questions  you  propose. 
Adieu.  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  April  13,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

It  has  been  my  intention  to  communicate  to  you  two  occurrences  of  the  last 
summer,  which  seemed  to  be  of  consequence  to  be  known  to  those  whose  opin 
ion  must  guide  our  affairs.  The  first  is  the  substance  of  a  conversation  with  the 
Duke  de  Liancourt/-  in  which  he  disclosed  to  me  the  determination  of  the 
French  Directory,  to  order  the  seizure  of  all  vessels  that  should  be  found  to  have 
on  board  any  articles  of  the  product  or  manufacture  of  any  of  the  British  domin 
ions  ;  and  all  such  products  and  manufactures  to  be  condemned,  "wheresoever 
from,  whithersoever  bound,  and  to  whomsoever  belonging.  Whether  the  vessel 
was  to  be  condemned  or  not,  he  did  not  clearly  express.  He  assured  me  of  the 
authenticity  of  his  information,  and  that  the  system  would  be  carried  into  opera 
tion  "  as  soon  as  the  Emperor  should  be  broke  down  ;"  which  he  said  would  be 
in  September  or  October.  After  a  moment's  pause,  I  observed  that  I  did  not  at 
all  doubt  the  truth  of  his  information,  and  that  my  mind  was  ready  to  receive 
much  more.  He  perceived  that  my  gravity  and  moderation  were  affected,  and 
suddenly  added,  "  What !  you  think  this  would  be  unjust?"  I  think,  said  I,  it 
would  be  very  impolitic,  because  it  would  confirm  all  those  charges  of  tyranny, 
injustice,  and  contempt  for  the  rights  of  others,  which  are  made  against  France 
by  the  wise  and  virtuous  part  of  mankind.  It  would  be,  in  fact,  a  greater  out- 

*  Note.  "I  think  this  conversation  was  in  the  month  of  August,  and  it  would  bo 
easy  to  ascertain  the  day." 


492  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

rage  upon  neutral  rights  than  was  ever  committed.  Why,  said  he,  it  may  be 
disagreeable,  "  but  there  is  no  other  way  of  destroying  England."  I  acknowl 
edged  to  him,  in  a  spirit  of  irony,  that  if  the  English  could  be  destroyed  in  no 
other  way,  that  would  justify  it  ;  but  I  added,  that  my  own  opinion  was,  that 
such  a  measure  would  unite  the  English  to  a  man,  and  excite  the  most  desperate 
spirit  in  the  nation  ;  that  they  would  cover  the  sea  with  their  ships,  and  by  the 
greatness  of  their  exertion,  would  annihilate  the  remaining  navy  of  their  ene 
mies,  and  would  block  up  for  nine  months  in  the  year  every  port  of  France  on 
the  Atlantic.  He  smiled  at  my  opinions,  and  said  the  power  of  England  was  at 
an  end.  Her  resources  were  exhausted,  and  she  could  not  add  a  single  ship,  nor 
find  the  means  of  supporting  her  present  navy  another  season.  I  rejoined,  that 
all  the  civilized  world  would  have  cause  to  mourn,  if  this  should  be  true,  for  they 
would  then  be  obliged  to  fight  against  France  or  give  up  their  independence. 

The  other  occurrence  was  an  unexpected  visit  from  Cutting,  who  asked  me 
without  much  ceremony,  "  who  we  intended  to  make  President '?"  I  told  him  I 
had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  but  the  friends  of  the  government  would  certainly 
make  Mr.  Adams,  if  they  could  ;  or  if  they  could  not  elect  him  without  a  hazard 
of  Mr.  Jefferson's  coming  in,  they  would  perhaps  make  Mr.  Pinckney  ;  for  they 
deemed  it  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  country  to  exclude  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  if 
possible  to  choose  Mr.  Adams.  He  affected  great  surprise  at  these  sentiments, 
and  assured  me  that,  if  I  went  into  the  world,  instead  of  remaining  in  solitude, 
I  should  find  a  total  change  of  sentiments  among  the  federalists,  which  had  re 
cently  taken  place  ;  that  whatever  they  might  think  of  the  tendency  of  the 
French  revolution  to  serve  or  injure  the  cause  of  freedom,  they  were  all  united 
in  their  estimate  of  the  French  power,  and  of  the  use  that  would  be  made  of  it ; 
and  that  they  saw  plainly  "  WE  MUST  SOOTH  FRANCE  BY  MAKING  THEIR  FAVOURITE, 
JEFFERSON,  PRESIDENT,  OR  WE  MUST  TAKE  A  WAR  WITH  THEM."  "  This  language," 
said  I  to  Mr.  Cutting,  "  is  what  I  should  have  expected  from  you  and  your  party  ; 
but  if  the  alternation  is  made,  I  trust  there  is  virtue  in  the  country  to  make  a 
war  against  tyrants,  rather  than  tamely  submit  to  them  as  masters."  He  said 
he  was  very  sorry  I  thought  him  a  party  man,  &c.  &c.,  and  then  asked  me  if  I 
had  seen  the  paper  of  the  day.  I  told  him,  no.  Oh  !  said  he,  the  contest  is 
nearly  over  ;  Buonaparte  has  cut  up  all  the  Austrians,  and  there  will  be  no  fur 
ther  opposition  in  Italy.  He  then  repeated  his  regret  at  my  tenacity,  and  as 
sured  me  that  Col.  Hamilton  had  declared  to  him,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  must  be 
supported,  as  the  only  way  of  appeasing  France.  I  told  him  Col.  Hamilton's 
opinion  would  have  weight  with  me  on  every  such  subject ;  but  he  was  frequently 
misrepresented  for  party  purposes,  and  nothing  short  of  hearing  it  from  his  own 
mouth  would  make  me  believe  he  was  willing  to  see  Mr.  Jefferson  President. 
All  this  respecting  Hamilton,  I  am  persuaded  is  false  ;  but  the  extreme  desire 
discovered  by  Mr.  Cutting,  to  draw  from  me  a  sentiment  of  acquiescence  in  Mr. 
Jefferson's  election,  for  the  sake  of  pacifying  France,  is  unaccountable. 

I  give  you  the  essence  of  what  passed,  leaving  out  many  little  circumstances 
which  would  be  tedious  to  recite.  It  was  my  expectation  to  pass  a  night  with 
Mr.  Adams  in  November,  when  I  should  have  related  every  thing  to  him  ;  but 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  493 

my  indolence  conquers  every  thing,  and  I  staid  at  home,  where  I  have  radicated 
too  strongly  to  be  easily  removed. 

I  will  write  you  again  in  a  few  days,  when  I  may  possibly  send  you  a  copy  of 
a  letter  which  I  have  addressed  to  a  few  friends  confidentially,  assuring  them 
that  the  government  would  be  firm  ;  and  showing  them  the  necessity  of  exciting 
the  people  to  support  the  measures  which  shall  be  adopted.  Your  faithful  friend, 

GEORGE  CABOT. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLIJSTE,  April  17,  1797. 
My  Dear  Friend, 

Jere.  Smith,  who  called  on  me  yesterday,  tells  me  that  a  difference  of  senti 
ment  prevails  in  and  out  of  the  cabinet  respecting  the  expediency  of  a  new  em 
bassy  to  France.  From  the  facts  which  have  been  stated  to  me,  I  don't  see  how 
we  can  possibly  send  new  messengers  with  the  expectation  that  they  will  not  be 
kicked  from  the  door,  unless  we  first  appease  those  to  whom  the  visit  is  intended 
by  performing  the  penance  they  have  prescribed  ;  and  this,  all  agree  is  impossible 
for  us  to  do. 

I  confess  to  you  I  was  struck  with  the  formal  precision  of  the  words  used  by 
the  Directory.  The  literal  sense  of  the  declaration  would  be  saved,  though  they 
were  to  receive  an  embassy  from  us,  if  it  were  other  than  a  minister  plenipo. ; 
but  why  this  equivocation  ?  Surely  it  was  to  leave  the  door  open  for  accommo 
dation,  if  the  actual  state  of  things  should  render  it  desirable  for  them.  If  they 
have  not  acted  upon  some  such  principle,  the  new  embassy  would  be  fruitless ; 
and  if  they  have,  it  is  unnecessary,  because  in  the  latter  case  they  will  be  guided 
in  their  conduct  towards  us  by  events  in  Europe,  and  the  circumstances  of  their 
own  country.  But  I  take  it  for  granted,  the  only  solid  argument  in  favour  of  a 
new  embassy,  is  the  tendency  of  it  to  satisfy  popular  opinion  here,  and  to  unite 
the  country  in  the  measures  which  must  be  taken  after  ill  success.  I  am  afraid 
this  argument  claims  more  weight  than  it  truly  merits.  I  conceive  that  the  gov 
ernment  has  attempted  negotiation  already  as  far  as  it  can  without  abasement ; 
and  if  the  knowledge  of  this  does  not  satisfy  the  country,  it  is  not  certain  that 
anything  that  can  be  done  will  satisfy  them.  But  my  fears  concerning  the  effects 
of  a  new  embassy  are,  that  Fiance  will  strengthen  the  party  by  it.  She  will 
know  our  motive  to  be  to  put  her  rso  clearly  in  the  wrong,  that  her  friends  here 
can  no  longer  be  her  advocate? :  but  as  she  must  know  this,  she  can  with  cer 
tainty  counteract  us,  and  by  a  very  obvious  policy  give  to  her  friends  new 
strength.  She  can  propose  to  the  new  embassy  a.  treaty  which  shall  contain 
many  things  which  would  be  extremely  popular,  accompanied  with  some  requisi 
tions  which  we  could  not  grant  without  present  dishonour,  and  ultimately  a  war 
with  another  nation.  The  commissioners  would  reject  such  a  proposition  if  they 
are  honest,  but  the  party  in  this  country  would  then  be  able  to  rally  again. 

France  is  now  grown,  and  daily  growing  more  odious  to  the  people.     But  from 
a    thousand  causes   this  weaning   from   folly  is  a  difficult  work,  and  I  incline  to 
think  France  would  now  gladly  prevent  its  being  perfected.     If  therefore,  as  ac- 
VOL.    T.  42 


494  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

cording  to  my  ideas,  the  result  of  a  new  embassy  may  be  to  supply  new  means 
to  the  French  party,  now  exhausted  ;  the  danger  of  this  may  be  a  fair  offset 
against  the  hope  of  uniting  the  country  in  some  efficient  mode  of  defence.  At 
the  same  time  I  express  these  as  my  opinions,  it  is  impossible  that  the  mass  of 
rhe  people  should  not  (if  left  to  themselves)  prefer  one  more  attempt  to  persuade 
our  French  brethren  to  do  justice  and  be  friends.  Public  attention  is  pretty  well 
excited  in  this  quarter,  and  hitherto  the  public  mind  has  held  a  right  course.  I 
should  imagine  by  the  time  Congress  meets,  we  shall  be  willing  to  take  such 
burdens  as  may  be  reasonable  to  lay  upon  us.  I  think,  however,  much  will  de 
pend  upon  the  tone  of  the  government;  if  it  is  masculine,  our  notes  will  conform. 
I  hope  the  President  will  speak  decidedly  upon  every  topic  that  is  connected  with 
the  business  of  the  meeting,  and  especially  if  it  is  clear  that  we  cannot  and 
ought  not  to  attempt  further  negotiation,  I  hope  he  will  say  it.  Yours,  faithfully, 

G.  CABOT. 


GEORGE  CABOT  TO  JEREMIAH  SMITH. 

BROOKLINE,  April  17,  1797. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

It  is  easy  to  say  what  ought  not  to  be  done  in  certain  contingencies,  but  diffi 
cult  to  determine  what  ought.  The  truth  is,  that  we  often  arrive  at  a  dilemma 
in  which  something  must  be  done,  and  yet  that  something  must  appear  to  be 
wrong  ;  for  the  inconveniences  of  the  course  taken,  whatever  it  be>  must  be  con 
siderable,  and  will  be  the  most  known  and  the  only  ones  felt ;  but  no  considera 
tions  of  this  kind  will  deter  many  men,  whom  I  am  proud  to  call  friends,  from 
adopting  any  measures  which  in  their  judgment  the  public  good  may  require. 
But  what  are  the  measures,  you  ask?  I  wish  1  could  give  a  satisfactory  answer 
to  the  question,  but  1  confess  I  cannot.  There  is,  however,  in  myrnind,no  diffi 
culty  in  deciding  that  an  embargo  would  become  more  injurious  to  us  than  all 
depredations  will  be  ;  much  more  injurious  to  us  than  to  the  French,  and  indeed 
much  more  to  the  other  nations  who  have  colonies  than  to  the  French.  It  would 
be  particularly  inconvenient  to  the  English,  who  are  now  fighting  for  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  neutral  nations  \vhich  remain  unconquered  by  France.  This 
idea  is  so  obvious,  that  I  shall  expect  many  zealous  advocates  for  an  embargo 
among  those  who  prefer  the  interests  of  Fiance  to  those  of  the  United  States. 
As  a  permanent  measure  or  principal  measure  of  any  system,  I  consider  an  em 
bargo  as  always  preposterous,  being  necessarily  more  distressing  to  the  nation 
that  imposes  it  than  to  the  nation  against  which  it  is  intended  to  operate  ;  but 
there  are  an  infinity  of  cases,  in  which  partial,  special,  or  temporary  embargoes 
may  be  expedient,  and  therefore  at  all  times  of  public  danger,  the  Executive 
ought  to  be  authorized  by  law  to  lay  them.  In  the  most  probable  cases  this 
power  cannot  be  exercised  directly  by  Congress  without  defeating  its  own 
designs. 

I  now  release  you  from  the  embargo,  and  proceed  to  express  my  hopes  that 
the  first  measures  of  Congress  will  be  to  provide  more  revenue.  A  land  tax, 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  495 

however  unpalatable  at  first,  will  be  approved  by  the  people  themselves  after  they 
are  brought  to  contemplate  a  little  more  soberly  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
public  dangers.  A  few  frigates  which  are  in  forwardness  ought  to  be  equipped 
forthwith,  and  the  merchants  should  be  authorized  to  defend  their  vessels  as  far 
as  it  can  be  done  without  actual  war.  If  no  better  idea  occurs  on  this  point,  let 
convoys  accompany  them  who  shall  fulfil  the  27th  article  of  the  treaty,  which 
prescribes  the  conduct  of  armed  vessels  of  one  nation  towards  the  trading  vessels 
of  another.  In  the  West  India  scene,  where  we  suffer  greatly  from  little  pal 
try  pirates,  this  sort  of  defence  would  be  sufficient  generally  ;  but  a  minute  exam 
ination  of  the  rights  of  nations  is  necessary  to  enable  a  man  to  delineate  this 
system  fully.  Our  most  valuable  and  exposed  seaports  should  be  better  fortified, 
and  a  small  military  corps  raised  and  established  to  keep  the  fortresses.  Thus 
prepared,  and  provided  for  the  worst,  I  would  [say],  diplomatically,  that  none  of 
these  things  are  to  be  understood  as  making  a  rupture  with  France,  but  on  the 
contrary  no  offence  is  authorized  against  the  persons,  properties,  or  rights  of  the 
French  republic,  or  any  of  its  citizens,  to  whom  we  are  disposed  to  do  justice,  as 
we  always  have  done,  and  with  whom  we  wish  to  be  at  peace  ;  but  that  the 
measures  are  wholly  defensive,  &c.  If  these  measures  can  be  carried,  adjourn 
for  three  months. 

With  respect  to  a  new  embassy,  it  would  be  disgraceful  and  would  indicate  a 
dread  of  France,  which  is  already  too  great ;  but  my  principal  objection  to  it  is, 
that  it  may  be  easily  made  the  means  of  recruiting  the  exhausted  strength  of  the 
French  party  within  our  country,  (i.  e.  by  making  propositions  which  would  be 
popular  here,  and  only  insisting  on  one  or  two  points  which  would  involve  us 
in  a  contest  with  Great  Britain)  and  their  mischiefs  are  more  to  be  dreaded  than 
any  their  masters  can  perpetrate  without. 

Thus,  my  friend,  you  see  with  what  readiness  I  give  you  my  crudest  opinions. 
If  they  are  erroneous,  it  will  be  satisfactory  that  they  have  no  authority,  and  I, 
rto  responsibility.  But  before  I  close  this  letter,  let  me  entreat  you  to  be  at  Phila 
delphia  on  the  day  mentioned  by  the  President.  Probably  you  will  then  find  a 
well  digested  plan  of  the  Executive,  which,  if  not  repugnant  to  your  own  ideas, 
you  will  zealously  support.  If  no  system  is  formed  by  the  Executive,  or  such  as 
shall  be  formed  is  not  supported,  there  will  be  no  consistency,  and  of  course  no 
efficiency  in  our  measures.  If  I  were  to  fill  another  sheet,  I  should  probably 
suggest  nothing  which  has  not  been  already  familiar  to  your  mind.  There  can 
be  nothing  new  in  this.  It  is,  however,  the  best  return  I  can  make  to  your  very 
flattering  letter,  and  may  be  regarded  as  an  additional  proof  of  the  great  esteem 
with  which  I  am  truly  your  friend,  &c., 

GEORGE  CABOT. 


TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  19, 1797. 

The  last  accounts  from  France  mention  that  General  Pinckney  had  gone  to 
Amsterdam,  in  consequence  of  orders  from  the  Directory.     The  treatment  he 


496  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14, 

received  was  rude  and  insolent,  in  the  highest  degree.  The  Directory,  however,, 
continued  to  profess  friendship  for  the  American  people.  The  American  stocks 
rose  in  England  in  consequence  of  the  late  disorder  in  the  affairs  of  the  bank  : 
this  I  consider  a  bad  omen  for  British  credit ;  indeed  there  is  but  little  reason  to 
doubt  that  a  national  bankruptcy  in  some  form  or  other,  is  unavoidable. 

Nothing  new  is  observable  in  our  domestic  affairs,  except  that  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  aggressions  of  France  will  tend  to  unite  the  people.  The 
^ast  publications  from  the  Department  of  State  have  been  useful.  The  plan  of 
measures  to  be  recommended  to  Congress,  is  not  yet  entirely  settled.  I  presume . 
however,  that  an  increase  of  naval  force  for  the  protection  of  our  coasts  and 
commerce  ;  permission  to  the  merchants  to  arm  for  defence  ;  the  improvement  of 
fortifications  ;  the  enrollment  of  a  force  with  a  mew  principally  to  the  blacks  in 
the  most  southern  states,  and  the  increase  of  the  revenues  will  be  deemed  advisa 
ble.  There  will,  I  presume,  be  no  question  about  the  expediency  of  keeping  a 
minister  in  Europe,  properly  authorized  to  open  negotiations  whenever  the  con 
sent  of  France  can  be  obtained.  The  times  are  indeed  critical,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  but  France  intends  and  expects  to  be  able  to  establish  a  political  influence 
in  this  country.  I  trust,  however,  that  they  will  find  themselves  mistaken,  and 
that  the  kind  Providence  which  has  hitherto  protected  this  country,  will  guard  its 
liberties  and  independence. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

« 

BROOKLINE,  April  22d,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Since  I  wrote  you  last  Mr.  Swan  has  returned  from  New  York,  where  he  had 
been  to  have  a  last  interview  with  Adet,  who  is  about  sailing  for  France.  Swan 
has  stated  to  a  friend  of  mine,  that  Adet  has  no  expectation  of  a  war,  but  relies 
fully  that  all  misunderstandings  will  be  cleared  up  immediately  upon  his  arrival 
in  France,  or  upon  the  arrival  of  his  letters,  if  he  himself  fails.  Thus  far  Mr. 
Swan,  whom  you  know.  If  Adet  does  confide  his  sentiments  to  Swan,  he  can 
not  wish  them  to  remain  secret.  It  is  conceivable  that  Adet  may  wish  to  see 
the  influence  of  his  nation  recovered  by  a  conciliatory  conduct  towards  the  United 
States,  but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  wishes  by  exciting  this  idea  here,  to  pre 
vent  all  preparatory  measures  against  a  different  conduct.  It  has  been  a  strik 
ing  artifice,  in  the  revolutionists  to  divide  and  disarm  those  they  intend  to  attack 
by  leading  them  to  expect  moderation  and  justice.  But  in  every  instance  of 
.nations  and  individuals,  the  credulous  have  become  victims,  and  I  cannot  but  fear 
that  we  too  are  destined  to  suffer  from  this  kind  of  folly.  It  is  hardly  within 
possibility  that  the  House  of  Representatives  should  not  temporize,  rather  than 
act  with  decision,  unless  new  events  occur  before  they  meet,  which  shall  rouse 
them  by  rousing  the  country. 

I  am  well  persuaded,  however,  that  if  the  House  should  unite  with  the  other 
branches,  in  measures  of  suitable  vigor,  the  country  will  go  along  with  the  gov 
ernment  and  support  it  with  constancy.  I  think  too,  that  firmness  and  prudence 
well  combined  would  carry  us  safe  through  the  crisis,  and  that  France  upon  the 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  497 

return  of  adversity,  which  will  come,  will  respect  us  more  and  treat  us  better. 
She  now  despises  us  as  she  does  all  who  don't  resist  her,  and  she  always  respects 
the  English  above  every  other  people. 

At  an  early  period  you  asked  me  "  what  the  people  would  think  should  be  done 
by  the  government  to  ward  off  the  impending  evils."  I  answered  then  that  they 
would  take  their  opinion  from  the  government,  if  the  government  has  one.  But  I 
ought  perhaps  to  state  to  you  now,  that  the  expediency  of  sending  an  envoy  is 
more  generally  admitted  than  denied.  At  the  same  time  I  believe  it  is  expect 
ed  that  other  measures  of  preparation  will  be  taken,  so  that  we  may  be  ready  for 
the  worst  events.  I  repeat  to  all  my  acquaintances  my  fears,  that  if  an  envoy 
is  sent  and  received,  the  French  will  completely  re-establish  their  undue  influ 
ence  in  this  country.  Yours  truly, 

G.  CABOT. 


FROM  FISHER  AMES. 

DEDIIAM,  April  24,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Your  letter  afforded  me  uncommon  pleasure.  The  profound  reflections  you 
have  made  on  the  subject,  and  the  just  conclusions  you  have  deduced,  made  so 
much  impression  upon  my  mind,  as  in  a  degree  to  shake  my  creed  in  regard  to  a 
commission  to  negotiate  with  France.  Mr.  Cabot  I  knew  was  of  your  senti 
ment,  and  although  your  letter  is  headed  "  private,"  I  ventured  to  show  it  to  him, 
which  I  pray  you  to  excuse.  He  was  delighted  with  the  perusal,  and  confirmed 
by  it  in  his  opinion,  not  only  of  the  unfitness  of  sending  a  new  envoy  or  envoys-, 
but  also  of  your  title  to  the  esteem  and  regard  he  has  for  you,  in  which  I  assure 
you  he  is  not  singular. 

I  have  reflected  a  good  deal  on  your  reasoning,  and  believe  that  I  have  neither 
grown  stubborn  in  defence  of  my  first  notions,  nor  sufficiently  precise  and  correct 
in  my  explanation  of  the  reasons  that  still  maintain  their  ground  with  me.  I  see 
difficulties  and  risks  in  every  course  of  proceeding,  and  I  cannot  otherwise  recom 
mend  my  first  impression,  than  to  insist  that  fewer  and  less  perplexing  ones  seem 
to  attend  a  new  negotiation  than  any  other  plan.  I  had  intended  to  state  my 
ideas  much  at  large,  but  company,  business,  and  indisposition  prevent. 

The  injuries  of  France  afford  a  cause  for  war,  and  would  justify  the  resort  to 
arms,  or  to  reprisals,  without  any  further  demand  of  reparation.  But  war  and 
reprisals  are  both  out  of  the  question.  Neither  government,  nor  the  House  of 
Representatives,  nor  the  citizens'  desire,  or  would  concur  in  either.  Patience, 
silence,  mean  acquiescence  under  French  wrongs  would  gratify  the  Jacobins, 
and  not  greatly  displease  the  timid,  the  avaricious,  and  the  multitude  who  never 
act  from  their  own  impulse  ;  perhaps  a  majority  prefer  peace  with  outrage,  rapine, 
insult,  dishonour,  and  the  interdiction  of  the  ocean,  to  a  war  with  France.  I 
know  that  an  embargo  would  soon  evince  that  our  people  would  not  submit  long 
to  be  interdicted  all  navigation.  Yet  speculatists  and  some  men  of  business 
would  say,  before  it  is  tried,  that  it  would  be  better  to  abjure  the  ocean.  Whether 
it  proceeds  from  timidity,  avarice,  French  fanaticism,  (which  though  weakened 

42* 


498  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14 

is  still  a  giant)  or  the  stupor  which  every  public  falls  into,  when  for  want  of  an 
impression  from  government,  it  is  left  to  the  anarchy  of  its  own  opinions,  the 
fact  appears  to  me  that  the  dread  of  war  is  stronger  still  than  the  sense  of  honour 
or  of  injury.  We,  the  people,  are  in  truth  more  kickable  than  I  could  have 
conceived. 

War  therefore,  or  measures  leading  to  it,  and  capable  of  being  misrepresented 
as  intended  to  provoke  and  hasten  it,  will  be  out  of  the  question,  especially  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States.  The  men  of  intelligence 
and  real  patriotism  will  say,  war  is  to  be  avoided;  and  French  injuries  on  the  seas, 
and  influence  in  the  United  States,  are  to  be  resisted  by  other  means  if  possible, 
than  war  ;  but  they  foresee  and  dread  the  infinite  evils  of  our  situation.  If  the 
Jacobins  should  prevail  in  the  House  ;  if  government  should  be  in  consequence 
paralysed  ;  if  nothing  should  be  done  by  Congress  but  to  authorize  an  embargo, 
as  your  own  fears  suggest ;  our  affairs  will  be  worse  than  they  now  are.  The  im 
becility  of  government  and  the  preponderance  of  Jacobinism  will  enrage  an 
hundred,  but  discourage  a  million.  We  shall  then  be  given  up  to  France,  bound 
hand  and  foot.  To  avoid  this  if  possible,  is  a  duty  ;  self  preservation  demands 
that  the  inefficiency,  and  still  more,  (though  not  much  more)  the  ill  disposition 
of  Congress  should  be  guarded  against.  The  measures  you  suggest  are  all  right, 
wise,  indispensable  ;  but  an  attempt  to  adopt  them,  if  Congress  should  reject  it} 
would  place  us  on  worse  ground  than  ever.  The  first  question  and  a  grave  one, 
is  whether  Congress  will  consent  to  arming  vessels,  increasing  taxes,  putting 
posts  in  a  posture  of  defence,  &c.,  &c.,  without  a  plan  of  negotiation  to  avert, 
war.  I  think  they  will  not.  The  precedent  in  the  case  of  Great  Britain,  of 
negotiating  while  we  did  a  very  little  to  prepare  for  war,  will  be  quoted,  and  per 
versely  enough,  but  with  effect  in  the  House  and  on  the  country.  Strong  mea 
sures  will  not  suit  weak  and  trimming  men,  whose  real  dispositions,  however,  are 
federal,  unless  covered  and  sweetened  by  the  commission  ;  they  would  dare  to 
vote  for  provisional  measures,  when  such  as  are  more  direct  and  uncovered 
would  be  scouted.  In  a  word,  would  not  the  cooperation  of  Congress  be  hope 
less  without  any  such  pacific  aspect  of  any  defensive  system.  Even  with  it  the 
prospect  as  to  Congress  is  dubious.  I  will  not  enlarge  on  this  part  of  the  sub 
ject  ;  your  own  reflections  will  supply  the  omission  cf  my  remarks.  If  then  Con 
gress  would  in  one  case  cooperate  and  not  in  the  other,  the  plan  of  negotiating 
anew  seems  eligible,  unless  its  intrinsic  demerit  forbids  our  approbation.  I  see 
no  such  evident  dishonour  or  mischief  in  it,  as  the  best  and  wisest  of  my  friends 
seem  to  do.  To  demand  reparation,  to  get  ready  to  take  it,  to  declare  that  we 
will  not  rest  contented  and  at  peace  without  it,  may  be  smoothly  done  ;  but  it  will 
be  the  fortiter.  It  will  concenter  opinions,  it  will  stop  Jacobin  mouths  on  one 
point  at  least,  put  them  in  the  wrong  on  others,  prepare  the  public  for  the  issue  if 
unfavourable,  break  the  continuity  of  that  affection,  or  rather  folly,  which  has 
kept  us  so  long  in  hot  water,  gain  time  for  government,  and  give  us  the  chance 
of  events.  It  is  besides,  according  to  my  hypothesis,  Hopsoris  choice,  for  no- 
other  road  lies  open.  I  admit  the  vile  insults  offered  to  General  Pinckney  ;  the 
dread  of  Mr.  M.  if  he  should  go,  which  I  almost  decide  ought  not  to  be  ;  the 
effect  of  delusive,  fraternizing  offers  to  our  envoys  which  must  be  refused ;  (and 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  499 

yet  the  refusal  would  afford  a  new  pretext  to  the  French  and  their  partisans)  ;  the 
desire  of  the  French  to  have  us  negotiate  ;  these  and  many  other  things  check  and 
discourage  my  faith  in  my  own  opinion.  I  conclude,  however,  very  safely,  that 
you  at  Philadelphia  who  watch  in  the  cabinet,  must  with  your  worthy  associates, 
combine  some  proper  line  of  proceeding  for  Congress  to  adopt ;  the  true  members 
must  be  united  and  zealous  ;  the  public  must  be  prepossessed  in  favour  of  that  line  : 
and  strongly  addressed  and  roused  to  require  it  as  in  case  of  the  treaty.  Let  me 
entreat  you  with  Col.  Pickering  and  Mr.  McHenry,  to  digest  the  system  for  the 
House,  and  through  Tracy,  N.  Smith,  Davenport,  Sewall,  &c.,  &c.,  to  secure  the 
co-operation  of  the  federalists  at  their  first  coming.  This  is  no  time  for  your 
overscrupulous  reserves. 

You  may  command  me  by  suggesting  the  ideas  which  ought  to  be  held  up.  I 
accept  the  Foffice  of  fifer,  while  Otis,  &c.,  carry  muskets.  Pray  offer  my  best 
respects  to  Mrs.  Wolcott,  and  when  you  see  Mr.  R.,  to  him  and  family.  When 
you  see  Tracy,  my  prayers  and  blessing  to  him.  I  wish  you  the  victory.  With 
unfeigned  esteem,  yours,  &c., 

FISHER  AMES. 

P.  S.  I  began  with  a  design  to  be  brief,  because  I  was  in  a  hurry,  which,  as 
usual,  has  lengthened  and  confused  my  ideas.  This  is  the  substance  of  them. 

Our  case  is  bad,  and  if  government  should  be  passive,  would  be  worse.  Gov 
ernment  cannot  act  without  or  against  Congress.  Congress  will  not  do  any  right 
thing  (an  embargo  is  not  of  the  number,  if  general)  unless  it  tends  to  promote 
peace,  or  at  least  not  to  endanger  it.  To  negotiate  again  is  not  servile  or  mean . 
if  the  right  men  are  appointed,  and  the  objects  of  the  negotiation  rare  repara 
tion  and  the  abolition  of  the  clause  for  the  eventual  guarantee  of  the  French 
W.  India  Islands.  Negotiating  will  be  honourable  if  we  arm  and  prepare  force 
and  revenue,  and  useful,  if  the  public  is  made  to  look  to  the  issue,  as  depending 
on  the  French — peace,  if  they  are  just  and  friendly  ;  war,  if  insolent  and  rapa 
cious.  The  dread  of  war  and  of  the  French  are  obstacles  to  government,  with 
out  negotiation  de  novo ;  but  with  that,  they  are  auxiliaries,  and  the  very  Ja 
cobins  will  applaud  the  design,  though  they  may  not  concur  in  the  energy  of 
the  means.  I  request  Mr.  Goodrich's  attention  to  this  postscript.  A  firm  face 
of  resolution  in  the  U.  S.  would  certainly  secure  peace.  A  servile  acquiescence 
would  destroy  our  peace,  or  our  government,  or  both. 

TO  RUFUS  KING. 

PHILA.,  April  27th,  1797. 
(Private.) 

I  have  to  acknowledge  your  favour  of  the  12th  December. 

*  *  *  * 

The  public  mind  appears  to  be  firm  and  composed,  though  all  expect  that  the 
convulsions  in  Europe  will  considerably  affect  us ;  but  there  appears  to  be  a  calm 
and  determined  resolution  to  cultivate  peace,  consistently  with  the  preservation 
of  honour  and  independence.  If  the  aggressions  of  France  force  the  country 


500  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

into  a  war,  there  will  be  a  general  regret ;  but  I  think  I  can  assure  you  that 
there  will  be  but  few  tories.  The  present  House  of  Representatives  will  afford  a 
better  copy  of  the  public  opinion  than  the  last,  but  still  the  likeness  will  not  be  a 
good  one.  Whatever  is  essential,  will,  however,  be  done.  This  country  will 
not  renounce  its  independence  and  government. 

I  have  made  complete  provision  by  the  best  of  remittances,  for  the  interest  and 
instalment  due  in  Amsterdam,  on  the  first  of  June.  We  want  more  revenue,  but 
will  get  on  safely  as  we  are.  The  bank  of  the  United  States  is  in  a  better  situ- 
ntion  than  when  you  left  us. 

If  by  any  fair  and  proper  means  the  public  attention  in  England  can  be  turned 
towards  our  funds,  the  circumstance  will  be  improved  to  good  purpose  here.  On 
the  contrary,  if  what  I  see  must  and  will  happen  in  England,  should  produce  a 
distrust,  with  respect  to  all  government  securities,  our  credit  will  decline  with 
that,  of  the  British.  Such  a  prejudicial  association  of  ideas  as  would  combine 
our  affairs  with  those  of  another  nation,  ought  to  be  prevented,  if  possible. 

There  is  a  general  acquiescence  in  the  election  of  President  Adams.  The 
Change  has  furnished  an  opportunity  for  the  pride  of  some  influential  men  to 
retreat. 

You  know  that  I  ought  not  to  anticipate  the  decisions  of  the  ensuing  session  ; 
but  I  may  conjecture  that  measures  will  be  adopted  for  instituting  negotiations, 
whenever  the  consent  of  France  can  be  obtained  in  a  manner  compatible  with 
national  honour.  I  presume  that  an  increase  of  revenue,  with  an  efficient  sys 
tem  of  defence,  in  respect  to  commerce  and  territory,  will  also  be  established. 
As  the  house  of  Ucaligon  appears  to  be  on  fire,  it  is,  doubtless,  proper  to  take 
measures  for  preventing  it  from  spreading  to  our  own. 

I  am  so  fully  engaged,  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  write  to  any  of  my  friends 
and  acquaintance  with  you,  by  this  conveyance.  I  must  therefore  beg  of  you  the 
favour  to  present  to  them  my  best  respects. 

Before  Congress  met,  the  following  requisition  was 
sent  to  the  heads  of  departments.  Wolcott's  answer, 
notwithstanding  its  length,  is  inserted  in  full,  both  from  its 
intrinsic  interest,  and  because  it  exhibits  his  real  opinions 
and  their  foundation. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  14th,  1797, 

The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
J.oke  into  his  consideration  the  following  questions,  and  make  report  of  his  opin 
ion  in  writing,  viz: — 

1st.  Whether  the  refusal  to  receive  Mr.  Pinckney,  and  the  rude  orders  to  quit 
Paris  and  the  Territory  of  the  Republic,  with  such  circumstances  of  indignity, 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  501 

insult,  and  hostility,  as  we  have  been  informed  of,  are  bars  to  all  further  meas 
ures  of  negotiation  ?  or  in  other  words,  will  a  fresh  mission  to  Paris  be  too  great 
an  humiliation  of  the  American  people  in  their  own  sense  and  that  of  the 
world  ? 

2d.  If  another  mission  be  admissible,  can  any  part,  and  what  parts  or  articles 
of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  Great  Britain  be  offered  to  France  or 
ultimately  conceded  to  that  power  in  case  of  necessity  if  demanded  by  her  1 

3d.  What  articles  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  and  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  with 
France,  should  be  proposed  to  be  abolished  1 

4th.  Whether  it  will  be  prudent  to  say  any  thing  concerning  the  consular  con 
vention  with  that  power,  and  if  it  will,  what  alterations  in  it  should  be  proposed  ? 

5th.  Whether  any  new  articles,  such  as  are  not  contained  in  either  of  our 
treaties  with  France  or  England,  shall  be  proposed,  or  can  be  agreed  to,  if  pro 
posed  by  the  French  government  1 

6th.  What  documents  shall  be  prepared  to  send  to  France,  as  evidence  of  in 
sults  and  injuries  committed  against  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  by 
French  ships  of  war  or  privateers,  or  by  French  Commissioners,  agents,  officers, 
or  citizens  1 

7th.  In  what  terms  shall  remonstrances  against  spoliations  of  property,  cap 
ture  of  vessels,  imprisonment  of  masters  and  mariners,  cruelties,  insults  and 
abuses  of  every  kind  to  our  citizens,  be  made  ? 

8th.  In  what  terms  shall  restitution,  reparation,  compensation,  and  satisfac 
tion,  be  demanded  for  such  insults  and  injuries  ? 

9th.  Shall  demand  be  made  of  payment  to  our  citizens  for  property  purchased 
by  the  French  government  in  Europe,  or  in  the  East  or  West  Indies  ? 

10th,  Shall  demand  be  made  of  the  French  government  of  payment  for  vessels 
and  cargoes  captured  and  seized,  whether  by  ships  of  war  or  private  ships  1 

llth.  Shall  any  commission  of  inquiry  and  examination  like  that  with  Eng 
land  be  agreed  to  ? 

12th.  What  articles  in  the  British  treaty  can  be  offered  to  France  without 
compensation,  and  what  with  compensation,  and  what  compensation  shall  be 
demanded  1 

13th.  Shall  a  project  of  a  new  treaty,  abolishing  the  old  treaties  and  consular 
convention,  be  proposed  to  France  1 

14th.  Shall  such  a  project,  with  a  project  of  instructions  to  the  minister,  be 
proposed  and  laid  before  the  Senate  for  their  advice  and  consent  before  they  be 
sent  to  Europe. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  15th,  1797. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
commit  to  writing  in  detail,  and  report  to  the  President  as  early  as  may  be  con 
venient,  such  particulars  as  the  Secretary  may  think  necessary  or  expedient  to 
be  inserted  in  the  President's  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  ensuing  Congress  un 
der  the  heads : 


502  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAI-.  14, 

1st.  Of  such  things  as  ought  to  be  communicated  to  Congress  concerning  the 
state  of  the  Union. 

2d.  Of  such  measures  as  ought  to  be  recommended  to  Congress  for  their 
adoption. 

And  the  President's  desire  is  that  the  Secretary  would  not  confine  himself  to 
matters  merely  within  the  Treasury  department,  but  give  himself  a  liberal  lati 
tude,  both  in  relation  to  the  other  departments  and  to  the  illustrations  and  rea 
sonings  in  support  of  his  opinions. 

The  President  also  requests  the  Secretary  to  report  to  him  his  opinion  of  the 
articles  which  ought  to  be  inserted  in  the  instructions  of  an  ambassador,  envoy 
ordinary  or  extraordinary,  or  minister  plenipotentiary,  to  be  sent  to  France,  up 
on  the  supposition  it  should  be  deemed  consistent  with  the  dignity,  honour,  and 
interest  of  the  United  States  to  send  another  mission  to  that  power. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

April  25th,  1797. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States  respectfully  reports  his  opinion  on  the  following  questions. 

QUESTION  1st.  -  Whether  the  refusal  to  receive  Mr.  Pinckney  and  the  rude  orders 
to  quit  Paris  and  the  territories  of  the  Republic  with  such  circumstances  of  in 
dignity,  insult,  and  hostility  as  we  have  been  informed  of,  are  bars  to  all  further 
measures  of  negotiation  1  or  in  other  words,  will  a  fresh  mission  to  Paris  be  too 
great  an  humiliation  of  the  American  people  in  their  own  sense  and  that  of  the 
world  1 

A  consideration  of  this  question  leads  to  a  review  of  various  proceedings  of  the 
American  and  French  governments.  It  has  been  long  well  known  to  the  Pre 
sident  and  has  lately  been  demonstrated  to  the  public,  that  since  the  year  1778, 
France  has  never  relinquished  the  design  then  formed,  of  maintaining  an  impro 
per  influence  in  the  councils  of  America.  Her  system  for  accomplishing  this 
purpose  has  been  governed  by  two  leading  principles.  1st.  To  impair  and 
weaken  the  energy  of  the  federal  government  and  union  ;  and  2d,  to  excite  and 
promote  discontents,  contests  or  actual  war  with  her  rival,  Great  Britain.  The 
opinions  and  writings  of  influential  characters  in  France  and  the  measures  of  the 
ministers,  consuls,  and  secret  agents  of  the  government  of  that  country  here, 
have  accordingly  been  uniformly  directed  to  these  ends.  It  is  unneccessary  to 
prove  these  positions  in  any  other  manner  than  by  referring  to  the  known  oppo 
sition  of  French  agents  to  the  adoption  of  the  present  constitution  of  the  United 
States  ;  to  the  uniform  connection  between  French  politics  and  anti-federalism  ; 
and  to  the  notorious  popularity  in  France,  of  the  opposers  of  every  leading  meas 
ure  of  our  administration.  This  line  of  conduct  is  not  to  be  reconciled  with 
French  ideas  of  government ;  for  while  anti-federalism  is  here  supported  and 
encouraged,  the  maxims  and  principles  of  American  federalists,  who  are  the  only 
advocates  for  any  form  of  national  government  in  the  United  States,  are  held  to 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  503 

be  criminal  when  applied  to  France  and  to  other  countries,  where  her  views  and 
interests  have  led  to  a  different  policy.  To  prevent  the  inconsistency  from  be 
coming  too  apparent ;  and  to  lessen  the  influence  and  popularity  of  the  friends  of 
our  national  independence  ;  every  pretext  has  been  seized  to  represent  their 
measures  and  views  as  incompatible  with  friendship  to  France  and  the  stipula 
tions  of  our  treaties  in  her  favour. 

The  progress  of  a  measure  so  contrary  to  the  views  of  France  as  an  adjustment 
of  disputes  with  Great  Britain,  could  not  be  viewed  by  her  with  other  emotions 
than  of  extreme  solicitude.  Accordingly  every  attempt  was  made  to  prevent 
overtures  for  negotiation  ;  after  a  mission  was  determined  on  by  the  President, 
the  character  of  the  minister  was  attacked  and  stigmatized — the  public  passions 
were  stimulated  by  every  possible  artifice.  Improper  suggestions  wrere  made 
to  the  American  Minister  at  Paris,  and  by  him  countenanced  and  disseminated 
in  this  country  ;  nevertheless  the  negotiation  terminated  in  a  treaty  with  Great 
Britain.  From  the  nature  of  the  publication  which  appeared  before  and  imme 
diately  after  the  treaty  was  divulged,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  French  govern 
ment,  or  at  least  their  party  here,  had  in  consequence  of  information  irregularly 
obtained,  systematically  concerted  and  arranged  their  objections  ;  the  more  un 
exceptionable  the  treaty  was  found  to  be,  the  more  was  France  interested  in  de 
feating  its  effects. 

The  prejudices  and  discontents  which  had  been  artfully  excited  in  the  public 
mind,  were  no  otherwise  opposed  by  the  friends  of  government,  who  were  then 
unacquainted  with  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty,  than  by  encouraging  unreason 
able  expectations  of  great  concessions  by  Great  Britain,  and  of  positive  advan 
tages  to  be  derived  from  the  negotiation.  When  it  was  afterwards  discovered 
that  we  had  obtained  nothing  more  than  was  our  right,  and  on  condition  of  per 
forming  some  duties  which  had  been  neglected  ;  that  our  commerce  was  to  re 
main  essentially  on  the  old  footing,  and  which  though  on  the  whole  advantageous, 
was  susceptible  of  great  ^^neliorations,  and  moreover,  when  it  was  known  that 
Great  Britain  would  not  relax  from  certain  maxims  of  the  law  of  nations  which 
had  been  supposed  to  be  unfavourable  to  pacific  and  commercial  states,  there 
was,  evidently,  a  momentary  declension  of  the  public  confidence  and  a  general 
sense  of  disappointment  in  the  community. 

It  was  intended  that  the  first  impression  should  be  made  upon  the  Senate  ;  and 
it  is  now  known  that  until  the  vote  was  actually  taken,  a  rejection  of  that  body 
was  confidently  expected. 

The  next  attack  was  made  upon  the  President,  by  means  of  popular  addresses, 
which  were  aided  by  the  artifice  and  chicanery  of  Mr.  Randolph  ;  a  fortunate 
discovery  of  his  perfidy,  however,  accelerated  a  decision  which  would,  in  any 
event,  have  been  shortly  made  by  the  eminently  impartial,  virtuous,  and  enlight 
ened  mind  of  the  Executive. 

A  reliance  was  then  placed  on  the  opposition  of  the  House  of  Representatives  '•> 
and  it  is  known  that  this  opposition  was,  in  defiance  of  the  Constitution,  con 
ducted  with  a  concert  and  pertinacity,  of  which  there  are  few  examples. 

The  last  resource  has  been  an  attempt  to  influence  the  election  of  a  President 


504  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

of  the  United  States,  by  means  of  the  terror  of  war,  and  by  measures  of  actual 
hostility  against  the  commerce  of  this  country. 

On  the  ground  of  facts  thus  briefly  detailed,  it  is  assumed  as  a  principle,  that 
one  of  the  objects  of  France  is  to  regain  a  political  influence  in  the  United  States, 
which  has  been  lately  in  some  measure  impaired  ;  and  that  her  complaints 
against  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  measures  adopted  for  the  preser 
vation  of  the  neutrality  of  the  United  States,  are  pretexts  to  cover  her  design. 

But  though  this  is  believed  to  be  the  truth,  yet  it  is  admitted  to  be  the  duty  of 
the  United  States  to  weigh  dispassionately,  and  to  reply  with  temper,  even  to  un 
founded  complaints  of  a  foreign  nation.  A  cause  founded  in  reason  and  justice, 
can  never  suffer  by  discussion. 

It  appears  necessary  to  examine  how  far  this  has  already  been  done. 

The  complaints  of  France  respecting  our  construction  of  the  commercial 
treaty  and  Consular  convention,  and  the  extent  of  her  rights,  as  a  belligerent  na- 
ticjn,  in  relation  to  our  country,  have  been  seasonably  and  fully  discussed  ;  and 
the  constructions  of  the  Executive  have,  in  every  instance,  been  confirmed  by 
both  houses  of  Congress  ;  by  the  Judiciary  department,  and  by  public  opinion,  as 
expressed  by  the  Legislatures  of  most  of  the  States.  Decisions  so  made,  and 
especially  by  a  nation  in  a  state  of  peace,  and  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  that 
peace,  cannot  be  rescinded  without  national  humiliation  and  dishonour. 

With  respect  to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  which  furnishes  the  principal 
subject  of  contention,  it  may  be  observed  that,  prior  to  the  ratification  by  the 
President,  a  copy  was  delivered  to  the  French  minister,  and  that  tne  objections 
stated  by  him  were  fairly  and  fully  refuted. 

As  the  measures  pursued  by  the  opposers  of  the  treaty  in  this  country,  justified 
apprehensions  that  discontents  would  be  manifested  by  the  French  Government ; 
Mr.  Monroe  was  at  an  early  period  furnished  with  arguments  to  enable  him  to  vin 
dicate  his  country.  It  is  true  that  they  were  not  employed  for  this  purpose  as  soon 
as  was  expedient  ;  and  yet,  if  his  declarations  are  to  be  credited,  no  specific  ob 
jections  were  ever  stated,  until  a  short  time  before  he  entered  upon  the  discussion  in 
March,  1796.  A  reference  to  the  correspondence  prior  to  that  time,  will,  it  is 
believed,  justify  an  opinion  that  the  French  government  relied  upon  the  efficacy 
of  the  opposition  here  ;  and  were  willing  to  preserve,  if  possible,  the  advantages 
arising  from  vague  and  indefinite  expressions  of  discontent,  rather  than  incur  the 
hazard  of  counteracting  the  policy  of  their  friends,  and  expose  themselves  to 
refutation,  by  a  specification  of  objections. 

As  soon  as  the  President  was  informed  that  the  French  government  meditated 
an  unfriendly  course  of  conduct  towards  this  country,  he  determined  to  send  a 
new  minister  to  make  explanations,  and  selected  Mr.  Pinckney  for  this  purpose. 
In  the  message  to  Congress,  dated  January  19th,  1797,  the  President  declared 
"  that  the  immediate  object  of  his  (Mr.  Pinckney's)  mission,  was  to  make  to  the 
French  government  such  explanations  of  the  principles  and  conduct  of  our  own, 
as  by  manifesting  our  good  faith,  might  remove  all  jealousy  and  discontent,  and 
maintain  that  harmony  and  good  understanding  which  it  had  been  his  constant 
solicitude  to  preserve." 

The  character  with  which  Mr.  Pinckney  was  invested,  was  that  of  Minister 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  ^       505 

Plenipotentiary,  and  his  letter  of  credence,  of  which  a  copy  is  in  the  possession 
of  the  Directory,  announced  that  the  mission  originated  in  a  disposition  "  sin 
cerely  desirous  to  maintain  that  good  understanding  which,  from  the  commence 
ment  of  their  alliance,  had  subsisted  between  the  two  nations  ;  and  to  efface  un 
favourable  impressions,  banish  suspicions,  and  restore  that  cordiality  which  was 
at  once  the  evidence  and  pledge  of  a  friendly  union."  This  circumstance  is 
mentioned,  as  it  is  thereby  demonstrated  that  the  special  object  of  the  mission 
must  be  known  to  the  French  government. 

Instead  of  receiving  the  explanations  respectfully  tendered  by  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  the  Directory  has  declared  to  Mr.  Monroe,  though  his  pow 
ers  had  then  terminated,  that  they  will  not  receive  nor  acknowledge,  another 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States,  until  the  grievances  of  which 
France  has  complained  have  been  redressed. 

The  personal  treatment  which  Mr.  Pinckney  received  in  Paris  was,  moreover, 
offensive,  and  a  violation  of  the  law  of  nations  ;  it  is  now  understood  that  he  has 
received  orders  to  quit  the  territories  of  the  French  republic. 

But  it  may  be  asked,  have  not  the  French  Directory  some  plausible  pretext  for 
rejecting  Mr.  Pinckney  ;  and  is  it  necessary  to  infer  from  their  conduct  that  rup 
ture  is  unavoidable  1  As  this  question  is  of  great  magnitude  and  delicacy,  par 
ticular  attention  is  due  to  every  suggestion  which  has  appeared. 

A  communication  in  Bache's  paper  of  March  30th,  contains  the  most  skilful 
apology  of  which  the  case  is  susceptible  ;  and  is  believed  to  indicate  the  wishes, 
and  to  have  originated  with,  a  leader  of  the  party  which  has  hitherto  been  in  op 
position  to  the  government.* 

The  communication  states  that  the  refusal  to  recognize  Mr.  Pinckney  is  no 
more  than  was  expected,  and  indeed  no  more  than  was  prognosticated  by  many 
of  our  citizens.  That  the  Directory,  having  suspended  their  ordinary  minister 
here,  could  not  receive  an  ordinary  minister  from  the  United  States ;  that  on 
the  score  of  national  etiquette,  it  was  out  of  the  question  ;  and  on  the  score  of 
aggression,  it  was  less  to  be  expected.  It  is  then  proposed,  in  reference  to  what 
was  done  in  the  case  of  Great  Britain,  that  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  should  be 
appointed  to  suit  the  "  solemnity  of  the  occasion,"  and  to  carry  with  him  the 
"'  temper  and  sensibilities  of  the  country"  Each  of  the  above  suggestions,  as 
well  as  the  proposed  measure,  deserve  a  particular  remark. 

That  the  refusal  of  Mr.  Pinckney  was  expected  and  was  foretold,  is  certain  ; 
and  it  adds  to  other  proofs  that  a  party  in  this  country  act  in  conjunction  with, 
and  are  devoted  to  the  views  of  the  government  of  France  ;  but  that  the  refusal 
was  proper  or  consistent  with  the  professed  friendship  of  France,  the  acknowledged 
right  of  nations,  or  was  required  by  the  honour  of  the  French  government ;  can 
not,  it  is  presumed,  be  shewn. 

Is  the  refusal  grounded  on  the  suspension  of  the  French  minister  here  ? 
This  pretext  cannot  be  admitted,  for  Mr.  Monroe  was  suffered  to  remain  in 
Paris,  and  was  recognized  as  minister  long  after  the  suspension  of  M.  Adet  was 
announced  to  him  by  the  French  government.  By  their  own  act,  the  Directory 

*  Mr.  Madison. 

VOL.  i.  43 


506  ADMINISTRATION  [Cnw.  14. 

have  therefore  admitted  that  the  suspension  of  their  minister  here  did  not  impose 
on  them  the  necessity  of  refusing  to  recognize  our  minister  in  Paris.  Besides,  it  is 
remarkable  that  when  Mr.  Monroe  parted  with  the  Directory,  he  carried  with 
him  their  "  regrets,"  • 

Is  the  refusal  to  be  justified  on  the  score  of  national  etiquette  ?  It  will  be  ad 
mitted  that  every  nation  ought  to  consult  its  glory,  preserve  its  rank,  and  defend 
its  independence  ;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  these  duties  are  reciprocal,  and  are 
obligatory  on  the  government  of  the  United  States  as  well  as  of  France.  Upon 
what  does  the  etiquette  depend  'I  Is  it  not  a  creature  of  society,  depending  alto 
gether  upon  conventional  rules  'I  If  so,  what  are  the  rules  of  European  nations  on 
the  point  in  question  1  It  is  answered  ;  they  agree  in  pronouncing  that  a  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  and  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  are  precisely  of  the  same  grade. 
Minute  distinctions  exist,  indeed,  at  some  Courts.  In  France,  no  distinction  has 
ever  been  recognized.  It  is  by  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  that  treaties  are  most 
commonly  formed,  and  national  disputes  adjusted.  For  the  purpose  of  adjusting 
our  disputes  with  France,  Mr.  Pinckney  was  appointed.  This  object  was  more 
over  indicated  in  his  letters  of  credence. 

The  objection  respecting  the  grade  of  the  minister  being  entirely  ungrounded, 
what  circumstance  required  the  appointment  of  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  ?  Is 
it  to  be  understood  that  the  Directory  are  offended  that  Mr.  Monroe  has  been 
recalled  I  This  presupposes  France  to  be  capable  of  urging  the  inadmissible  pre 
tension  that  the  American  Minister  in  Paris  must  be  a  character  disposed  to  favour 
the  views  of  France  in  America,  and  not  a  character  disposed  to  promote  the 
views  of  the  American  government  in  France. 

Next  it  may  be  asked  is  there  not  some  just  objection  of  a  personal  nature 
against  Mr.  Pinckney,  which  may  palliate  if  not  excuse  the  conduct  cf  the  Di 
rectory  1  It  may  be  boldly  answered  that  there  is  none  ; — in  point  of  character, 
connexions,  education  and  public  services,  he  is  truly  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
citizens — a  sincere  republican,  a  rational  friend  of  the  ostensive  and  avowed 
principles  of  the  French  Revolution  ;  at  the  same  time  an  honest  man  and  sup 
porter  of  the  honour  and  independence  of  his  country. 

'  ,The  result  of  these  reflections  is  that  in  refusing  to  recognise  Mr.  Pinckney, 
the  Directory  have  knowingly  rejected,  with  circumstances  of  insult  and  indignity, 
a  fair  and  honourable  proposal  for  the  discussion  and  adjustment  of  all  disputes. 

The  foregoing  observations  are  made  principally  with  the  view  of  vindicating 
the  Executive  from  the  imputation  of  having  omitted  any  thing  in  respect  to 
France,  which  was  required  by  propriety.  It  is  not  intended  to  infer  that  rupture 
is  unavoidable,  or  even  on  that  supposition  that  further  measures  of  negotiation 
ought  not  to  be  immediately  instituted.  It  is  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States 
to  remain  at  peace,  and  war  can  never  be  terminated  without  negotiation.  Nei 
ther  honour  nor  policy  require  that  the  United  States  should  ever  hesitate  about 
making  advances  for  promoting  peace  and  friendship  with  any  nation  ;  all  that 
is  requisite  is,  that  the  mode  of  making  pacific  overtures  be  such  as  not  to  indicate 
servility  of  disposition,  or  unnecessarily  to  concede  that  errors  have  been  commit 
ted  by  the  government. 

But  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  management  of  negotiations  with  France, 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  507 

in  a  manner  compatible  with  national  honour,  is  a  task  of  great  delicacy;  requir 
ing  all  the  prudence,  vigilance,  and  firmness  of  the  government.  To  judge  of 
the  difficulties — the  situation,  views,  and  interests  of  France  and  of  the  United 
States,  must  be  surveyed. 

On  the  continent  of  Europe,  France  is  everywhere  successful ;  Spain,  Italy,  and 
Holland,  being  completely  within  her  power,  at  least  for  the  present.  The  Em 
peror  of  Russia  is  said  to  have  refused  to  comply  with  the  engagements  of  his 
mother,  and  will  probably  remain  neutral  during  the  remainder  of  ihe  war.  The 
King  of  Prussia,  though  really  interested  in  repressing  the  views  of  France,  ap 
pears  to  be  more  strongly  impressed  with  a  desire  to  reduce  the  Emperor  of  Ger 
many,  than  alarmed  for  the  security  of  his  own  dominions.  England  is  trium 
phant  on  the  ocean,  but  deeply  wounded  in  her  vital  part,  in  her  credit  and 
finances. 

This  being  the  state  of  things,  it  is  most  probable  that  hereafter  the  energies 
of  France  will  be  principally  directed  against  England.  To  effect  the  humilia 
tion  of  this  power,  France  is  stimulated  by  the  powerful  motives  of  ambition,  in 
terest,  and  revenge.  In  respect  to  one  or  both  of  these  nations,  the  present  war 
can  hardly  fail  to  produce  an  extreme  and  violent  issue. 

The  means  by  which  England  is  to  be  attacked  are  already  developed.  The 
nation  is  to  be  disturbed  by  real  or  pretended  invasions  ;  every  country  which 
France  can  influence  is  to  be  required  to  restrict  British  commerce  ;  neutral  com 
merce  of  every  kind  is  to  be  assailed.  The  consequences  intended  to  be  pro 
duced,  are  conquest,  if  this  be  practicable  ;  but  at  any  rate  insupportable  expenses 
and  destruction  of  credit  and  resources. 

It  is  certain  that  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  is  of  great  importance  to 
Great  Britain  ;  its  security  and  extension  are,  therefore,  incompatible  with  the 
views  of  her  enemy. 

The  opinion  of  France  is  expressed  in  the  notes  published  by  M.  Adet ;  in  the 
address  to  Mr.  Monroe,  and  in  various  publications,  evidently  proceeds  on  a  be 
lief  that  their  system  of  commercial  depredation  is  not  irreconcilable  with  the 
design  of  maintaining  a  political  influence  in  our  public  councils.  It  is  probably 
imagined  that  for  a  time  the  people  may  be  induced  to  vindicate  France  at  the 
expense  of  their  own  government ;  it  may  also  be  imagined  that  the  l6ss  of  rev 
enue  and  public  credit  will  render  the  administration  of  our  present  system  im 
practicable  and  occasion  its  dissolution,  thereby  opening  a  door  for  influence  bv 
means  of  civil  dissensions ;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  there  may  be  an  ulterior 
motive  confined  to  the  breasts  of  ambitious  men  in  power,  inclining  them  to  dis 
credit  our  inviting  example  of  a  mild  form  of  government,  now  known  to  be  un 
attainable  in  France. 

Though  the  internal  affairs  of  the  United  States  are  in  some  respects  mending, 
yet  there  are  circumstances  not  a  little  embarrassing.  There  is  still  a  party 
blindly  devoted  to  French  attachments  ;  in  the  southern  states  the  slaves  are  nu 
merous,  and  this  description  of  men  universally  consider  the  French  as  friends 
and  deliverers  ;  the  influence  and  popularity  of  the  general  government  is  incon 
siderable  in  the  western  ;  if  not  inclined  to  favour  France  it  may  at  least  be  be 
lieved  that  many  of  their  men  of  influence  are  disposed  to  embrace  any  favour- 


508  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

able  opportunity  for  promoting  the  aggrandizement  of  the  western  country  ;  if 
intrusive  settlements  upon  the  new  lands  were  to  be  favoured,  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  emigrations  would  take  place  in  such  a  degree  as  would  considerably  weaken 
the  country.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  efforts  of  Virginia  were,  during  the 
last  war,  rendered  nugatory  by  the  settlement  of  Kentucky  ;  the  same  thing  may 
happen  again  upon  a  larger  scale. 

The  revenue  of  the  United  States  at  present  depends  principally  on  a  flour 
ishing  state  of  commerce.  To  substitute  internal  revenues  equal  to  any  consid 
erable  deficiency,  and  sufficient  to  defray  extraordinary  expenses,  will  be  a  work 
of  great  intrinsic  difficulty ;  in  the  discussions  on  this  subject  party  prejudices 
and  foreign  influence  may  operate  under  the  disguise  of  patriotism. 

The  credit  of  the  country  has  been  injured  by  extravagant  speculations,  the 
evils  of  which  will  be  rendered  more  perceptible  as  money  becomes  scarce. 

The  effects  of  any  serious  embarrassments  in  British  credit  are  at  this  time  in 
calculable  ;  if  they  should  produce  distrust  with  respect  to  the  solidity  of  all 
public  funds,  our  credit  will  decline  with  that  of  Great  Britain.     The  last  ac 
counts,  however,  encourage  a  hope  that  public  opinion  will  establish  a  discrim 
ination  favourable  to  this  country. 

The  present  government  of  the  United  States  having  never  been  tried  in  a 
state  of  war,  leaves  it  a  matter  of  speculative  doubt  whether  the  organization 
and  distribution  of  the  executive  power  between  the  general  and  state  govern 
ments,  will  be  found  in  practice  favourable  to  that  vigour  and  concert  which  in 
military  operations  is  indispensable. 

Of  these  disadvantages,  it  is  probable  the  French  have  formed  exaggerated 
calculations ;  indeed,  the  insolence  of  some  of  their  pretensions  proves  that  they 
entertain  a  proud  confidence  in  their  own  power,  and  contempt  for  our  supposed 
imbecility. 

But  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  and  reality  of  the  evil,  it  behooves  the 
government  to  be  prompt  and  decisive.  If  a  want  of  tone  and  energy  has  pro 
duced  the  danger,  vigorous  and  energetic  measures  are  the  proper  remedy. 

To  save  the  honour  of  the  country,  it  is  deemed  important  that  no  minister 
should  enter  France  without  a  passport  previously  obtained,  and  without  the 
formal  consent  of  that  government  to  the  commencement  of  negotiations. 

It  is  also  essential  that  no  imputation  should  rest  upon  the  government  in  re 
spect  to  Mr.  Pinckney's  mission,  and  therefore  that  he  should  be  a  prominent 
agent  in  the  proposed  negotiation. 

But  as  the  issuing  of  a  new  commission  to  Mr.  Pinckney  would  be  a  measure 
liable  to  various  constructions  ;  as  it  might  draw  in  question  the  sincerity  of  the 
professed  desire  for  peace,  or  the  propriety  of  the  former  commission  ;  and  as  on 
the  principles  herein  assumed  no  superior  diplomatic  grade  is  known  except  that 
of  ambassador,  which  is  not  contemplated  in  any  act  of  Congress,  and  for  which 
no  compensation,  or  one  very  inadequate  is  established  ;  it  appears  to  be  expedient 
that  some  one  or  more  persons  should  be  joined  with  General  Pinckney  in  a  new 
commission :  but  to  impress  France  with  a  conviction  that  the  government  will 
not  be  swayed  by  their  influence — to  intimate  in  an  unexceptionable  manner  our 
opinion  that  the  first  overtures  ought  to  have  been  accepted — and  to  preserve  the 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  509 

confidence  of  the  true  friends  of  American  independence,  a  careful  selection  of 
characters  appears  to  be  indispensable. 

If  a  person  known  to  be  attached  to  the  views  of  France,  or  so  reputed  in 
public  opinion,  were  to  be  entrusted  with  this  mission,  the  following  unfavourable 
consequences  may  be  apprehended  : 

1st.  The  measure  would  carry  an  appearance,  in  the  view  of  France,  of  in 
ability  in  the  government  to  resist  her  influence,  or  at  least  a  compromise,  which 
would  encourage  further  enterprise. 

2d.  The  reverse  effect  would  be  produced  at  home  ;  the  friends  of  government 
would  be  in  some  measure  cooled  and  discouraged,  while  the  spirits  and  activity 
of  the  opposite  party  would  be  excited. 

3d.  If  the  commission  consisted  of  two  persons  of  opposite  political  sentiment, 
there  would  be  danger  of  dissensions  which  would  disgrace  and  injure  the  gov 
ernment. 

4th.  If  in  a  commission  of  three  persons,  two  persons  were  appointed  who 
were  reputed  partisans  of  France,  there  would  be  extreme  danger  that  something 
would  be  done  which  would  strengthen  an  influence  already  dangerous  to  the 
independence  of  this  country  and  perhaps  embroil  us  with  another  nation. 

5th.  If  in  a  commission  of  three  persons,  only  one  reputed  partisan  of  France 
was  named,  he,  if  a  man  of  real  principle  and  honour,  would  not  accept  the  ap 
pointment  ;  and,  considering  the  utter  incongruity  of  the  opinions  which  prevail 
in  respect  to  French  policy  and  the  conduct  of  our  government,  such  an  arrange 
ment  would  bear  too  much  the  aspect  of  a  political  artifice,  which  could  not  de 
ceive  France  or  conciliate  parties  in  this  country. 

6th.  A  commission,  including  one  reputed  partisan  of  France,  and  two  per 
sons  of  a  different  description,  might  afford  an  opportunity  to  play  into  the  hands 
of  France,  and  might  furnish  a  medium  of  cabal  with  their  party  in  this  country, 
rather  than  of  negotiation.  If  France  is  indisposed  to  accommodation,  as  it  is 
not  improbable,  she  might  be  enabled  to  propose  terms  to  which  the  commission 
ers  might  not  be  authorized  to  accede,  and  thus  throw  the  odium  of  failure  on  the 
government ;  or  if  the  commission  should  be  invested  with  unlimited  powers,  an 
unfavourable  treaty  might  be  made,  or  a  failure  occasioned  by  the  disagreement 
of  the  commissioners  on  a  point  apparently  of  little  comparative  importance.  In 
short,  the  responsibility  for  a  bad  measure  would  either  be  divided  with  the 
friends  of  government,  or  they  would  be  exposed  to  censure  for  what  would  ap 
pear  to  be  unreasonable  pertinacity. 

7th.  It  is  an  undeniable  fact,  that  there  exists  in  the  United  States,  a  danger 
ous  French  influence  ;  and  so  bold  has  the  faction  become  in  some  places,  that  an 
avowed  partiality  for  France,  in  opposition  to  the  measures  of  our  government 
is  no  injury  to  the  popularity  of  a  public  character.  To  keep  themselves  in  coun 
tenance,  this  faction  asserts  the  existence  of  a  British  influence  in  the  public 
councils.  4t  is  constantly  affirmed  that  Mr.  Jay  and  other  estimable  characters, 
arc  of  a  British  party.  It  is  now  required  that  a  French  partisan  be  sent  to  France 
on  the  ground  of  reciprocity.  It  is  believed  that  a  concession  on  this  point  would 
produce  a  dangerous  association  of  ideas  in  the  public  mind — that  it  would  en- 

43* 


510  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

courage  irregular  enterprizes  of  ambition,  and  weaken  those  patriotic  attach 
ments  which  are  the  only  security  of  elective  governments. 

8th.  The  sending  of  three  ministers  to  France  from  this  country,  would  be 
attended  with  an  expense  which  would  excite  unpleasant  reflections  in  the  minds 
of  many,  especially  if  it  should  be  thought  also  advisable  to  send  one  or  more 
ministers  to  the  northern  neutral  courts  of  Europe. 

For  the  reasons  which  have  been  stated,  the  expediency  of  uniting  two  of  the 
ministers  now  in  Europe,  with  Mr.  Pinckney,  is  respectfully  suggested.  If  the 
idea  be  admissible,  it  is  believed  that  Mr.  King  and  Mr.  Adams  are  the  most 
proper  characters. 

But  candour  requires  that  it  should  be  stated  to  the  President,  that  there  are 
sincere  and  intelligent  friends  of  government,  who  maintain  the  opinion,  that 
one  personage  of  the  commission  ought  to  possess  credit  and  influence  with 
France,  and  the  party  here  in  opposition  to  the  government.  Their  arguments 
are  :  1st,  That  the  measure  will  furnish  a  bridge  to  the  pride  of  France  to  re 
treat.  2nd,  That  it  will  give  France  the  motive  of  endeavouring  to  strengthen 
her  party,  by  appearing  to  yield  peace  to  a  leader  of  that  party.  3rd,  That  it 
will  convince  the  people  completely,  that  the  government  is  at  least  as  solicitous 
to  avoid  war  with  France,  as  it  was  to  avoid  it  with  Great  Britain.  4th,  That 
it  will  take  from  the  partisans  of  France  the  argument  that  as  much  has  not 
been  done  in  her  case,  as  in  that  of  Great  Britain.  5th,  That  in  case  of  failure, 
it  will  contribute  to  the  important  end  of  uniting  opinion  at  home.  6th,  That 
considering  the  power  of  France  and  the  unprepared  situation  of  this  country,  it 
is  wise  by  some  early  condescension  to  avoid  the  danger  of  future  humiliation. 

It  is  observable  that  some  of  the  ideas  advanced  in  favour  of  the  measure  un 
der  consideration,  have  been  suggested  as  leading  to  a  different  conclusion  ;  it 
will  of  course  remain  with  the  President  to  decide  whether  they  shall  be  deemed 
arguments  or  objections,  after  considering  the  following  summary  replies. 

1st,  Though  the  pride  of  France  ought  not  to  be  offended,  yet  it  ought  not  to 
be  flattered  at  the  expense  of  the  pride  of  the  United  States.  2nd,  Though 
France  may  be  soothed,  and  immediate  rupture  avoided  by  encouraging  an  ex 
pectation  of  increasing  her  influence,  yet,  the  remedy  is  worse  than  the  disease. 
War  may  be  compared  to  an  acute  but  not  mortal  disorder,  while  foreign  influ 
ence  is  to  popular  governments  sometimes  a  slow,  but  always  a  corrosive  and  fa 
tal  poison.  3rd,  It  is  self-evident  that  the  government  cannot  desire  a  war  with 
France,  as  it  must  be  a  war  purely  defensive,  without  a  possibility  of  securing 
advantages  ;  besides,  4th,  Measures  equivalent  to  those  adopted  in  respect  to 
Great  Britain,  have  already  taken  in  respect  to  France,  and  her  conduct  has  been, 
and  continues  to  be  more  violent  and  unjust,  and  unreasonable,  than  was  expe 
rienced  from  Great  Britain.  5th,  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  real  un 
sophisticated  opinion  of  America  can  be  united  in  defensive  measures,  combined 
with  a  tender  of  negotiation,  such  as  is  proposed,  while  all  experience  has  shown 
it  to  be  impracticable  to  conciliate  faction  ;  the  terms  which  are  obtained  by  com 
promise  with  faction,  ever  resemble  in  their  nature,  the  calms  which  precede 
earthquakes.  6th,  The  power  of  France,  whatever  its  degree  may  be,  is  at  pre 
sent  directed  by  a  government  ambitious — unprincipled ;  neither  desiring  nor 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  511 

capable  of  enjoying  peace  ;  whatever  is  attainable  by  fraud  or  violence,  it  will 
attain  ;  to  be  safe  from  the  enterprizes  of  this  power,  it  is  necessary  that  the 
power  of  the  United  States  should  be  organized,  and  put  in  a  state  capable  of  the 
greatest  degree  of  activity  ;  it  is  in  this  way  alone,  that  the  government  can  save 
the  country  from  humiliation. 

QUESTION  2d.  If  another  mission  be  admissible,  can  any  part,  and  what 
parts  or  articles  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  Great  Britain  be  offer 
ed  to  France,  or  ultimately  conceded  to  that  power,  in  case  of  necessity,  if  de 
manded  by  her. 

Answer.  The  provisions  of  the  commercial  treaty  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  are  for  the  most  part  unexceptionable,  or  at  least  as  favourable  as 
can  be  expected  to  be  obtainable  in  a  treaty  to  be  negotiated  at  this  time  ;  it 
will,  therefore,  be  sufficient  for  the  United  States  to  manifest  a  willingness  to 
enter  cordially  and  sincerely  into  the  discussion  of  any  alterations  which  may  be 
proposed  by  France.  If,  in  other  respects,  the  existing  disputes  can  be  adjusted, 
and  the  rights  of  the  United  States  secured,  it  may  be  advisable  to  renounce  the 
principle,  that  free  ships  shall  make  free  goods,  and  to  leave  commerce  in  con 
traband  articles,  on  the  footing  of  the  law  of  nations.  This  may  be  effected  by 
assimilating  the  French  treaty,  in  these  respects,  to  the  treaty  with  Great 
Britain. 

But  a  construction  of  the  law  of  nations  was  attempted  to  be  established  by 
the  British,  in  respect  to  provisions,  which  the  United  States  are  bound  to  resist, 
as  well  on  the  ground  of  interest  as  consistency.  It  was  asserted  by  Great 
Britain,  that  provisions  and  other  articles,  not  generally  contraband  and  not  des 
tined  to  places  actually  invested  or  blockaded,  may  become  so  under  special  cir 
cumstances.  The  public  law  of  European  nations  is,  for  the  most  part,  founded 
in  reason,  though,  in  some  respects,  it  is  certainly  arbitrary  and  conventional. 
Famine  is  universally  considered  an  authorized  and  usual  means  of  coercion,  in 
respect  to  besieged  places ;  but  in  respectto  great  districts,  and  particularly  to 
such  a  nation  as  France,  the  doctrine  was  never  applied,  as  its  use  never  appeared 
to  be  practicable  prior  to  the  extraordinary  state  of  things  in  France,  in  1793 
and  1794.  It  appears  to  be  unreasonable  to  make  provision  in  public  treaties 
for  rare  and  unusual  events  ;  the  design  of  treaties  being  merely  to  regulate  the 
general  conduct  of  nations  ;  extreme  cases,  when  they  occur,  ought  to  be  deemed 
exceptions  to  ordinary  rules  ;  the  destruction  of  prisoners  of  war  and  the  extir 
pation  of  nations,  in  supposable  cases,  are  vindicated  by  the  most  humane  wri 
ters  ;  but  to  specify  these  cases  in  a  treaty  of  commerce,  would  be  a  violation  of 
public  decorum,  and  what  has  never  been  done. 

As  the  sensibility  of  France  has  been  excited  by  the  second  clause  of  the  18th 
article  of  the  treaty  with  England,  it  will  be  advisable  to  use  special  endeavours 
to  vindicate  the  conduct  of  the  American  government  in  this  respect.  The  pro 
per  defence  is,  that  Great  Britain  would  not  relax  from  her  construction  of  the 
law  of  nations,  and  that  Mr.  Jay  would  not  consent  to  abandon  ours  ;  that 
therefore  the  point  remains  unadjusted  ;  that  it  cannot  be  denied  that  in  some 
cases  provisions  may  be  reasonably  deemed  contraband,  when  not  destined  to 
places  actually  invested  or  blockaded.  The  case  of  an  army  or  fleet  destined  for 


512  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

invasion,  is  of  this  kind.  When  New  York  was  possessed  by  the  British,  al 
though  we  did  not  command  the  sea  and  could  not  blockade  the  British  army, 
yet  we  did  not  hesitate  to  prevent,  by  all  means  in  our  power,  neutral  nations 
from  furnishing  supplies  of  every  kind.  The  existence  of  such  cases  is  a  vindi 
cation  of  the  article  agreed  to  by  Mr.  Jay,  and  the  want  of  a  specification  of 
them,  though  much  to  be  regretted,  is  to  be  attributed  solely  to  the  pertinacity  of 
the  British  government. 

It  has  been  constantly  the  object  of  the  American  government  to  restrict  the 
list  of  contraband  of  ivar  to  as  few  articles  as  possible,  and  this  policy  ought  to 
be  pursued  where  the  law  of  nations  is  indefinite,  as  in  the  case  of  provisions  ; 
attempts  ought  to  be  made,  by  specifications,  to  restrain  the  exercise  of  arbitrary 
discretion.  The  result  of  these  reflections  is,  that  it  ought  to  be  an  ultimatum 
to  concede  no  commercial  rights  secured  to  neutral  nations,  by  the  European 
law  of  nations. 

QUESTION  3d.  What  articles  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  and  of  the  treaty  of 
commerce  with  France  should  be  proposed  to  be  abolished  1 

Answer.  If  a  review  of  the  existing  treaties  shall  be  proposed  by  France,  it 
will  be  proper  to  propose  an  abolition  of  the  guaranty  in  the  eleventh  article  of 
the  treaty  of  alliance. 

This  stipulation  must  hereafter  perpetually  operate  against  the  United  States. 
France  is  becoming  more  military  even  than  formerly,  and  the  general  state  of 
things  in  Europe  leads  to  a  belief  that  wars  will,  for  a  long  time  be  frequent.  A 
guaranty  of  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  independence,  and  territorial  possessions  of 
the  United  States,  by  France,  will  give  us  no  additional  security  ;  on  the  con 
trary,  our  guaranty  of  the  possessions  of  France,  in  America,  perpetually  exposes 
us  to  the  risque  and  expense  of  war,  or  the  dishonour  of  violating  our  faith. 

But  in  proportion  as  we  are  interested  in  being  discharged  from  this  engage 
ment,  France  will  feel  the  influence  of  an  opposite  interest ;  accordingly  WTC  see 
that  a  "  reciprocal  guaranty  "  of  possessions  was  proposed  in  M.  Genet's  in 
structions  to  be  "  an  essential  clause  in  the  new  treaty,"  on  the  ground  "  that  it 
nearly  concerned  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  French  nation,  that  a  people 
whose  resources  increase  beyond  all  calculation,  and  whom  nature  had  placed  so 
near  their  rich  colonies,  should  become  interested,  by  their  own  engagements,  in 
the  preservation  of  these  islands." 

There  being  but  little  ground  to  expect  that  France  will  agree  to  the  abolition 
of  this  stipulation,  it  remains  to  be  considered  whether  it  be  susceptible  of  benefi 
cial  modifications. 

The  existing  engagement  is  of  that  kind  which  is  called  a  general  guaranty, 
by  the  writers  on  the  law  of  nations.  Of  course  the  casus  foederis  can  never 
occur,  except  in  a  defensive  war.  The  nature  of  this  obligation  is  understood 
to  be,  that  when  a  war  exists,  really  and  truly  defensive,  the  engaging  nation  is 
bound  to  furnish  an  effectual  and  adequate  defence,  in  co-operation  with  the 
power  attacked  ;  it  follows  that  the  nation  may  be  required,  in  some  circumstan 
ces,  to  bring  forward  its  whole  force. 

The  nature,  degree,  and  quantity  of  succour  not  being  ascertained,  engage 
ments  of  this  kind  are  dangerous,  on  account  of  their  uncertainty.  There  is  al- 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  513 

ways  hazard  of  doing  too  much  or  too  little  ;  and,  of  course,  of  being  involved  in 
a  rupture,  opposed  by  national  interests. 

Specific  succours  have  the  advantage  of  being  certain  and  less  liable  to  occa 
sion  war,  but  they  allow  no  latitude  for  the  exercise  of  judgment  and  discretion, 
as  is  the  case  with  a  general  guaranty. 

The  great  extent  of  the  British  power  in  the  West  Indies,  and  their  probable 
future  views  in  that  quarter  ;  the  nature  of  our  government,  which  will  always 
make  it  extremely  difficult  to  engage  a  military  force,  to  serve  out  of  the  coun 
try  ;  render  obligations  of  this  kind  highly  inconvenient.  If  the  general  guaranty 
cannot  be  shaken  off,  it  may  be  expedient  to  stipulate  for  a  moderate  sum  of 
money,  or  a  quantity  of  provisions,  to  be  delivered  in  some  of  our  ports  in  future 
defensive  wars  ;  but  unless  the  new  terms,  which  may  be  obtainable,  are  clearly 
such  as  to  lessen  the  existing  obligation,  it  appears  advisable  to  suffer  it  to  re 
main  as  at  present. 

In  other  respects  the  treaty  of  alliance  will  have  no  future  operation,  unless  it 
may  be  deemed  to  bear  a  construction,  that  France  has,  thereby,  renounced  the 
right  of  conquering  in  future  wars,  Canada,  or  Louisiana,  for  herself. 

France  has  repeatedly  contended  that  the  imposition  of  fifty  cents  per  ton  on 
French  vessels  arriving  in  the  United  States,  is  contrary  to  the  fifth  article  of  the 
treaty  of  commerce.  The  arguments  in  support  of  this  pretension,  are  unknown, 
but  it  is  presumed  to  be  unfounded.  The  reciprocal  right  of  laying  duties  equal 
to  those  imposed  on  the  most  favoured  nations,  and  without  any  other  restric 
tion,  seems  to  be  settled  by  the  third  and  fourth  articles.  The  fifth  article  appears 
to  have  been  intended  merely  to  define  or  qualify  the  rights  of  American  vessels 
in  France.  It  is,  however,  desirable,  that  the  question  may  be  understood  and 
properly  settled,  but  the.  introduction  of  a  principle  of  discrimination  between  the 
duties  on  vessels  of  different  foreign  nations,  and  in  derogation  of  the  power  of 
Congress  to  raise  revenue  by  uniform  duties,  on  any  objects  whatever,  ought  not 
to  be  lightly  hazarded. 

QUESTION  4th.  Whether  it  will  be  prudent  to  say  anything  concerning  the 
consular  convention  with  that  power,  and  if  it  will,  what  alteration  in  it  should 
be  proposed  ? 

Answer.  The  same  opinion  is  entertained  of  the  policy  of  proceeding  in  this 
case  as  with  respect  to  the  treaties.  France  has  complained  that  the  convention 
has  not  been  executed  on  our  part,  and  the  United  States  ought  to  manifest  a 
willingness  to  enter  into  explanations,  and  to  make  any  reasonable  alterations. 
But  it  does  not  appear  safe  or  proper  on  any  account,  to  do  any  thing  which  may 
favour  the  claims  of  the  French  consuls  to  exercise  any  species  of  judicial  au 
thority  not  merely  voluntary  ;  on  the  contrary,  exertions  ought  to  be  made  to 
expunge  every  clause  in  the  existing  convention,  which  has  been  construed  to 
support  pretensions  of  this  nature  ;  the  convention  originated  in  a  design  to  es 
tablish  undue  influence,  and  in  a  want  of  confidence  in  our  laws  and  tribunals 
under  the  confederation  ;  whatever  may  have  been  the  case  formerly,  under  the 
present  government  justice  is  rendered  promptly,  and  with  strict  impartiality  to 
foreigners  ;  as  there  can  be  no  just  reason  existing  at  this  time  for  investing  con 
suls  with  powers  interfering  in  any  degree  with  the  authority  of  our  tribunals,  the. 


514  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

claim  ought  to  be  resisted,  as  derogatory  from  the  honour  of  the  country,  and  as 
a  precedent  fraught  with  incalculable  evils. 

QUESTION  5th.  Whether  any  new  articles  such  as  are  not  contained  in  either 
of  our  treaties  with  France  or  England  shall  be  proposed,  or  can  be  agreed  to  if 
proposed  by  the  French  government. 

Answer.  The  present  state  of  things  is  so  unsettled,  both  in  respect  to  France 
and  other  countries,  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  would  be  the  final  tendency  of 
any  artificial  regulations  with  respect  to  commerce.  The  object  at  which  the 
United  States  ought  to  aim,  should  be  the  enjoyment  in  the  greatest  attainable 
degree  of  free  commerce  with  every  nation  in  the  world,  reserving  to  our  govern 
ment  the  right  of  imposing  uniform  duties  on  all  nations  at  discretion.  All  pro 
posals  for  the  naturalization  of  vessels,  or  making  a  common  interest  with  any 
nation  relative  to  any  branch  of  business  ought  to  be  rejected  ;  with  these  princi 
ples  in  view  it  will  be  hardly  possible  for  a  negotiator  to  mistake. 

QUESTION  6th.  What  documents  shall  be  prepared  to  send  to  France  as  evi 
dence  of  insult  and  injuries,  committed  against  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  by  French  ships  of  war  or  privateers,  or  by  French  commissioners,  agents, 
officers  or  citizens  ? 

Answer.  It  is  conceived  that  the  forms  which  were  adopted  in  the  case  of 
Great  Britain  ought  to  be  pursued  in  this  case,  with  such  alterations  as  the  dif 
ferent  modes  of  proceeding  in  the  French  courts  shall  be  found  to  require.  In 
all  cases  the  evidence  ought  to  be  the  best  which  the  nature  of  the  case  will  ad 
mit.  Proof  in  particular  cases  of  each  description  of  insult  and  injury  for  which 
the  government  means  to  seek  redress,  ought  to  be  selected  and  to  be  well  au 
thenticated.  These  cases,  if  a  specification  should  be  required  by  France,  may 
be  made  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  general  measures  calculated  to  procure  reparation . 
When  Mr.  Jay  preferred  complaints,  he  was  called  upon  to  produce  proofs ;  a 
few  were  produced,  and  the  result  was  an  agreement  to  appoint  commissioners 
or  a  special  provision  by  some  article  in  the  treaty. 

QUESTION  7th.  In  what  terms  shall  remonstrances  against  spoliations  of  pro 
perty,  capture  of  vessels,  imprisonment  of  masters  and  mariners,  cruelties,  insults, 
and  abuses  of  every  kind  to  our  citizens,  be  made  1 

Answer.  It  does  not  appear  to  be  practicable  to  furnish  the  negotiator  with 
any  very  precise  instructions  on  this  head,  as  much  will  depend  on  circumstances 
which  cannot  be  foreseen.  The  object  of  the  government  is  to  produce  a  suc 
cessful  result ;  accordingly,  that  style  and  manner  of  proceeding  will  be  best 
which  shall  most  directly  tend  to  this  end.  It  is  not  impossible  that  there  may 
be  such  a  change  of  men  and  measures  in  France  as  will  render  it  politic  to 
speak  of  the  treatment  we  have  received  with  severity  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the 
French  government  may  be  determined  to  frustrate  the  negotiation  and  throw 
the  blame  on  this  country,  in  which  case  anything  like  warmth  or  harshness 
would  be  made  the  pretext. 

If  things  remain  in  their  present  situation,  the  style  of  remonstrance  ought  to 
unite,  as  much  as  possible,  calm  dignity  with  simplicity,  force  of  sentiment  with 
mildness  of  expression,  and  be  calculated  to  impress  an  idea  of  inflexible  perse 
verance  rather  than  of  distrust  or  confidence  ;  a  negotiator  of  talents,  with  gen- 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  515 

eral  intimations  of  what  was  desired,  would  not  fail  to  execute  the  intentions  of 
the  President. 

QUESTION  8th.  In  what  terras  shall  restitution,  reparation,  compensation,  and 
satisfaction  be  demanded  for  such  insults  and  injuries'? 

Answer.  Some  of  the  ideas  suggested  in  the  last  reply  appear  to  be  applica 
ble  to  this  branch  of  the  subject.  In  an  official  note  it  will  be  sufficient  to  ex 
press  an  expectation  of  redress,  but  without  specifying  the  mode,  this  being  a  mat 
ter  of  detail  proper  to  be  embraced  in  some  article  of  a  treaty. 

QUESTION  9th.     Shall  demand  be  made  of  payment  to  our  citizens  of  property 
purchased  by  the  French  government  in  Europe  or  in  the  East  or  West  Indies  1 
QUESTION  10th.    Shall  demand  be  made  of  the  French  government  of  payment 
for  vessels  and  cargoes  captured  and  seized,  whether  by  ships  of  war  or  private 
ships  1 

It  is  believed  that  payment  ought  to  be  demanded  in  both  these  cases,  and 
that  it  ought  to  appear  To  be  a  leading  object  of  the  mission  to  seek  for  satisfac 
tion  on  these  points.  Mr.  Pinckney's  mission  was  to  make  explanations  to  the 
French  government,  but  as  the  overtures  through  him  were  rejected,  the  making 
of  explanations  ought  to  be  not  a  primary  but  collateral  motive  to  new  advances. 
Indeed,  so  important  is  the  demand  for  reparation,  that  no  treaty  ought  to  be 
concluded  which  does  not  satisfactorily  provide  for  this  object.  Actual  payment 
may  be  postponed  by  consent  for  a  reasonable  time  on  account  of  the  disordered 
state  of  the  French  finances  ;  but  the  obtaining  a  promise  of  payment  ought  to 
be  made  an  ultimatum. 

Prior  to  the  treaty  of  1778,  France  granted  pecuniary  aid  to  the  United  States 
amounting  to  three  millions  of  livres,  and  in  1781,  six  millions  more  ;  military 
supplies  were  furnished  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  but  for  these  Mr.  Beaumar- 
chais  has  received  payment.  The  United  States  ought  to  show  a  willingness  to 
allow  these  aids,  by  way  of  discount  against  the  sums  due  to  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  who  would  in  this  case  become  responsible  to  the  said  citizens. 
This  will  be  a  mode  of  reducing  the  amount  of  those  claims  for  gratitude,  which 
are  found  to  be  so  dangerous  to  the  independence,  and  offensive  to  the  pride  of 
the  United  States.  The  proposal  will  be  popular  here,  but  may  require  some 
delicacy  of  management  with  France.  If  this  offer  be  not  accepted,  it  will  si 
lence  future  demands. 

QUESTION  llth.  Shall  any  commission  of  enquiry  and  examination,  like  that 
with  England,  be  agreed  to  ? 

Answer.  This  mode  of  adjusting  disputes,  or  at  least  of  applying  general 
principles  to  particular  cases,  has  been  long  practiced  in  Europe,  and  appears  to 
be  liable  to  no  just  exception.  It  cannot  be  expected  that  France  will  concede  to 
us  the  privilege  of  determining  on  the  acts  of  her  government,  and  of  her  officers 
and  citizens,  done  out  of  her  jurisdiction  ;  and  it  is  certainly  better  to  institute  a 
tribunal  in  which  the  United  States  will  have  a  voice  and  equal  influence,  than 
to  trust  wholly  to  French  tribunals. 

QUESTION  12th.  What  articles  in  the  British  treaty  can  be  offered  to  France 
without  compensation,  and  what  with  compensation,  and  what  compensation 
shall  be  demanded  1 


516  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

Answer.  It  is  proposed  that  the  treaty  with  France  be  assimilated  to  that  with 
England,  by  renouncing  the  principle  that  free  ships  shall  make  free  goods,  and 
by  leaving  the  definition  of  contraband  articles  on  the  footing  of  the  law  of  na 
tions  ;  upon  condition  that  France  shall  agree  to  make  reparation  for  injuries 
done  to  the  United  States,  in  the  manner  proposed  ;  and  upon  condition  that  the 
treaty  of  alliance,  commerce,  and  the  consular  convention,  shall  be  limited  in 
their  duration,  to  a  period  not  exceeding  fifteen  years  ;  except  such  articles  as 
may  be  declaratory  of  a  state  of  peace,  or  as  are  intended  to  regulate  the  con 
duct  of  the  two  nations  at  the  commencement  of,  or  during  a  state  of  war. 
The  tenth  article  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  though  much  complained  of, 
appears  to  be  liable  to  no  just  objection,  and  one  proper  to  be  adopted  in  a  treaty 
with  France. 

As  the  United  States  are  rapidly  rising  in  power  and  resources,  it  appears  to  be 
proper  to  avoid  entering  into  indefinite  obligations,  other  than  such  as  are  found 
ed  merely  in  morality  and  justice,  and  in  their  own  nature  of  perpetual  obligation. 
The  time  cannot  be  far  distant  when  the  United  States  will  be  able  to  negotiate 
with  Europe  on  more  advantageous  terms  than  at  present. 

QUESTION  13th.  Shall  a  project  of  a  new  treaty,  abolishing  the  old  treaties 
and  consular  convention,  be  proposed  to  France  ? 

Answer.  It  is  not  seen  that  any  advantage  would  result  from  proposing  such 
a  project,  it  being  the  present  policy  of  the  United  States,  not  to  be  forward  in 
promoting  negotiations  which  cannot  be  otherwise  favourable,  than  as  they  may 
terminate  the  depredations  which  our  commerce  is  suffering,  and  procure  satis 
faction  for  those  which  have  been  already  committed. 

If  minute  and  accurate  instructions  are  prepared,  showing  what  the  United 
States  will  concede,  if  necessary,  to  obtain  those  objects,  their  negotiator  can  be 
at  no  loss  how  to  conduct. 

QUESTION  14th.  Shall  such  a  project,  with  a  project  of  instructions  to  the 
minister  be  proposed  and  laid  before  the  Senate  for  their  advice  and  consent,  be 
fore  they  be  sent  to  Europe  ? 

Answer.  It  does  not  appear  to  be  in  general  safe  or  advisable  to  consult  the 
Senate  in  respect  to  the  organization  of  treaties.  This  was,  indeed,  done  at  New 
York,  in  respect  to  a  treaty  proposed  with  the  Creek  Indians,  and  perhaps  the 
same  thing  has  happened  in  other  cases  ;  but  as  the  general  practice  has  been 
otherwise,  the  question  may  be  considered  unembarrassed  by  precedents. 

1st.  The  instructions  must  expose  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  concessions  which  they  will  on  any  account  make.  If  exposed  to  the 
Senate,  they  will  certainly  be  known  to  France  ;  this  would  leave  that  power 
master  of  the  negotiation,  by  enabling  them  to  bring  the  United  States  immedi 
ately  to  concede  every  point  which,  under  any  circumstances,  might  be  proposed 
to  be  yielded. 

2nd.  There  would  be  danger  that  the  Senate  might  be  divided  in  opinion,  and 
the  want  of  that  full  information  which  is  possessed  by  the  Executive,  might  oc 
casion  honest  and  able  men  to  mistake  the  interests  and  policy  of  the  country. 
Erroneous  opinions  thus  formed,  would  have  an  unfavourable  effect  upon  all  col 
lateral  measures  of  the  government. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  517 

3rd.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  participation  of  the  Senate,  in  matters  relating 
to  foreign  affairs,  except  in  the  appointment  of  ministers,  and  in  consenting  to 
treaties  conditionally  negotiated  by  direction  of  the  President,  is  consistent  with 
the  spirit  of  the  Constitution.  The  reasoning  on  which  the  doubt  arises,  is  as 
follows  :  The  President  has,  by  the  constitution,  power  to  make  treaties,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators 
present  concur.  The  making  of  a  treaty,  and  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  are 
distinct  acts,  though  both  are  necessary  to  fix  the  obligations  of  a  treaty.  It  is 
proper  that  this  important  power,  which  is  exclusively  vested  in  the  President 
and  Senate,  should  be  exercised  in  such  manner  as  will  best  promote  the  public 
interests,  and  preserve  the  check  arising  from  a  distinct  and  independent  respon 
sibility.  It  is  believed  that  this  will  be  most  effectually  done  by  considering  that 
in  the  distribution  of  the  general  power,  between  the  President  and  Senate,  the 
right  of  instituting  negotiations,  of  instructing  ministers,  and  of  making  or  re 
ceiving  propositions  which  are  to  form  the  basis  of  treaties,  rests  exclusively  with 
the  President ;  and  that  the  right  of  approving  or  rejecting,  in  whole  or  in  part, 
all  propositions  in  treaties  negotiable  by  the  President,  rests  exclusively  with  the 
Senate.  There  are,  evidently,  reasons  for  this  distribution.  Secrecy  and  per 
sonal  confidence  are  frequently  essential  in  the  formation  of  treaties,  and  these 
advantages  would  be  lost  by  the  participation  of  the  Senate  in  negotiations ;  it 
is  sufficient  that  this  body  is  allowed  an  absolute  negative,  which  they  certainly 
have,  upon  the  inchoate  treaties  negotiated  by  direction  of  the  Executive.  The 
following  leading  principles  ought  to  be  prescribed  to  govern  the  negotiation. 

1st.  That  no  blame  or  censure  be  directly  or  indirectly  imputed  to  the  United 
States. 

2nd.     That  no  aids  be  stipulated  in  favour  of  France,  during  the  present  war. 

3rd.  That  no  engagement  be  made,  inconsistent  with  the  obligations  of  any 
prior  treaty. 

All  which  is  most  respectfully  submitted. 


It  may  create  some  astonishment  that  after  Mr.  Adams' 
determination  to  send  an  embassy,  he  should  have  re 
quested  the  opinions  of  the  cabinet  on  its  policy;  but  none 
that  Wolcott,  who  knew  his  determination,  should  have 
avoided  a  direct  reply,  contenting  himself  with  giving  his 
views  on  its  constitution  and  direction. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  mis 
sion.  He  had  endeavored  to  dissuade  the  President  from 
the  scheme  when  first  broached  to  him,  and,  as  he  sup 
posed,  had  at  least  delayed  its  execution.  He  considered 
that  national  self-respect  forbade  another  mission  to  the 
republic  after  the  ignominious  expulsion  of  a  minister  of 

VOL.  i.  44 


518  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14: 

peace  from  her  territories,  at  least  without  previous  over 
tures  on  her  part,  and  that  the  country  should  stand  on 
the  defensive.  In  this  opinion  Mr.  Pickering  agreed. 
What  the  views  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Attorney 
General  were  on  this  point,  is  not  known ;  though  on  the 
characters  to  be  sent,  if  a  mission  was  instituted,  they 
coincided  with  their  colleagues.  It  has,  however,  been 
seen,  that  on  this  subject  many  members  of  the  federal 
party  thought  difFerently,  and  among  them  Mr.  Hamilton, 
who  recommended  the  union  of  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr. 
Cabot  to  Gen.  Pinckney  in  a  commission.  Of  the  supe 
rior  wisdom  of  either  course,  it  is  unnecessary,  perhaps 
impossible  to  decide.  Wolcott  never  changed  his  first 
opinion. 

But  without  discussing  the  merits  of  the  question  itself, 
it  may  be  remarked  that  the  subsequent  fate  of  the  em 
bassy  showed  at  least  the  policy  of  the  precaution  he  re 
commended  when  it  was  resolved  upon,  viz  :  that  no  min 
ister  should  enter  the  French  territory  without  previously 
obtaining  a  passport  and  the  formal  consent  of  the  gov 
ernment  to  open  negotiations.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the 
language  used  towards  Mr.  Pinckney  was,  that  the  Direc 
tory  would  not  receive  another  minister  plenipotentiary  from 
the  United  States  until  after  a  redress  of  grievances.  The 
door  was  thus  left  open  to  receive  an  ambassador  extraordi 
nary,  if  they  thought  proper,  or  to  reject  him  also.  Had 
Mr.  Adams  seen  fit  to  require  this  preliminary  to  the  mis 
sion  dispatched  in  1797,  the  one  of  1799,  when  it  was 
adopted,  might  have  been  unnecessary.  At  all  events  the 
conviction  would  have  been  forced  upon  the  country  that 
the  indisposition  to  peace  was  on  the  part  of  France, 
without  the  mortification  of  a  second  and  more  ignomin 
ious  repulse  to  advances  on  our  own  part.  Results,  it  is 
believed,  also  proved  the  soundness  of  the  advice,  that  no 
one  attached  to  the  French  interest  should  be  appointed  a 
commissioner,  and  that  if  a  commission  was  sent,  a  mul- 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  519 

tiplication  of  diplomatic  characters  and  the  attendant  ex 
pense  should  be  avoided  by  the  union  of  some  of  those 
already  in  Europe  to  Mr.  Pinckney.  The  mission  was  of 
course  resolved  upon,  and  the  characters  who  have  been 
mentioned  selected. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  at  this  time  no  personal 
collisions  had  taken  place  between  the  President  and  his 
officers.  None  of  the  causes  which  afterwards  interrupt 
ed  the  harmony  between  them,  existed.  On  the  part  of 
all  the  Secretaries  there  was  perfect  goodwill  toward  the 
Chief  Magistrate,  and  a  sincere  disposition  to  render  his 
administration  successful.  The  origin  of  the  embassy  as 
heretofore  exhibited,  was  unknown  to  them,  and  it  would 
seem  that  Wolcott  even  supposed  himself  to  be  the  only 
person  to  whom  Mr.  Adams  had  communicated  his  inten 
tions.  Its  policy,  some  of  them,  at  least,  doubted  ;  the  se 
lection  of  its  members  as  proposed  by  him,  they  undoubt 
edly  disapproved ;  but  the  question  being  settled,  none  of 
them  had  a  wish  other  than  for  the  happy  accomplishment 
of  its  end.  These  observations  are  necessary,  because  it 
has  been  intimated  from  other  sources  that  the  desire  of" 
the  Secretaries  improperly  to  control  the  President  on  this 
occasion  was  the  origin  of  their  dissensions.  The  asser 
tion  is  untrue.  In  regard  to  Mr.  Gerry's  nomination, 
though  it  shook  the  confidence  of  those  officers  in  Mr. 
Adams'  discretion,  it  produced  no  personal  ill  feeling  ;  nor 
did  they  otherwise  attempt  to  direct  him  than  by  with 
holding  an  approbation  they  could  not  give. 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  May  1st,  1797. 
My  Dear  Friend, 

As  I  hold  myself  accountable  to  those  by  whom  /  am  sent,  I  enclose  you  a 
copy  of  one  of  my  epistles,  that  it  may  be  seen  whether  the  doctrines  I  teach  are 
sound  or  not.  I  also  enclose  you  an  answer  from  one  of  the  gentlemen  to  whom 
my  circular  had  been  sent,  that  you  may  see  how  men  are  affected  by  a  little 
display  of  political  truth.  Mr.  Watson  writes  with  a  running  pen,  and  therefore 


520  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14, 

may  express  a  little  more  than  he  would  if  required  to  be  precise  ;  but  in  support 
of  his  opinion,  I  may  add  that  Mr.  Wm.  Gray,  who  is  one  of  our  most  sensible 
men,  and  the  greatest  merchant  in  this  state,  assures  me  that  he  finds  men  in 
every  place  and  situation  united  in  the  conviction  of  the  perfidy  and  wickedness 
of  France  towards  us,  and  he  has  no  doubt  the  people  will  zealously  support  any 
efficient  measure  which  the  government  shall  adopt  for  our  protection  and  de 
fence.  I  desired  my  son  to  transmit  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Jere.  Smith,  that 
you  might  more  perfectly  know  the  ideas  I  have  propagated,  and  for  the  same 
purpose  I  wish  you  to  read  a  piece  I  sent  to  the  printer  this  morning  for  the  next 
Centinel,  addressed  to  the  lovers  of  our  country  and  signed  Fortiter  in  re. 

Several  gentlemen  who  live  in  the  interior  of  our  state,  to  whom  I  have  writ 
ten,  have  made  me  no  reply  ;  but  I  am  satisfied  public  opinion  is  in  a  right  course, 
and  makes  a  daily  progress,  so  that  the  only  anxiety  among  good  men  now  is, 
lest  the  House  of  Representatives  should  be  governed  by  a  French  faction.  I  am 
confirmed  in  the  belief  that  if  the  President  speaks,  with  his  usual  masculine 
tone  of  decision,  upon  the  dangers  of  our  country  and  the  duties  which  arise  from 
them,  he  will  be  supported  by  the  spirit  and  feelings  of  the  bulk  of  the  people. 
All  the  tools  of  France  and  many  of  their  opposers,  earnestly  desire  that  an  en 
voy  may  be  sent.  I  think  it  wrong,  but  it  will  take  place  ;  and  if  accompanied 
by  vigorous  preparations  for  possible  events,  it  may  do  no  great  harm,  especially 
if  the  persons  sent  are  not  Frenchmen.  My  own  opinion  as  to  the  characters 
suitable,  is,  that  men  should  be  sought  whose  principles  are  unquestionable,  their 
respectability  acknowledged,  and  whose  detestation  of  the  French  tyrants  has  not 
been  strongly  expressed  to  the  public  and  is  not  known. 

My  purest  regards  to  Mrs.  Wolcott  and  your  two  little  girls,  I  hope  will  be 
accepted,  in  which  Mrs.  C.  always  joins  me.  Your  faithful  and  affectionate 
friend, 

G.  CABOT, 


BROOKLINE,  April  6,  1797. 
(Confidential.) 
Sir, 

If,  in  a  free  country  like  ours,  the  public  welfare  ordinarily,  or,  indeed,  ever 
depends  upon  the  prevalence  of  just  sentiments  among  the  people,  it  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  that  such  sentiments  should  prevail  at  this  time,  when  our 
political  affairs  are  fast  verging  to  a  great  and  unavoidable  crisis.  It  is  not, 
however,  from  any  peculiar  confidence  in  my  own  ideas  on  this  subject,  that  I 
address  them  to  you  ;  but  it  is  because  certain  facts,  rather  than  opinions,  of 
which  I  am  possessed,  ought  to  be  imparted  to  those  whose  influence  in  the 
community  will  contribute  greatly  to  preserve  its  interest  and  its  honour.  The 
two  great  rivals  of  Europe,  whose  ambition  so  often  disturbs  the  repose  of  other 
nations,  could  not  fail  to  view  the  United  States  as  an  object  of  great  interest  to 
them  in  all  their  struggles  for  power.  It  is  well  known  that  the  French,  in  par 
ticular,  had  determined  from  the  commencement  of  the  present  war  against  En  - 
gland,  that  we  should  become  their  associate,  and  at  some  periods  they  have  had 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  521 

great  reason  to  calculate  upon  the  event.  Happily,  however,  all  their  attempts 
to  involve  us  by  fraud  or  by  force,  have  been  hitherto  baffled  ;  l>ut  elevated  by 
their  unparalled  successes  on  the  land,  and  irritated  by  their  defeats  on  the  sea, 
they  have  long  since  taken  the  most  outrageous  and  desperate  resolutions  against 
those  nations  who  hold  a  pacific  intercourse  with  their  enemy  ;  they  long  ago 
resolved  that  they  would  destroy  the  commerce  which  any  neutral  people  should 
presume  to  carry  on  with  any  of  the  dominions  of  England.  This  unprecedent 
ed  measure  is  now  executing,  and  if  unresisted,  will  doubtless  be  followed  by 
others  more  atrocious. 

General  Pinckney  went  from  the  United  States  specially  instructed  on  every 
subject  of  dispute  which  now  exists ;  his  credentials,  of  which  the  Directory  have 
a  copy,  set  forth,  that  the  President,  "  sincerely  desirous  to  maintain  that  good 
understanding,  which,  from  the  commencement  of  their  alliance,  has  subsisted 
between  the  two  nations,  and  to  efface  unfavourable  impressions,  banish  suspi 
cions,  and  restore  that  cordiality  which  was  at  once  the  evidence  and  pledge  of 
a  friendly  union,  had  judged  it  expedient  to  appoint  Mr.  Pinckney  Minister 
Plenipotentiary,  &c."  But  notwithstanding  our  minister  was  thus  designated  as 
a  special  minister  of  conciliation,  and  such  terms  were  used  as  might  have 
soothed  their  pride,  the  Directory  have  refused  to  receive  him,  and  the  refusal 
has  been  accompanied  with  indignities.  Some  of  the  facts,  relative  to  this  busi 
ness,  have  been  detailed  in  a  letter  from  Paris,  dated  Jan.  7th,  which  has  appear 
ed  in  our  newspapers  ;  but,  perhaps,  it  ought  not  to  be  published  that  M.  De  la 
Croix  announced  to  Mr.  Monroe,  the  determination  of  the  Directory,  not  to  re 
ceive  another  minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States,  till  the  grievan 
ces  of  France  shall  have  been  redressed.  These  grievances  are  supposed  to  be 
those  specified  by  M.  Adet,  to  which  our  government  has  already  given  a  com^ 
plete  answer,  and  by  this  answer  the  government  must  abide.  The  demands 
which  France  makes  upon  us  to  violate  a  solemn  treaty  with  a  powerful  nation, 
to  repeal  just  and  necessary  laws,  and  to  admit  a  French  consular  jurisdiction, 
paramount  to  our  judicial  courts,  are  points  that  can  never  be  conceded  but  with 
the  total  surrender  of  independence,  and  yet  these  are  to  be  yielded,  (if  yielded 
at  all)  as  preliminary  to  any  discussion  of  the  questions  in  dispute,  for  we  are 
still  to  learn  what  further  marks  of  humiliation  would  be  required  of  us  if  we 
were  to  submit  to  these.  We  know  the  choice  of  our  President  was  viewed  as 
an  interesting  object,  on  which  they  bestowed  all  their  influence  ;  as  this  has 
failed,  they  are  now  prepared  to  embarass  the  new  administration.  They  rely 
too,  on  the  exertions  of  a  powerful  faction,  to  oppose,  at  all  hazards,  the  system 
which  has  prevailed  through  the  period  of  Washington's  administration.  But 
whatever  may  be  the  success  of  their  operations  within  our  country,  it  is  on  our 
commerce  their  policy  bears  with  the  most  force.  Viewing  our  trade  as  a  ma 
terial  prop  of  British  credit,  they  aim  at  the  destruction  of  it,  in  hopes,  by  that 
means,  to  weaken  the  power  of  England.  If,  by  their  violence  and  injustice  to 
neutrals,  they  should  make  them  all  their  enemies,  they  would  still  calculate 
upon  being  no  great  losers,  for  plunder  and  contributions  would  be  a  valuable 
consideration  to  those  who  have  no  other  revenues  ;  and  if  in  the  process  a  neu 
tral  relation  becomes  disorganized  and  ruined,  it  is,  of  course,  a  natural  ally  to, 

44* 


522  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14 

their  system,  and  will,  directly  or  indirectly,  add  to  their  strength.  It  seems, 
therefore,  evident,  that  neutral  nations,  and  ours  especially,  must  either  submit 
to  ruin,  or  resist  it.  But  if  this  is  the  alternative,  and  we  hesitate  which  to  pre 
fer,  we  are  already  half  undone  ;  for  if  our  indignation  is  not  excited  by  the 
wounds  which  innocence  and  honour  receive,  public  liberty  must  soon  be  lost 
and  private  rights  will  speedily  follow.  In  this  delicate  conjuncture  of  affairs,  it 
appears  to  me  necessary  that  the  public  mind  should  be  informed  and  prepared 
as  fast  as  possible,  for  the  efforts  we  may  be  called  to  make.  The  country 
should  be  roused  without  being  inflamed  ;  and  by  a  dispassionate  attention  to 
the  public  dangers,  should  be  reconciled  to  additional  taxes,  and  should  strength 
en  the  government  by  additional  confidence  in  the  measures  it  may  adopt. 
What  these  will  be,  no  man  can  foretell ;  but  it  is  not  improbable  that  merchants 
may  be  authorized  to  arm  their  ships  for  defence,  and  that  the  several  frigates 
which  are  in  forwardness,  may  be  equipped  as  convoys  ;  that  our  most  valuable 
seaports  may  be  further  fortified,  and  probably  a  military  force  provided  to  sup 
press  the  insurrections  of  slaves  in  those  places,  where  the  French  emissaries  or 
others,  shall  excite  them.  But  as  the  preservation  or  attainment  of  peace  is  the 
only  end  desired,  it  is  likely  that  a  minister  may  be  always  in  Europe,  author 
ized  to  seize  any  moment  to  secure  that  best  of  blessings.  But  whatever  there 
may  be  in  these  conjectures,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  President  will  never 
concur,  in  degrading  the  country,  and  still  less  in  relinquishing  its  independence. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Jacobin  plan  will  be  to  enfeeble  and  divide  the  public- 
sentiment,  that  nothing  may  be  done  ;  while,  in  the  meantime,  commerce  will 
more  and  more  languish  under  continued  depredations  ;  public  credit  and  private 
credit  may  be  impaired,  and  from  a  general  impoverishment,  distress  and  des 
pondency  must  ensue,  and  what  will  be  the  greatest  of  all  evils,  France,  by  the 
instrumentality  of  faction,  will  govern  the  country  at  last. 
With  great  respect,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  CABOT. 


April  10. 

Since  writing  the  foregoing,  I  am  told  there  are  some  good  people  who  think 
it  would  be  wise  to  send  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  France,  it  having  been  sug 
gested  that  the  rank  of  Minister  Plenipotentiary  is  objected  to  by  the  Directory. 
But  I  answer,  that  the  rank  of  the  two  characters  is  the  same,  and  is  so  estab 
lished  by  all  writers  ;  besides  which,  Mr.  P.  is  in  fact  an  Envoy  Extraordinary 
for  special  purposes  ;  and  even  were  it  otherwise,  and  the  ranks  were  different,  it 
would  puzzle  ingenuity  to  furnish  a  reason  why  they  should  reject  a  minister 
from  us  of  the  same  grade  with  the  highest  they  ever  sent  to  us.  To  this  I  add, 
that  the  Directory  have  not  made  the  objection  ;  and  it  must,  therefore,  be  under 
stood  that,  for  the  present,  France  has  shut  the  door  of  negotiation,  expecting, 
no  doubt,  that  this  last  step  of  violence  would  intimidate  our  government,  and 
deter  them  from  further  defending  the  rights  of  our  country,  or  that  the  people 
would  no  longer  support  their  own  government. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  523 

FROM  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  14,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Since  leaving  Philadelphia,  I  have  attended  courts  in  New  York,  Connecticut, 
and  Vermont,  and  been  in  the  western  parts  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  found  everywhere  an  increased  and  increasing  attachment  to  the  gov 
ernment  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  any  measure  winch,  in  the  present  crisis,  it 
may  judge  expedient  to  adopt,  will  have  general  acquiescence  and  support  from 
this  quarter  of  the  union.  All  expect  that  Congress  will  do  something,  though 
there  seems  to  be  no  settled  opinion  what  that  will  or  ought  to  be.  Probably  an 
embargo  till  the  next  meeting  of  Congress,  removable  by  the  President,  and  ac 
companied  with  the  trial  of  a  special  envoy,  would  be  the  most  satisfactory. 
And  it  may  be  the  best  measure  that  will  be  found  practicable  ;  but  of  this, 
your  information  from  the  south,  and  from  Europe,  must  better  enable  you  to 
judge.  Should  the  idea  of  an  envoy  be  admitted,  may  not  some  able  character 
from  the  eastward,  and  Mr.  Pinckney,  be  joined  in  the  commission,  with  plenary 
power,  however,  to  either,  in  the  absence  of  the  other. 

You  certainly,  sir,  have  my  best  wishes,  which  is  all  you  can  expect  from  your 
humble  servant, 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

FROM  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  15th  May,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  the  information  contained  in  your  letter  of  the  19th  ult.,  and 
infer  from  it,  with  pleasure,  that  you  must  be  better,  if  not  quite  recovered  of  the 
indisposition  of  which  you  complained,  by  your  being  enabled  to  write.  To 
know  this,  however,  would  give  me  satisfaction,  as  I  entertain  an  affectionate  re 
gard  for  you. 

Various  conjectures  have  been  formed,  relative  to  the  causes  which  have  indu 
ced  the  President  to  convene  the  Congress  at  this  season  of  the  year  ;  among 
others,  that  laying  an  embargo  is  supposed  by  some  to  be  in  contemplation  : 
whether  with  or  without  foundation,  you  who  are  acting  on  the  great  theatre, 
have  the  best  means  of  judging.  For  myself,  having  turned  aside  from  the 
broad  walks  of  political,  into  the  narrow  paths  of  private  life,  I  shall  leave  it 
with  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  consider  subjects  of  this  sort,  (and  as  every  good 
citizen  ought  to  do)  conform  to  whatsoever  the  ruling  powers  shall  decide.  To 
make  and  sell  a  little  flour  annually  ;  to  repair  houses  going  fast  to  ruins ;  to 
build  one  for  the  security  of  my  papers  of  a  public  nature,  and  to  amuse  myself 
in  agriculture  and  rural  pursuits,  will  constitute  employment  for  the  few  years  I 
have  to  remain  on  this  terrestrial  globe.  If,  to  these,  I  could  now  and  then  meet 
the  friends  I  esteem,  it  would  fill  up  the  measure,  and  add  zest  to  my  enjoy 
ments.  But  if  ever  the  latter  happens,  it  must  be  under  my  own  vine  and  fig 
tree,  as  I  do  not  think  it  probable  that  I  shall  ever  extend  my  walks  beyond  a 
radius  of  20  miles  from  them. 


524  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  14. 

To  detail  matters  of  private  concern,  would  be  as  improper  as  it  would  be  un 
interesting  ;  and,  therefore,  upon  the  principle  I  have  adopted,  it  will  never  be  in 
my  power  to  make  adequate  returns  for  your  kind  communications,  which  I  wish 
may  be  continued,  whenever  you  are  at  leisure  and  liberty,  for  there  is  so  little 
dependence  on  newspaper  publications,  (which  take  whatever  complexion  the 
editors  please  to  give  them)  that  persons  at  a  distance,  and  who  have  no  means 
of  information,  are  oftentimes  at  a  loss  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  most  important 
occurrences. 

Mrs.  Washington  and  Nelly  Custis  unite  with  me  in  cordial  remembrances  of 
Mrs.  Wolcott  and  yourself;  and  with  great  truth,  I  remain,  dear  sir,  your  affec 
tionate  friend, 

GO :  WASHINGTON. 


FROM  RUFUS  KING. 

LONDON,  March  6,  1797. 
(Private.) 
Dear  Sir, 

The  Bank  of  England  stopped  payment  in  specie  on  the  28th  ult.,  and  since, 
all  the  banks  of  Great  Britain  have  followed  her  example,  so  that  gold  and  sil 
ver  no  longer  circulates.  Parliament  have  authorized  the  bank  to  emit  20s.  and 
40s.  notes,  to  supply  the  place  of  guineas  ;  they  have,  likewise,  repealed  the  laws 
which  forbade  private  individuals  to  issue  notes,  payable  on  demand,  for  any  sum 
under  £5  ;  and  the  bankers,  manufacturers,  and  projectors,  are  throwing  into  cir 
culation  among  a  people,  the  lower  classes  of  whom  are  illiterate  and  liable  to 
be  defrauded,  all  sorts  and  denominations  of  small  paper  money,  under  the  pre 
tence  of  supplying  an  equivalent  for  shillings  and  sixpenny  pieces.  Parliament 
will  probably  follow  these  regulations  by  a  law  making  bank  notes  receivable  in 
the  payment  of  taxes ;  and  also  in  the  payment  of  annuities  or  dividends  upon 
the  national  debt.  The  merchants,  bankers,  and  principal  manufacturers  through 
out  the  country,  are  associating  to  circulate  bank  notes  ;  and  the  bank  which,  for 
some  time  past,  had  been  sparing  in  their  discounts  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  merchants,  are  now  so  liberal  that  those  who  ask  receive.  Already  bank 
notes  are  at  a  depreciation,  which  is  proved  by  the  reluctance  with  which  every 
one  parts  with  a  guinea  ;  by  the  sudden  rise  of  exchange,  and  also  by  the  great 
demand  for  American  stocks,  which  have  risen  within  a  few  days.  Bank  shares 
from  103  to  107  ;  6  per  cts.  from  80  to  90  ;  3  per  cts.  from  49  to  55  ;  while  the 
English  3  per  cts.  have  vibrated  between  50  and  52.  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  our  stocks  will  rise  still  higher.  The  house  of  Barings,  who  still  have  on 
hand  the  residue  of  the  6  per  cts.  that  you  sent  them,  and  which  they  have  de 
clined,  at  my  instance,  selling,  will  hold  them  yet  longer  in  expectation  of  a  bet 
ter  price.  We  shall  attend  to  the  market,  and  when  we  think  the  price  not 
likely  to  increase,  shall  probably  sell ;  this  we  are  bound  to  do,  as  early  as  con 
venient,  since  these  gentlemen  are  actually  in  advance  for  more  than  the  amount 
of  all  the  stocks  remitted  to  them.  Col.  Humphries,  some  weeks  since,  drew  on 
Mr.  Parish  for  82,281  M.  B.'co  ;  and  at  the  same  time  requested  the  Messrs. 
Barings  to  provide  the  means  of  payment,  in  case  Mr.  Parish  should  be  without 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  525 

funds  of  the  United  States.  Though  this  house  are  in  advance  beyond  the  value 
of  the  funds  remaining  in  their  hands,  I  mentioned  to  Sir  Francis  Baring  my 
hope  that  their  house  would,  notwithstanding  their  advance,  find  the  means  of 
remitting  to  Mr.  Parish  funds  to  enable  him  to  pay  Col.  Humphries'  draft,  in 
case  he  should  not  have  been  supplied  by  you  with  the  means  of  payment.  This 
the  Messrs.  Barings  agreed  to  do.  Col.  Humphries  supposes  that  $330,000, 
appropriated  for  Barbary  purposes  by  the  act  of  May,  1796,  were  in  the  hands 
of  Messrs.  Barings  ;  but  neither  these  gentlemen  nor  myself  have  any  informa 
tion  respecting  the  same,  a  circumstance  that  gave  some  embarrassment  how  to 
act  relative  to  drafts  made  in  reference  to  that  fund,  which  may  be  deposited  in 
other  hands.  Though  I  have  no  direct  authority  or  agency  in  these  affairs  ;  yet, 
as  the  Messrs.  Barings  naturally  enough  suppose  it  proper  to  consult  me  respect 
ing  them,  I  should  think  my  advice  of  more  worth  to  these  gentlemen,  and  like 
wise  to  the  public,  if  I  was  a  little  better  informed  of  the  arrangements  (I  mean 
those  relating  to  pecuniary  dispositions)  that  have  been  made,  or  are  intended. 
Should  you  have  occasion  to  raise  money  here  upon  our  stocks,  I  am  convinced 
that  you  ought  not  to  attempt  it  upon  our  6  per  cts.,  liable  to  and  in  the  course 
of  a  practical  redemption.  An  irredeemable  stock,  or  even  a  stock  redeemable 
at  pleasure,  would  be  preferred.  Yours,  very  sincerely, 

RUFUS  KING. 

France,  I  fear,  will  waste  our  commerce  to  the  extent  of  her  power.     The 
treaty  with  this  country  is  made  the  pretence  of  this  injustice.     But  we  lately 

sec  that  ehe  haw  tequircd  of  Hamburgh,  mid  Bremen,  aud   of  Denmark,  to  bieuk 

off  nil  commerce  with  Great  Britain.  These  powers  have  no  recent  treaty,  yet 
France  applies  to  them  the  same  irregular^  conduct  as  she  has  to  us.  Hamburgh 
and  Bremen  have  not  yet  yielded  to  her  "demand  ;  and  the  refusal  of  Denmark 
has  originated  a  sharp  diplomatic  controversy.  The  French  minister  at  Ham 
burgh  is  recalled. 


CHAPTER    XV. 


FIFTH  CONGRESS FIRST  SESSION. 


ON  the  15th  of  May,  Congress  accordingly  met.  A 
quorum  of  both  Houses  were  present.  The  next  day  at 
noon,  Mr.  Adams  delivered  his  speech  in  the  chamber 
of  the  Representatives. 

The  intelligence  that  Mr.  Pinckney  had  been  actually 
expelled  from  France,  as  has  been  mentioned,  arrived 
subsequently  to  his  first  despatches.  In  addition,  infor 
mation  reached  the  government  of  the  passage  by  the 
Directory  of  a  new  decree  affecting  our  commerce.  The 
first  event  took  place  the  day  after  the  reception  at  Paris 
of  the  news  of  one  of  Bonaparte's  Italian  victories,  the 
second  on  learning  the  result  of  the  American  presiden 
tial  election,  and  known  to  have  been  occasioned  by  that 
result. 

The  proof  that  this  last  assertion  is  correct,  may  be 
found  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  Joel  Barlow,  himself  a  partisan 
of  the  Directory,  to  his  brother-in-law,  Abraham  Bald 
win,  a  member  of  Congress,  written  in  March  of  this 
year,  and  quoted  by  Col.  Pickering  in  his  report  of  Jan 
uary  18th,  1799.  "When,"  he  says,  "  the  election  of 
Adams  was  announced  here,  it  produced  the  order  of  the 
2d  of  March,  which  was  meant  to  be  little  short  of  a 
declaration  of  war."  "  The  government  here  was  de 
termined  to  fleece  you  of  your  property  to  a  sufficient 
degree  to  bring  you  to  your  feeling  in  the  only  nerve  in 


1797.]  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  527 

which  it  was  presumed  your  sensibility  lay,  which  was 
your  pecuniary  interest." 

This  edict,  after  reciting  some  of  the  previous  decrees 
respecting  neutral  trade,  ordered,  that  in  all  cases  of  mari 
time  prizes,  a  reference  should  be  made  to  the  minister 
of  justice  to  determine  whether  the  treaties  with  the  na 
tion  to  which  they  belonged  were  still  in  force.  That 
with  the  United  States  was  expressly  declared  to  have 
been /'modified"  by  their  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  All 
merchandise  of  the  enemy,  or  merchandise  not  sufficiently 
ascertained  to  be  neutral,  under  American  flags,  was 
therefore  to  be  confiscated.  The  articles  enumerated  in 
the  British  treaty  as  contraband,  which  had  been  ex 
empted  by  the  French  treaty,  were  nevertheless  declared 
contraband  ;  every  American  holding  a  commission  from 
the  enemies  of  France,  as  well  as  every  seaman  of  that 
nation  composing  the  crew  of  the  vessel,  was  likewise 
declared  piratical  and  to  be  treated  as  such;  and  the 
Directory  finally  prescribed  what  papers  should  be  neces 
sary  to  protect  neutral  property. 

Other  and  very  important  intelligence,  was  that  of  the 
financial  embarrassments  of  Great  Britain,  the  stop 
page  of  specie  payments  by  the  Bank  of  England,  and 
the  danger  apprehended  in  consequence  of  the  total  de 
struction  of  her  credit  and  power. 

The  President's  speech,  from  which  extracts  of  a  narra 
tive  character  have  been  already  given,  was  dignified  and 
resolute,  calculated  to  rouse  the  slumbering  spirit  of  the 
nation,  and,  were  it  possible,  to  infuse  union  and  energy 
into  the  councils  of  their  representatives.  It  expressed 
his  sincere  desire  for  peace,  and  his  intention  to  renew 
negotiations  to  preserve  it ;  but  it  must  be  remarked  that 
the  animadversions  upon  the  language  of  M.  B arras  to  Mr. 
Monroe,  and  some  other  passages,  just  enough  in  them 
selves,  were  hardly  a  wise  initiative  to  such  negotiations, 


528  ADMINISTRATION  [CiiAP.  15. 

and,  as  afterwards  proved,  were  taken  in  high  dudgeon 
by  the  French  government. 

The  necessity  of  providing  effectual  means  of  defence 
against  the  aggressions  which  were  offered,  was  strenu 
ously  urged  by  the  President  upon  Congress,  and  the  in 
crease  of  the  navy  as  a  permanent  measure ;  the  provi 
sion  of  smaller  vessels  to  serve  as  convoys,  and  regula 
tions  enabling  merchant  vessels  to  arm  for  their  own  de 
fence,  as  temporary  measures,  recommended. 

The  greater  part  of  the  cruisers  whose  depredations  had 
been  most  injurious  to  our  commerce,  had  been  built,  and 
some  of  them  partially  equipped,  in  the  United  States. 
Citizens  resident  abroad,  too,  had  engaged  in  the  same 
infamous  pursuit.  Armed  with  French  commissions,  and 
encouraged  by  authority  of  law,  their  piracies  had  hith 
erto  been  committed  with  impunity,  as  the  means  of  de 
fence  had  been  denied  to  American  ships  lest  a  collision 
should  ensue  with  either  of  the  belligerents.  Penal  laws, 
to  put  an  end  to  this  pursuit,  were  also  suggested.  Other 
measures  recommended  by  the  Executive  were  :  provision 
for  the  defence  of  the  seaports ;  the  raising  of  additional 
artillery  and  cavalry ;  arrangements  for  forming  a  provi 
sional  army  ;  and  the  revision  of  the  militia  laws. 

The  message  thus  concluded  : 

"  The  present  situation  of  our  country  imposes  an  obligation  on  all  the  depart 
ments  of  government  to  adopt  an  explicit  and  decided  conduct.  In  my  situa 
tion,  an  exposition  of  the  principles  by  which  my  administration  will  be  governed, 
ought  not  to  be  omitted. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  conceal  from  ourselves  or  the  world,  what  has  been  before 
observed,  that  endeavours  have  been  employed  to  foster  and  establish  a  division 
between  the  government  and  people  of  the  United  States.  To  investigate  the 
causes  which  have  encouraged  this  attempt,  is  not  necessary.  But  to  repel,  by 
decided  and  united  councils,  insinuations  so  derogatory  to  the  honour,  and  exag 
gerations  so  dangerous  to  the  constitution,  union,  and  even  independence  of  the 
nation,  is  an  indispensable  duty. 

"  It  must  not  be  permitted  to  be  doubted,  whether  the  United  States  will  sup 
port  the  government  established  by  their  voluntary  consent,  and  appointed  by 
their  free  choice  ;  or  whether,  by  surrendering  themselves  to  the  direction  of  for- 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  529 

eign  and  domestic  factions,  in  opposition  to  their  own  government,  they  will  for 
feit,  the  honourable  station  they  have  hitherto  maintained. 

"  For  myself,  having  never  been  indifferent  to  what  concerned  the  interests  of 
my  country,  devoted  the  best  part  of  my  life  to  obtain  and  support  its  indepen 
dence,  and  constantly  witnessed  the  patriotism,  fidelity,  and  perseverance  of  my 
fellow-citizens  on  the  most  trying  occasions,  it  is  not  for  me  to  hesitate  or  aban 
don  a  cause  in  which  my  heart  has  been  so  long  engaged. 

"  Convinced  that  the  conduct  of  the  government  has  been  just  and  impartial 
to  foreign  nations ;  that  those  internal  regulations  which  have  been  established 
by  law  for  the  preservation  of  peace  are  in  their  nature  proper,  and  that  they 
have  been  fairly  executed  ;  nothing  will  ever  be  done  by  me  to  impair  the  na 
tional  engagements  ;  to  innovate  upon  principles  which  have  been  so  deliberately 
established,  or  to  surrender  in  any  manner  the  rights  of  the  government.  To 
enable  me  to  maintain  this  declaration,  I  rely,  under  God,  with  entire  confidence 
on  the  firm  and  enlightened  support  of  the  national  legislature,  and  upon  the 
virtue  and  patriotism  of  my  fellow-citizens." 

The  documents  relative  to  the  matters  contained  in  the 
speech,  were  transmitted  to  the  House  on  the  day  follow 
ing.  Whatever  animadversions  have  been,  or  may  be 
made  upon  particular  acts  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  whatever 
strictures  upon  his  subsequent  relations  of  them,  it  is  due 
to  him  to  say  that  all  his  addresses  to  Congress  were  firm 
and  decided  in  tone.  He  ever  recommended  active  and 
energetic  measures,  and  appealed  to  the  virtue  and  patriot 
ism  of  the  legislature  for  their  adoption ;  to  that  of  the 
people  for  their  sanction.  In  some  of  them,  it  is  true,  he 
unwisely  left  room  for  changes  of  purpose,  that  were  af 
terwards  as  unwisely  adopted  ;  but  his  language  was  fitted 
to  produce  a  sound  and  healthy  state  of  public  feeling. 
Though  his  actions  were  often  ill  reconcileable,  his  senti 
ments,  as  publicly  expressed,  were  elevated ;  and,  even 
when  distorted  by  personal  considerations,  his  intentions 
were  unquestionably  directed  to  the  general  good.  The 
present  address,  in  its  most  important  object — its  influence 
upon  the  people — was  to  some  extent  successful.  The 
event  of  the  debates  on  the  British  treaty,  had  already 
manifested  that  the  legislature,  however  ill  disposed  them 
selves,  could  never  resist  the  decisive  expression  of  the 

VOL.  i.  45 


530  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

national  will ;  and  it  was  felt  by  the  President  that,  in 
this  equally  important  crisis,  the  feelings  of  the  people 
must  be  first  roused.  "On  the  manifestation  of  these 
feelings,"  says  Marshall,  "  he  principally  relied  for  the 
success  of  the  negotiation  ;  and  on  their  real  existence  he 
depended  for  defence  of  the  national  rights,  should  nego- 
tiational  fail."3  Its  effect  in  the  Senate  is  noticed  by  Mr. 
Jefferson.  Speaking  of  the  union  which  had  prevailed 
there  among  the  federalists,  he  says  :  "  Towards  the  close 
of  the  last  Congress,  however,  it  had  been  hoped  their 
ties  began  to  loosen,  and  the  phalanx  to  separate  a  little. 
This  hope  was  blasted  at  the  very  opening  of  the  present 
session,  by  the  nature  of  the  appeal  which  the  President 
made  to  the  nation. "b  But  the  current  had  only  begun  to 
turn.  It  needed  yet  more  of  insult  and  outrage,  thoroughly 
to  overthrow  the  powrer  which  jacobinism  had  obtained. 
The  alien  press  still  openly  defended  the  conduct  of 
France ;  and  a  party  in  Congress  \vas  still  found  who 
could  sacrifice  national  honor  and  independence  to  gratify 
their  own  ambition  and  their  own  hate.  True,  their  in- 
iluence  at  home  was  waning  ;  but  its  effects  were  still  to 
exercise  a  noxious  tendency  abroad. 

The  documents  from  the  department  of  State,  accom 
panying  the  President's  speech,  contained  the  despatches 
of  General  Pinckney ;  portions  of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams, 
correspondence  as  Minister  at  the  Hague,  and  the  corres 
pondence  of  the  Chevalier  de  Yrujo,  the  Spanish  Minister. 
The  nature  of  the  first  papers  has  been  stated.  Mr.  J. 
Q.  Adams'  letters  exhibited  the  extension  of  French  in 
trigue  to  that  quarter  also,  in  exciting  the  Batavian  re 
public  to  clamor  against  the  British  treaty,  as  a  violation 
of  their  rights,  and  in  requiring  their  cooperation  to  de 
feat  its  execution.  The  Spanish  Minister's  protests  were 

*  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.  p.  632.    »>  Jefferson's  Writings,  III.  356. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  531 

to  the  same  purpose.  Additional  information  on  the 
affairs  with  Spain,  was  subsequently  transmitted. 

The  federalists  had  once  more  a  majority  in  both 
Houses,  though  but  a  slender  one  in  that  of  the  Represen 
tatives.  There  the  election  of  Speaker  resulted  in  the 
reelection  of  Jonathan  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey  ;  whose 
politics,  were  now  to  be  considered  neutral.  The  re 
ply  to  the  President's  address  was  carried  on  the  3d 
of  June.  The  clauses  approving  the  foreign  policy  of 
the  government,  were  warmly  opposed ;  the  test  vote  be 
ing  fifty-two  in  their  favor,  to  forty-eight  against  them. 
The  final  vote  on  the  adoption  was  sixty-two  to  thirty- 
eight  ;  some  even  of  the  leaders  of  opposition  voting  for 
it.  In  the  Senate  the  federal  majority  was  larger,  stand 
ing  eighteen  to  ten,  with  two  wavering  votes. 

At  the  end  of  May,  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall  and 
Dana  were  nominated  to  the  Senate  and  approved.  Mr. 
Dana  then  declining,  Mr.  Gerry  was,  on  the  20th  of  Jane, 
appointed  in  his  place ;  his  resurrection  being  thus  ac 
complished  by  Mr.  Adams  himself,  in  default  of  a  more 
popular  manifestation.11  Touching  this  gentleman,  an  ex 
tract  from  Mr.  Adams'  letters  is  worth  giving,  as  showing 
the  absurdly  exaggerated  estimate  he  put  upon  his 
abilities. 

"  No  man  had  a  greater  share  in  propagating  and  diffusing  these  prejudices 
against  Mr.  Gerry,  than  Hamilton,  whether  he  had  formerly  conceived  jealousies 
against  him  as  a  rival  candidate  for  the  Secretaryship  of  the  Treasury  ;  for  Mr. 
Gerry  was  a  financier,  and  had  been  employed  for  years  on  the  committee  on  the 
Treasury  in  the  old  Congress,  and  a  most  indefatigable  member  too.  That 
committee  had  laid  the  foundation  of  the  present  system  of  the  Treasury,  and 
had  organized  it  almost  as  well ;  though  they  had  not  the  assistance  of  clerks, 
and  other  conveniences,  as  at  present.  Any  man  who  will  look  into  the 
journals  of  the  old  Congress,  may  see  the  organization,  and  the  daily  labours 
and  reports  of  that  committee  ;  and  may  form  some  judgment  of  he  talents  and 
services  of  Mr.  Gerry  in  that  department.  I  knew  that  the  officers  of  the  Trea- 

a  Another  nomination  at  this  time,  vacancy  of  the  Hague  had  been  filled 
was  that  of  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams,  on  the  1st  of  March,  by  the  appointment 
transferred  from  Lisbon  to  Berlin.  The  of  Mr.  William  Vans  Murray. 


532  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

sury,  in  Hamilton's  time,  dreaded  to  see  him  rise  in  the  House  upon  any  ques 
tion  of  finance  ;  because  they  said  he  was  a  man  of  so  much  influence,  that  they 
always  feared  he  would  discover  some  error,  or  carry  some  point  against  them. 
Or  whether  he  feared  that  Mr.  Gerry  would  be  President  of  the  United  States 
before  him,  I  know  not.  He  was  not  alone,  however.  His  friends  among  the 
heads  of  departments,  and  their  correspondents  in  Boston,  New  York,  and 
Philadelphia,  sympathised  with  him  very  cordially  in  his  hatred  of  Gerry,  and 
of  every  other  man  who  had  laboured  and  suffered  early  in  the  revolution."11 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  15,  1797. 
Sir, 

I  had  the  pleasure,  on  my  arrival  yesterday,  to  find  my  friends  in  good  health. 
The  members  of  the  House  are  assembling,  and  a  quorum  will  be  formed  this 
forenoon.  I  presume  the  former  Speaker  will  be  re-elected.  We  shall  oppose 
the  re-election  of  the  Clerk.  On  the  firmness  and  prudent  conduct  of  the  Pres 
ident  we  may  rely.  Further  overtures  of  negotiation,  in  some  unexceptionable 
mode,  will  be  holden  out  to  France,  and  manly  conduct  recommended  ;  Our 
trade  protected,  arid  not  embargoed ;  defensive  protection  adopted.  The  Span 
ish  minister  has  exhibited  to  the  government  a  list  of  grievances.  It  is  under 
stood  to  be  a  formal  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  France. 

I  was  happy  to  hear,  this  morning,  your  session  begins  under  such  favourable 
auspices.  In  haste,  I  am  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

C.  GOODRICH. 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  May  15,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Almost  all  men  seem,  finally,  to  expect  that  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  is  to  be 
sent  to  France,  but  no  one  has  attempted  to  show  the  propriety  of  such  a  step, 
except  that  its  tendency  is  to  unite  the  country  eventually.  I  had  one  conver 
sation  with  Ames  upon  this  subject,  in  which  he  supported  the  measure 
chiefly  upon  the  ground,  that  without  it,  the  government  could  do  nothing ; 
and  with  it,  might  be  brought  to  prepare  for  an  ultimate  efficient  defence.  After 
all  I  have  heard,  and  all  I  have  been  able  to  imagine,  my  mind  is  still  as  unsat 
isfied  as  at  first.  I  often  ask  myself  what  instructions  can  be  given  to  the  new 
minister,  that  will  not  immediately  bring  us  to  issue  with  France  ?  To  say  that 
he  shall  not  enter  the  republic  until  a  negotiation  is  promised,  is  making  a  point 
at  the  outset,  which,  while  Mr.  Pinckney  remains  alone  at  the  door,  may  possi 
bly  be  avoided  ;  and  yet,  I  can  have  no  idea  of  an  Envoy  being  sent  on  any 

a  Boston  Patriot.  Letter  XIII 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  533 

other  terms.  Again,  is  it  possible  that  an  acknowledgement  can  be  made  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  that  they  have  done  wrong  towards  France  ?  If  they 
were  disposed  to  make  such  an  acknowledgement  in  general  terms,  it  would  be 
impossible  to  point  out  the  particular  case.  Even  our  Jacobins  are  brought  to 
confess  that  the  United  States  have  done  nothing  which  they  had  not  good  right 
to  do,  but  they  complain  that  our  government  did  not  forbear  to  do  what,  (though 
right  in  itself)  it  must  have  been  known  would  displease  our  allies,  and  so  make 
them  quarrel  with  us,  or  rather,  punish  us.  Again,  can  we  send  a  minister 
without  instructing  him,  when  received  by  the  French,  to  ask  of  them  some  re 
paration  for  all  the  injuries  their  agents  and  servants  have  done  us  1  If  not  to 
these  ends,  to  what  does  the  mission  aim  1 

France  is  acting  as  I  have  seen  a  cunning  knave  in  private  life  ;  first  commit 
the  most  insufferable  injuries,  and  then  take  the  high  ground  of  complaint.  In 
such  a  case,  no  good  can  come  from  an  act  which  will  place  the  injured  party  in 
the  attitude  of  entreaty,  weakness  or  fear.  I  still  wish  it  wrere  possible  for  our 
country  to  assume  a  dignified  countenance,  and,  without  provoking  hostilities, 
prepare  to  repel  them.  I  am  well  persuaded  if  we  could  do  this,  all  would  be  well. 
The  hope  of  seducing  us  within,  or  coercing  us  without,  would  be  extinct,  and 
France  would  not  suppose  it  for  her  interest  to  quarrel  with  us.  It  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  people  wish  to  avoid  new  taxes,  and  especially  one  upon  land  ; 
but  the  rapidity  with  which  the  people  have  come  to  a  right  way  of  thinking  on 
French  politics,  leads  me  to  believe  that  almost  any  measures  the  government 
may  take,  would  be  approved,  and  especially  if  accompanied  with  an  address  to 
the  people,  explaining  the  necessity,  and  pointing  to  the  public  danger. 

But  after  all,  my  greatest  reliance  is  that  Great  Britain  will  keep  the  monster 
at  bay  until  he  destroys  himself,  or  becomes  less  dangerous  to  others ;  and  lean- 
not  believe  that  any  vicissitudes  in  the  internal  affairs  of  England  will  sensibly 
diminish  their  naval  strength,  or  divert  its  application,  as  long  as  France  remains 
formidable.  England  certainly  possesses  abundant  means  of  every  kind  to  defend 
herself  against  France,  and  as  many  of  the  powers  on  the  continent  as  France 
can  compel  to  act  as  auxiliaries.  I  shall  not  believe,  therefore,  until  I  see  it, 
that  England  will  yield  in  the  present  contest.  Mr.  Erskine,  Mr.  Waddington, 
and  some  thousands  of  others,  will  try  at  every  period  of  misfortune,  to  displace 
the  ministers  ;  but  the  government,  the  landed  as  well  as  other  property  of  the 
nation,  the  weight  of  character,  and  essentially  the  body  of  the  nation  must,  and 
do  hate  France,  and  will  under  all  circumstances,  fight  France  as  long  as  they 
can.  Farewell. 

G.  CABOT. 

Tuesday,  May  16. 

Since  writing  the  preceding,  I  have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  King,  by  which 
it  appears  that  he  considers  the  late  proceedings  in  England  as  a  fair  commence 
ment  of  a  paper  money  system.  It  was  evident  to  us  all,  that  if  the  stoppage  of 
payment  in  gold  and  silver  were  not  merely  a  thing  of  a  day,  and  resulting  from 
causes  in  their  nature  of  short  duration,  a  paper  currency  must  take  place.  But 
is  there  anyway  of  managing  their  unavoidable  difficulties,  less  hazardous? 

4.5* 


534  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  18,  1797. 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  favour  of  May  15,  and  while  I  rejoice 
that  you  enjoy  that  repose  and  tranquillity  so  richly  earned  by  a  life  of  services 
and  benefits  for  mankind  ;  the  reflection,  that  he  who  so  long  directed  public  opin 
ion,  and  whose  counsel  at  this  time  would  possess  and  deserve  universal  con 
fidence,  is  a  private  citizen,  excites  mixed  emotions  which  I  am  unable  to  de 
scribe. 

In  what  concerns  public  duties  at  this  interesting  crisis,  all  are  satisfied, 
who  are  friends  to  our  country,  that  the  principles  of  your  administration 
must  be  supported.  The  President's  speech  to  Congress,  which  I  enclose, 
will  prove  his  conviction  how  important  this  principle  is  esteemed,  and  the  meas 
ures  which  he  deems  necessary  to  be  pursued.  I  have  just  received  private  let 
ters  from  London,  dated  in  March.  Gold  and  silver  no  longer  have  any  general 
circulation  in  the  British  dominions,  and  the  government,  as  well  as  private  bank 
ers,  manufacturers  and  projectors,  are  throwing  into  circulation  (among  an  igno 
rant  people,  liable  to  be  defrauded)  all  sorts  of  small  paper  notes,  under  pretence 
of  supplying  the  want  of  shillings  and  other  small  money.  The  Bank  of  Eng 
land  discounts  for  paper  liberally,  and  its  notes  circulate  in  consequence  of  a  gen 
eral  combination.  A  present  relief  is  afforded  by  this  delusive  opiate,  but  there 
are  symptoms  of  an  incipient  depreciation.  General  Pinckney  was  ordered  to 
leave  Paris,  the  day  after  Buonaparte's  last  victories  were  known,  He  was  ad 
dressed  by  the  style  of  the  Anglo  American,  by  which  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  are  said  to  be  now  distinguished  from  the  French  colonists.  France  has 
required  of  Hamburg,  Bremen  and  Denmark,  to  suspend  all  commerce  with 
Great  Britain.  These  powers  have  made  no  treaties  with  England  during  the 
present  war,  though  our  treaty  is  made  the  pretext  for  the  aggressions  of  France. 
The  truth  is,  France  means  to  destroy  Great  Britain,  by  assailing  her  commerce 
with  all  nations.  A  letter  from  Col.  John  Trumbull  to  me,  has  these  expressions : 
"  The  present  is  the  most  eventful  period  of  human  history,  and  Europe,  in  my 
opinion,  is  destined,  sooner  probably  than  we  are  aware,  to  be  involved  in  one 
vast  conflagration  ;  what  is  past,  is  but  the  burning  of  a  single  house."  I  forgot 
to  mention  that  Spain  and  Holland  have  complained  of  our  treaty  with  England  ; 
the  Dutch  respect  this  country,  but  neither  the  Dutch  nor  Spaniards  have  any 
political  will.  But  though  the  French  are  tremendous  in  Europe,  they  would  be 
to  us  a  contemptible  foe,  if  we  were  but  united  and  just  to  ourselves. 

What  censure  can  be  too  severe  upon  those  who  have  invited  the  assaults  of  a 
foreign  power,  and  who  foster  internal  divisions  ! !  The  situation  of  those  who 
have  any  concern  with  public  affairs,  is  disagreeable  ;  a  consciousness  of  pure 
intentions,  is  indeed,  almost  the  only  reward  now  remaining. 

Mrs.  Wolcott  joins  me  in  presenting  to  yourself,  Mrs.  Washington,  and  Miss 
Custis,  her  cordial  respects.  For  myself,  duty  and  inclination  concur  in  proffer 
ing  expressions  of  the  most  lasting  attachment. 


1797.1  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  535 


May  20th,  1797. 

I  embrace  the  earliest  opportunity  to  transmit  a  copy  of  the  documents  refer 
red  to  in  the  President's  speech.  We  hear  nothing  farther  that  is  interesting. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  all  the  foreign  nations  with  whom  we  have  public  inter 
course,  bring  forward  their  claims  for  gratitude  ;  even  the  Spaniard  contends  for 
his  share. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  20,  1797. 
Sir, 

The  President's  speech  has  met  with  a  cordial  reception,  and  followed  with 
the  despatches  now  in  the  press,  will  give  an  irresistible  impulse  to  public  opinion. 
The  answers  of  the  two  Houses  will,  I  trust,  reciprocate  the  sentiments  of  the 
speech.  A  copy  of  the  one  reported  to  our  House,  I  enclose  ;  as  it  is  a  mere 
draft  yet  unacted  on,  I  wish  it  not  to  go  out  of  your  hands  so  as  to  get  into  the 
press.  We  don't  know  what  course  the  French  adherents  will  take.  Their 
plan,  heretofore,  has  been,  an  envoy,  and  soothing  language  towards  the  republic. 
Disconcerted,  as  evidently  they  are,  by  the  President's  speech  and  the  despatches, 
they  have  a  severe  task  on  hand.  If  any  doubt  remained  of  the  interest  the 
French  took  in  our  election  of  a  President,  none  will  hereafter  of  their  belief  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  being  devoted  to  their  views.  It  is  said  the  choice  has  occasioned  al 
most  as  much  solicitude  in  Europe  as  in  this  country.  We  have  become  an  in 
teresting  object  to  Europe.  In  England,  the  crisis  is  extremely  alarming  in  re 
spect  to  their  money  operations.  The  stoppage  of  payment  in  specie  is  probably 
the  commencement  of  a  paper  money  system,  which  there,  as  everywhere  else,  will 
disturb  the  settled  relations  of  property.  If  we  can  maintain  peace  and  a  settled 
order  of  things,  we  can't  fail  of  respectability. 

The  letter  published  in  the  paper  ascribed  to  Mr.  Jefferson,a  has  occasioned 
much  speculation.  It  is  believed  he  wrote  it,  and  rumours  are  circulated  he  ad 
mits  he  did,  but  says  it  has  been  garbled  in  the  translation.  As  I  don't  wish  to 
give  currency  to  an  anecdote  of  this  kind  without  undeniable  evidence,  you  will 
please  to  consider  this  as  confidential ;  we  shall  soon  know  if  it  prove  true. 
That,  with  the  manner  he  is  mentioned  in  the  despatches,  will  place  him  under 
a  cloud  as  long  as  a  Jesuitical  friend  of  the  people  can  be  under  a  cloud. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  the  President's  son,  Resident  Minister  at  the  Hague,  is 
nominated  as  Minister  to  Prussia.  I  presume  this  destination  is  with  reference 
to  the  northern  powers,  as  well  as  Prussia. 

There  is  an  accession  of  good  character  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
as  yet  we  find  no  cause  to  despond.  The  period  is  critical ;  we  shall,  I  think, 
escape  without  hurt  except  to  our  navigation.  We  received  the  paper  containing 
your  speech,  on  Wednesday.  It  is  regarded  as  a  valuable  acquisition  ;  the  Pre 
sident  is  particularly  gratified.  I  shall  place  under  cover  some  of  the  newspa- 

a  That  to  Mazzei,  Jefferson's  Writings,  III.,  328. 


536  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

pers.  Peter  Porcupine's  gazette  goes  to  my  address  to  Hartford  post-office,  and 
is  at  your  command  while  there,  except  Mrs.  Goodrich  has  given  directions  to 
have  it  sent  to  her.  If  she  has  not,  you  will  please  to  do  it  when  you  leave 
Hartford.  I  lent  Col.  Wadsworth,  Porcupine's  works  in  two  volumes  ;  he  will 
hand  them  to  you  if  you  mention  it  to  him. 

With  affectionate  remembrances  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Moseley,  I  am,  sir,  your  obe 
dient,  humble  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


PHILADELPHIA,  May  22,  1797. 
Sir, 

Mine  of  yesterday's  date  gave  you  the  draft  of  an  answer  to  the  President's 
speech,  the  discussion  of  which  began  to-day  on  an  amendment  offered  by  Mr. 
Nicholas  as  a  substitute.  We  had  expected  they  would  have  attempted  a  soft 
ening  of  the  answer  without  combating  the  material  point  of  the  indignity  offer 
ed  our  country  by  Mr.  Pinckney's  rejection.  It  is  evident  the  amendment  is 
brought  forward  by  concert,  and  will  be  warmly  supported.  The  enclosed  is  a 
copy  of  it.  In  point  of  style  and  sentiment  it  is  degrading.  How  mortifying, 
that  for  days  we  must  listen  to  long  harangues  on  so  pitiful  a  proposition  !  I 
place  under  separate  covers  a  printed  copy  of  the  public  despatches  referred  to  in 
the  President's  speech. 

We  shall  be  happy  to  know  you  have  your  health  amidst  the  fatiguing  atten 
tions  of  the  session,  and  that  its  business  proceeds  satisfactorily.  My  brother 
informs  me,  that  Mary  Anne  concluded  that  during  his  stay  at  Hartford,  Porcu 
pine's  papers  should  go  under  its  present  address  to  Hartford  to  be  sent  to  my 
father.  He  will  hand  them  to  you,  if  you  request  it,  before  he  sends  them  away 
to  Durham.  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient,  humble  servant. 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  May  24,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  17th  was  received  last  evening.  The  President's  speech 
had  arrived  three  days  before  by  way  of  the  Sound.  I  have  yet  seen  but  few- 
people  since  the  speech  appeared  in  a  handbill.  Judging  from  these  and  from 
my  own  feelings,  this  paper,  in  itself  the  most  truly  national,  will  excite  the  most 
national  feelings  of  anything  that  has  been  published  since  the  French  disease 
infected  our  country.  To  me  it  seems  peculiarly  proper  that  the  state  legisla 
tures  should  all  declare  their  determination  to  co-operate  with  the  federal  head, 
because  the  measures  of  France  are  grounded  in  part  on  the  idea  that  we  are  a 
divided  people.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  all  the  states  north  of  the  Potomac, 
Pennsylvania  excepted,  will  firmly  support  the  system  indicated  by  the  Presi 
dent's  speech.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  new  taxes  will  be  popular,  but  I 
fully  believe  that  the  persuasion  of  their  necessity  and  of  the  reality  of  our  pub 
lic  dangers,  will  produce  a  complete  acquiescence  in  them,  and  that  the  zeal  of 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  537 

the  country  for  efficient  preparations  against  the  mischiefs  of  France  will  con 
tinually  increase. 

You  may  judge  of  the  pleasure  we  received  from  the  President's  speech,  when 
I  assure  you  that  after  reading  and  considering  it  all  Sunday  afternoon,  at  my 
home,  a  large  company  of  good  men  all  agreed  that  it  was  in  every  particular 
exactly  what  they  would  have  wished,  and  was  expressed  in  a  masterly  and  dig 
nified  style.  Your  affectionate  and  sincere  friend, 

G.  CABOT. 


URIAH  TRACY  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  27th  May,  1797. 

Your  letter  of  the  8th  instant  I  received  with  pleasure,  and  am  gratified  with 
its  contents,  both  with  respect  to  myself,  and  the  sentiments  it  contains  on  public 
affairs.  My  health  is  so  far  improved  that  I  find  myself  able  to  attend  the  duties 
of  my  station  without  injury. 

Before  this  reaches  you,  the  answer  of  the  Senate  to  the  President's  speech, 
and  his  reply,  will  be  published  in  your  newspapers  ;  otherwise,  I  should  endorse 
them  to  you.  The  answer  contains  some  water  gruel,  but  in  substance  I  hope 
it  will  meet  the  approbation  of  the  friends  to  government.  You  will  discern  in 
it  an  attempt  to  conciliate  and  reconcile  all  parties,  and  you  will,  at  the  same 
time,  know  that  all  such  attempts  have  more  or  less  nonsense  in  them ;  but  in 
public  bodies,  some  weak  but  good  men  depend  much  on  conciliatory  measures 
when  they  open  a  session,  and  at  this  critical  juncture,  there  seemed  to  be  an  un 
common  wish  to  reconcile,  and  that  wish  seemed  tome  to  be  strong  in  proportion 
to  the  apparent  impossibility  of  effecting  it.  I  acknowledge  my  own  opinion 
was  that  if  we  did  reconcile,  it  must  be  at  the  total  expense  of  ourselves,  and 
that  all  the  sacrifice  must  be  on  our  side,  at  a  time  when  prompt  and  decided 
language  and  measures  were  in  an  uncommon  degree  necessary,  and  in  pursu 
ance  of  that  idea,  you  will  notice  in  our  answer,  one  sentence  of  determination, 
and  about  two  or  three  immediately  follow  of  milk  and  water  nothingness  ;  we 
did  not  gain  a  single  vote  by  it,  on  the  paragraph  declaring  our  belief  in  favour 
of  the  impartiality  of  the  Executive  and  government  to  foreign  nations,  &c.  We 
divided  on  the  motion  to  strike  it  out,  15  to  11.  All  the  absentees  are  federalists, 
and  we  should  have  had,  in  full  Senate,  25  to  11.  The  House  of  Representatives 
are  still  debating  on  the  answer  to  the  President's  speech,  which  was  reported  by 
a  committee  of  five.  The  answer  is  a  very  good  one,  as  reported  ;  and  the  anti- 
federalists  are  attempting  amendments,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  it  the  complex 
ion  which  is  to  serve  as  an  evidence  that  the  House  is  under  the  influence  of  the 
Gnllicus  Morbus.  It  is  believed  they  will  not  succeed  ;  but  that  a  majority  of 
this  House,  as  well  as  the  Senate,  is  federal.  I  hope  they  will  take  a  vote  this 
day,  on  the  amendment ;  but  fear  they  will  not. 

On  Monday  next,  whether  the  House  of  Representatives  are  through  with 
their  answer,  and  ready  to  proceed  to  business,  or  not,  the  Senate  will  parcel  out 
to  committees  all  the  business  which  the  present  exigencies  present  to  us,  and 


538  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

which  are  within  our  constitutional  reach,  (as  revenue  you  know  is  not)  ;  and 
mean  to  proceed  to  finish  it  by  bills,  and  offer  them  to  the  consideration  of  the 
House.  If  they  will  not  take  the  proper  measures  for  defence,  &c.,  it  shall  be 
known  who  refuses.  The  President  has  nominated  his  son,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
as  minister  in  Prussia.  This  subject  is  not  yet  acted  upon  in  the  Senate  ;  there 
will  be  opposition  to  it.  My  own  conjecture  is  that  it  will  pass.  The  king  of 
Prussia,  although  a  great  villain,  has  obtained  already,  and  may  probably  obtain, 
a  preponderancy  in  the  north  of  Europe.  Whether  he  may  not  get  at  the  sea, 
and  become  a  maritime  prince  ;  or,  rather,  the  nation  become  a  maritime  people, 
is  problematical,  it  is  true,  but  rather  probable  than  otherwise.  Our  treaty  with 
that  nation  has  expired  ;  and  he  has,  it  is  said,  wondered  why  we  did  not  offer  a 
renewal  of  it  ;  but  the  most  important  consideration  is,  that  the  intrigues  and  in 
tentions  of  the  French  can  now,  better  be  learnt  there  than  at  the  Hague,  or  any 
other  court.  In  our  present  situation  with  France,  it  has  become  an  object  of 
consequence  to  keep  a  steady  eye  on  that  intriguing,  insidious,  and  convulsed 
government  and  people.  It  is  believed  that  John  Q.  Adams,  placed  at  Berlin, 
can  do  us  much  service,  as  he  is  unquestionably  the  most  intelligent,  and  at  the 
same  time  most  industrious  man,  we  have  ever  employed  in  a  diplomatic  capaci 
ty.  You  will  hear  much  of  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  being  sent  to  France,  and 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  must  be  the  man,  &c.  My  own  conjectures 
on  this  subject  follow.  No  jacobin,  or  enemy  to  the  last  or  former  administra 
tion,  or  even  lukewarm  friend,  will  be  trusted  with  this  business;  and  were  it  not 
that  so  many  good  friends  to  the  government,  and  very  reputable  characters, 
are  constantly  pouring  in  upon  us  their  wishes  and  prayers,  that  some  person  or 
persons  should  be  sent  from  the  United  States  to  join  Mr.  Pinckney,  as  a  com 
mission  to  treat  with  the  French  government,  I  am  convinced  that  all  our  ne 
gotiations  would  be  the  investiture  of  Gen.  Pinckney  with  the  powers  of  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary.  But  the  numerous  and  incessant 
applications  for  an  envoy,  or  something  like  it,  to  be  sent  from  this  country,  I 
think  will  prevail  on  the  Executive  thus  far,  that  General  Pinckney  be  placed  at 
the  head  of  a  commission,  and  one  or  two  gentlemen  be  joined  with  him  ;  that 
they  take  a  stand  at  the  Hague,  Amsterdam,  Hamburg,  or  some  other  neutral 
country,  and  through  a  proper  channel  let  the  French  government  know  that 
they  are  authorized  to  treat  with  them  on  our  demands  as  well  as  theirs,  in  a 
manner  suited  to  the  dignity  of  an  injured,  but  cool  and  reasonable  nation,  as  we 
call  ourselves,  at  any  time  or  place  that  the  French  government  shall  point  out. 

It  is  believed  that  Judge  Dana,  of  Massachusetts,  or  John  Marshall,  of  Vir 
ginia,  or  perhaps  both,  will  be  thought  of  for  this  appointment.  But  one  circum 
stance  will  be  a  pole  star  to  this  proceeding  :  that  no  person  will  be  sent  on  this 
business  but  a  decided  federalist.  In  the  meantime  the  object  of  friends  to  gov 
ernment  is,  that  our  revenue  is  to  be  increased,  either  by  direct  or  indirect  taxes, 
and  that  a  system  of  defence  is  to  be  adopted  somewhat  similar  to  that  recom 
mended  in  the  President's  speech.  This  will  depend  in  some  measure  on  the 
House  of  Representatives,  you  know  ;  but  I  venture  to  say,  that  the  gentlemen 
will  have  to  stay  here  till  they  sweat  with  hot  weather  as  well  as  anger,  if  they 
do  not  readily  adopt  some  such  salutary  measures,  and  especially  if  they  are 


1797.J  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  539 

hesitating  about  an  increase  of  revenue  ;  for,  although  the  Senate  cannot  origi 
nate  a  revenue  bill,  it  is  very  clearly  remembered  by  us  that  the  House  cannot 
adjourn,  but  for  the  space  of  three  days,  without  our  consent.  This  may  look 
too  much  like  a  threat  ;  but,  sir,  it  must  be  remembered  that  desperate  cases  re 
quire  desperate  remedies.  I  am,  however,  of  opinion  that  a  clear  majority  of 
the  Representatives  is  federal.  You  will  readily  see  that  this  letter  is  private 
and  confidential,  and  not  meant  for  public  inspection. 

I  congratulate  you,  sir,  on  your  late  appointment,  as  governor  of  the  state,  and 
permit  me  also  to  return  you  also  my  most  sincere  thanks,  for  the  speech  you 
made  at  the  opening  of  the  session.  It  has  met  the  cordial  reception  and  appro 
bation  of  every  friend  to  order  and  government,  here,  and  throughout  the  union, 
where  it  has  reached  the  public  eye.  I  presume  you  will  go  through  the  session 
with  the  same  steady  view  to  order  and  propriety,  which  usually  marked  the  le 
gislature  of  Connecticut ;  though  I  must  own  to  you,  on  looking  over  your  list 
of  representatives,  I  was  struck  with  more  than  a  common  number  of  weak  and 
Jacobinical  characters.  In  this  I  may  be,  and  hope  I  am  mistaken. 

The  affairs  of  Europe  wear  no  other  aspect  than  war  and  confusion,  and  the 
present  campaign  will  probably  be  severe  and  bloody.  The  English  are  in  a 
singular  condition,  and  an  attempt  to  shake  off  the  public  debt  may  be  success 
ful  in  this  state  of  external  pressure,  which  seems  to  place  the  nations  in  a  pos 
ture  to  barter  away  pecuniary  considerations  for  existence.  The  emperor  Paul, 
of  Russia,  will  now  act  unequivocally,  to  check  the  king  of  Prussia  from  an  ac 
tive  interference  in  favour  of  the  French  ;  and  likewise  to  prevent  a  dismember 
ment  of  the  Germanic  Body.  How  much  may  be  expected  from  the  one  third 
of  the  French  Legislature  and  one  fifth  of  the  Directory,  which  were  created  in 
March,  is  uncertain  ;  but  we  may  be  tolerably  secure  in  believing  nothing  worse 
can  happen  from  it.  Indeed  the  French  affairs  have  a  long  time  afforded  a  se 
curity  against  the  dread  of  innovation  and  change,  as  the  result  could  hardly 
effect  anything  but  amelioration. 

I  have  been  led  imperceptibly  to  a  length  in  this  letter  which  I  hope  may 
not  fatigue  you  too  much  ;  though  I  am  sensible  it  may  need  an  apology.  The 
best  I  can  make  is  to  relieve  you,  by  saying,  I  am,  with  due  consideration  and 
great  respect,  your  humble  servant. 

URIAH  TRACY. 


FROM  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON.  29th  May,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  with  its  enclosures,  and  thank 
you  for  both. 

The  President  has,  in  my  opinion,  placed  matters  upon  their  true  ground,  in 
his  last  speech  to  Congress,  The  crisis  calls  for  an  unequivocal  expression  of 
the  public  mind,  and  the  speech  will,  mediately  or  immediately,  bring  this  about. 
Things  ought  not,  indeed,  cannot  remain  longer  in  their  present  state,  and  it  is 
time  the  people  should  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  political  situation  of 


540  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

this  country,  and  the  causes  which  have  produced  it,  that  they  may  either  give 
active  and  effectual  support  to  those  to  whom  they  have  entrusted  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  government,  (if  they  approve  the  principles  on  which  they  have 
acted)  or  sanction  the  conduct  of  their  opposers,  who  have  endeavoured  to  bring 
about  a  change  by  embarrassing  all  its  measures,  not  even  short  of  foreign  means. 
We  are  waiting  with  no  small  degree  of  solicitude  for  the  answer  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  that  an  opinion  may  be  formed  from  its  complexion  of  the 
temper  of  that  body,  since  its  renovation. 

Thus  much  for  our  own  affairs,  which,  maugre  the  desolating  scenes  of  Europe, 
might  continue  in  the  most  happy,  flourishing  and  prosperous  train,  if  harmony 
of  the  union  was  riot  endangered  by  the  internal  disturbers  of  its  peace.  With 
respect  to  the  nations  of  Europe,  their  situation  appears  so  awful,  that  nothing 
short  of  Omnipotence  can  predict  the  issue,  although  every  humane  mind  must 
feel  for  the  miseries  they  endure.  Our  course  is  plain  ;  those  who  run  may  read 
it.  Theirs  is  so  bewildered  and  dark,  so  entangled  and  embarrassed,  and  so  ob 
viously  under  the  influence  of  intrigue,  that  one  would  suppose  if  any  thing 
could  open  the  eyes  of  our  misled  citizens,  the  deplorable  situation  of  those  peo 
ple  could  not  fail  to  accomplish  it. 

*  *  *  # 

With  sincere  and  affectionate  regard,  I  am  always  yours, 

GO:  WASHINGTON. 


FROM  OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 

BOSTON,  May  29, 1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Since  writing  you  from  Springfield,  I  have  attended  court  at  Portsmouth,  and 
have  now  been  some  days  at  this  place.  The  President's  speech  is  well  received 
by  both  Houses,  and  we  expect  will  do  much  good  at  home  and  abroad.  I  re 
peat  that  neither  Congress  or  the  Executive  need  hesitate  about  any  proper  mea 
sures,  from  an  apprehension  that  public  opinion  and  spirit  will  not  support  them. 
There  is  still,  however,  such  diversity  of  opinion  among  the  best  of  men,  as  to 
the  measures  expedient  to  be  taken,  that  I  can  give  no  useful  information  on  that 
point,  and  perhaps  went  too  far  in  the  conjecture  I  hazarded  in  my  former  letter. 
Truly  yours, 

OLIVER  ELLSWORTH. 


FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  May  31,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

If  it  were  doubtful  whether  the  government  could  give  a  tone  to  the  nation,  I 
think  the  effect  of  the  speech  is  a  proof  of  its  truth.  All  the  federalists  and  many 
others  approve  highly  the  style  he  has  used,  and  swear  to  support  him.  Still, 
however,  we  look  with  anxiety  for  the  address  of  the  House  as  it  shall  finally 
pass,  for  if  the  Representatives  fall  off,  they  will  be  followed  by  many  of  the  people. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  541 

Our  legislature  assembles  this  day,  and  it  is  expected  that  they  will  evince  their 
coincidence  of  opinion  with  the  President.  With  a  hope  to  stimulate  them  to 
this  proper  conduct,  I  threw  into  the  Centinel  of  this  date,  a  piece  signed  '•'  One 
of  the  American  People."  When  this  is  done,  I  shall  hope  you  will  think  my 
apostleship  may  be  suspended,  as  no  longer  necessary  ;  and  I  hope  you  will  be 
persuaded  that  I  have  faithfully  executed  the  trust.  We  are  told,  and  I  believe 
it  to  be  true,  that  our  eastern  district  will  send  a  recruit  to  the  federal  party,  by 
electing  Parker  instead  of  Dearborn. 

Brother  Ellsworth,  a  few  days  since,  made  us  a  friendly  visit  of  three  or  four 
hours,  and  gave  us  a  more  realizing  view  of  your  family  than  we  had  enjoyed 
for  a  long  time.  We  are  to  see  him  again  to-morrow  evening.  He  perceives 
with  some  triumph,  that  my  political  faith  has  been  a  little  strengthened  by  the 
manifestations  of  right  temper  among  the  people,  since  the  publication  of  the 
speech.  If  Congress  should  be  disposed  to  do  all  that  they  ought,  I  trust  that 
they  will  rescue  us  from  the  continued  disgrace  of  starving  our  public  officers  ; 
and  when  this  happens,  I  shall  hope  you  will  have  it  in  your  power  to  draw  every 
good  man  you  need  as  an  auxiliary  in  your  departments ;  and  that  you  will  no 
longer  delay  to  expel  a  commissioned  traitor.  Expectation  has  been  alive 
since  the  appearance  of  an  infamous  letter,  as  it  is  called  ;  but,  for  my  own  part, 
whether  the  letter  was  written  by  the  person  to  whom  it  is  imputed,  or  not,  I 
should  always  have  believed  that  the  sentiments  are  precisely  those  he  main 
tains  ;  and,  indeed,  the  attack  he  made  publicly  upon  Adams,  in  his  note  to  a 
printer,  was  no  less  scandalous.  In  all  these  things,  I  devoutly  acknowledge  the 
hand  of  Providence  ;  and  if  I  could  be  persuaded  that  we  deserve  these  kind  in 
terferences,  I  could  be  as  easy  as  some  of  our  friends. 

G.  CABOT. 


TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  31st,  1797. 

*  *  *  * 

The  House  have  not  agreed  on  a  reply  to  the  President's  speech.  It  is  certain 
that  there  is  a  small  majority  favourably  disposed  to  the  measures  of  the  govern 
ment.  The  opposition  are  driving  to  effect  two  points. 

1st.  An  indirect  disapprobation  of  past  measures. 

2d.  An  intimation  that  the  operation  of  existing  treaties  is  favourable  to 
France. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  the  drift  of  the  leading  men  is  to  criminate  this 
country  and  justify  France. 

From  present  appearances,  it  is  probable  that  Mr.  Dayton  and  some  neutral 
characters  will  incorporate  into  the  address  an  incorrect,  though  perhaps  not  a  very 
important  amendment.  The  President's  speech  is,  so  far  as  I  am  informed, 
generally  approved  ;  the  Senate  appears  to  be  firm.  All  the  matters  recom 
mended  are  referred  to  committees,  except  that  respecting  further  revenue, '  We 

VOL.  I.  40 


542  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

have  nothing  from  Europe  since  I  wrote  last,  except  that  Cadiz  is  closely  block 
aded  by  a  British  fleet. 


CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  1st,  1797. 
Sir, 

The  account  we  have  from  your  son  of  your  indisposition  makes  us  anxious  to 
hear  of  your  recovery,  which  we  pray  God  may  soon  take  place. 

If  we  have  any  of  the  good  qualities  of  public  bodies,  we  share  very  many  of 
its  bad  ones.  Nicholas'  amendment  to  the  answer  has  been  rejected  in  a  com 
mittee  of  the  whole,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Speaker  ;  that  part  of  it.  rela 
tive  to  equalizing  treaties,  differently  modified,  was  yesterday  carried.  We  have 
an  unmanageable  floating  neutral  character,  that  will  go  over  too  often  to  the 
wrong  side.  I  think,  however,  we  have  no  cause  to  despair  of  carrying  the  most 
effectual  measures. 

The  President  has  nominated  Mr.  Pinckney,  the  rejected  minister,  Judge 
Dana  of  Massachusetts,  and  John  Marshall  of  Virginia,  commissioners  lo  treat 
with  the  French  Republic.  Accept  my  wishes  for  the  return  of  your  health,  and 
the  sentiments  of  respect,  of  your  obedient  servant, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 


TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PIIILA.  June  3d,  1797. 

Congress  have  done  no  business  of  consequence  ;  the  Senate  has  referred  to 
committees  the  measures  recommended  by  the  President,  except  that  of  revenue. 
The  House  has  agreed  upon  an  address,  which  is  firm  and  proper,  except  in  one 
point,  which  has  reference  to  the  terms  of  negotiation  with  France.  It  will  not 
be  easy  to  cure  the  Representatives  of  the  disposition  to  make  treaties. 

The  last  news  from  Europe  is  most  important.  The  empire  of  Germany  will, 
I  think,  be  brought  to  accede  to  such  terms  as  France  may  choose  to  impose. 

FROM  JAMES  IREDELL. 

RICHMOND,  June  5,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Having  obtained  here  the  inclosed  bill  for  your  friend  Mr.  Ellsworth,  from  Mr. 
David  Meede  Randolph,  who  had  been  so  obliging  as  to  sell  a  chair  and  pair  of 
horses  for  him,  I  hope  you  will  excuse  the  liberty  I  take  in  committing  it  to 
your  care  on  his  behalf,  knowing  the  friendship  and  intimacy  existing  between 
you.  It  will  give  me  satisfaction  to  know  that  the  bill  arrived  safely,  and  that 
you  excuse  the  trouble  I  have  given  you.  The  President's  speech  was  received 
here  with  the  highest  admiration  in  general,  and  even  by  some  warm  opponents 
of  the  government  with  their  approbation.  I  believe  the  French  fever  is  abating 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  543 

in  the  country,  but  it  is  still  much  higher  than  I  could  wish.  I  have  not,  how 
ever,  met  a  man  who  approves  of  the  palliations  of  the  insults  of  the  Directory, 
attempted  by  some  members  of  Congress.  The  attempts  were  not  judicious,  and 
perhaps  they  were  not  unfortunate,  as  they  show  in  a  strong  point  of  view  the 
dangerous  infatuation  which  has  prevailed.  We  wait  with  patience  for  the  vote 
on  the  address.  Mr.  Otis'  speech  has  excited  nearly  as  warm  emotions  as  Mr. 
Ames' celebrated  one,  on  the  treaty.  It  does  indeed  the  highest  honour  to  his 
patriotism,  abilities  and  eloquence,  and  I  confess,  much  as  I  expected  from  him, 
far  exceeded  my  expectations.  I  expect  to  be  at  Edenton  in  a  few  dnys.  Be 
pleased  to  present  my  very  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  Wolcott.  I  hope  this 
letter  will  iind  you  all  well,  and  am,  with  great  respect,  dear  sir,  your  faithful  and 
obedient  servant, 

JA.  IREDELL. 

It  will  be  perceived  from  the  following  letters  from  Mr. 
Hamilton,  that  he  considered  a  house  tax  and  an  exten 
sion  of  the  internal  taxes,  more  expedient  under  then 
existing  circumstances  than  a  direct  tax.  Wolcott's  let 
ters  to  him,  referred  to  in  that  of  June  8th,  are  lost. 

FROM  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

[NEW  YORK]  June  6,  [1797.] 
My  Dear  Sir, 

You  some  time  ago  put  a  question  to  me  which,  through  hurry,  I  never 
answered,  viz:  whether  there  can  be  any  distinction  between  the  provision  in 
the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  respecting  British  debts  and  that  respecting  spoli 
ations,  as  to  the  power  of  the  commissioners  to  rejudge  the  decisions  of  the 
courts  ;  I  answer  that  I  can  discover  none. 

I  am  of  opinion,  however,  that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power'  two  principles 
ought  to  be  strenuously  insisted  upon.  On^hat  the  commissioners  ought  not 
to  intermeddle,  but  when  it  is  unequivocally  ascertained  that  justice  cannot  now 
be  obtained  through  our  courts  ;  the  other,  that  there  ought  to  be  no  revision  of 
the  question  of  interest  where  abatements  were  made  by  juries  undirected  by  any 
special  statutes.  For  it  is  certain  that  interest  is  capable  of  being  affected  by 
circumstances,  and  that  the  law  leaves  a  considerable  discretion  on  this  point 
with  juries.  I  take  it  for  granted  also,  that  where  compromises  were  made  be 
tween  creditor  and  debtor  without  the  intervention  of  courts,  or  the  injunctions 
of  positive  law,  there  will  be  no  revision.  This  is  all  a  very  delicate  subject,  one 
upon  which  great  moderation  on  the  part  of  the  British  commissioners  is  very 
important  to  future  harmony. 

I  like  very  well  the  course  of  Executive  conduct  in  regard  to  the  controversy 
with  France,  and  I  like  the  answer  of  the  Senate  to  the  President's  speech ;  but 
I  confess  I  have  not  been  well  satisfied  with  the  answer  reported  in  the  House. 
It  contains  too  many  hard  expressions  ;  and  hard  words  are  very  rarely  useful  in 


544  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

public  proceedings.  Mr.  Jay  and  other  friends  here,  have  been  struck  in  the 
same  manner  with  myself.  We  shall  not  regret  to  see  the  answer  softened 
down.  Heal  firmness  is  good  for  everything.  Strut  is  good  for  nothing. 

Last  session  I  sent  Sedgwick,  with  request  to  communicate  it  to  you,  my  pro 
posal  of  a  building  tax.  Inclosed  is  the  rough  sketch.  I  do  not  know  whether 
there  was  any  alteration  in  the  copy  I  sent  to  him.  Bat  the  more  I  reflect,  the 
more  I  become  convinced  that  some  such  plan  ought  to  be  adopted,  and  the  idea 
of  valuation  dropped,  and  I  have  also  become  convinced  that  the  idea  of  a  tax 
on  lands  ought  to  be  deferred.  The  building  tax  can  be  accommodated  to  the 
quota  rule.  For  what  were  intended  as  rates,  may  be  considered  as  ratios  only 
of  each  individual  tax,  and  then,  as  the  aggregate  of  these  ratios  within  a  State, 
is  to  the  sum  of  the  ratios  on  a  particular  building,  so  will  the  sum  to  be  raised  in 
the  State  be  to  the  sum  to  be  paid  by  the  owner  of  that  building  ;  and  so  the  very 
bad  business  of  valuations  may  be  avoided  in  general.  In  regard  to  stores,  if 
they  are  comprehended,  rents  or  valuations  may  be  adopted,  and  these  rents  may 
also  be  represented  by  ratios,  equivalent  to  the  proposition  cf  the  specific  ratios 
to  the  rents  of  houses,  to  be  estimated  in  the  law. 

If  these  ideas  are  not  clear,  I  will,  on  your  desire,  give  a  further  explanation. 
My  plan  of  ways  and  means,  then,  for  the  present,  would  be — 
A  tax  on  buildings,  equal  to  $1,000,000 

A  tax  on  Stamps,  including  a  small  per  centage  on  policies  of 
Insurance  ;  a  per  centage  on  collateral  successions  ;  a  duty  on 
Perfumeries  ;  a  duty  on  Hats,  say  5  per  cent,  for  the  common 
est  kind  ;  10  for  the  middling,  and  20  for  the  best,  to  be  de 
scribed  by  the  material,  500,000 

On  saddle  horses, dollars  per  horse,  -         150,000 

On  Salt,  so  much  as  will  make  the  whole  duty  25  cts.,  suppose   .  350,000 


$2,000,000 

I  should  like,  also,  a  remodification  of  the  duties  on  licenses  to  sell  spirituous 
liquors  by  multiplying  discriminations.  I  would  then  open  a  loan  for  500,000  of 
dollars,  to  be  repaid  absolutely  wilfcn  five  years,  upon  which  I  would  allow  a  high 
interest,  say  8  per  cent.,  payable  quarterly,  and  redeemable  at  pleasure,  by  pay 
ing  off,  and  I  would  accept  subscriptions  as  low  as  $100.  In  case  of  pressure, 
.  treasury  bills  having  a  like  interest,  may  be  used. 

If,  unfortunately,  war  breaks  out,  then  every  practicable  object  of  taxation 
should  at  once  [be  resorted  to,]  so  as  to  carry  our  revenue,  in  the  first  instance,  to 
the  extent  of  our  ability.  Nor  is  the  field  narrow. 

I  give  you  my  ideas  full  gallop,  and  without  arrangement  of  expression.  I 
hope  you  always  understand  me  aright,  and  receive  my  communications  as  they 
are  intended,  in  the  spirit  of  friendly  frankness,  Yours,  very  truly,  A.  H. 

The  following  is  the  sketch  inclosed  in  the  foregoing 
letter ; 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  545 

[Copy.] 

A  million  of  dollars  per  annum,  to  be  raised  on  buildings  and  lands,  on  the 
following  plan  : 

1.    Upon  inhabited  dwelling  houses,  thus  :  a 

Upon  every  such  house  of  the  denomination  and  description  of  a  log  house,  at 
the  rate  of  20  cents  for  each  room  or  apartment  thereof,  exclusive  of  garret  and 
cellar. 

Upon  every  other  inhabited  dwelling  house  of  two  rooms  or  apartments,  exclu 
sive  of  halls  or  entries,  garrets  and  cellars,  at  the  rate  of  25  cents  for  each  room 
or  apartment. 

Upon  every  such  house  of  three  rooms  or  apartments,  exclusive  as  before,  at  the 
rate  of  33  1-3  cents  for  each  room  or  apartment. 

Upon  every  such  house  of  four  rooms,  exclusive  as  before,  at  the  rate  of  40  cents 
for  each  room  or  apartment. 

Upon  every  such  house  of  five  rooms,  exclusive  as  before,  at  the  rate  of  60 
cents  for  each  room  or  apartment. 

Upon  every  such  house  of  six  rooms,  exclusive  as  before,  at  the  rate  of  75  cents 
for  each  room  or  apartment  thereof. 

Upon  every  such  house  of  seven  rooms  and  upwards,  at  the  rate  of  100  cents 
for  each  room,  &c. 

Upon  every  room  in  a  garret  or  cellar  of  a  house  of  the  foregoing  descriptions, 
having  a  fire-place,  and  upon  any  kitchen,  whether  in  a  cellar  or  adjacent  build 
ing,  at  the  rate  of  20  cents  for  each  room  or  kitchen. 

Upon  each  room  or  apartment  of  every  such  house,  painted  inside,  the  further 
sum  of  25  cents. 

Upon  each  room  or  apartment  of  every  such  house,  papered  inside,  or  painted 
and  bordered  with  paper,  the  further  sum  of  50  cents. 

Upon  every  chimney,  faced  with  tiles  or  cut  stone,  other  than  marble,  the  fur 
ther  sum  of  50  cents. 

Upon  every  chimney  faced  with  marble,  the  further  sum  of  100  cents. 

Upon  every  stair-case  of  cedar  or  ebony  wood,  the  further  sum  of  100  cents. 

Upon  every  stair-case  of  mahogany  wood,  the  further  sum  of  100  cents. 

Upon  every  room  or  apartment  with  stucco  cornishes,  the  further  sum  of  100 
cents. 

Upon  every  room  with  a  stucco  ceiling,  the  further  sum  of  200  cents  ;  but  the 
same  room  shall  not  also  be  rated  for  cornishes  of  such  work. 

Upon  every  such  house  with  pillars  or  pilasters  outside,  in  front,  the  further 
sum  of  100  cents. 

Upon  every  such  house  faced  outside  and  in  front,  in  whole  or  in  part,  with 
marble,  the  further  sum  of  200  cents. 

These  rates  to  be  paid  by  the  occupiers  of  the  house,  whether  owners  or  tenants. 

When  a  house  is  let  by  parcels,  the  landlord  to  be  deemed  the  occupier. 

a  "  Remarks. — These  rates  have  been  proportion  to  the  rest,  and  they  avoid  the 

adjusted  by  applying   their  operation  to  expense   and  uncertainty  of  valuation, 

a  number  of  houses,  from  which  it  ap-  Other  circumstances  of  discrimination,^ 

pears  that  they  find  a  sufficiently  exact  thought  advised,  may  be  added." 

46* 


646  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

Upon  all  stone  houses,  not  being  parts  of  dwelling  houses  in  use,  at  the  rate  of 
one-fortieth  part  of  the  yearly  value,  to  be  determined  by  the  actual  rent,  if  rent 
ed  ;  if  not,  by  an  estimate  or  valuation  thereof. 

Upon  all  grist  mills  at  the  rate  of  125  cents  for  each  run  of  stones  therein. 
Upon  all  saw  mills,  at  the  rate  of  50  cents  for  each  saw  usually  worked  therein, 
not  exceeding  three  ;  and  for  each  saw  above  that  number,  25  cents. 

Upon  all  wharves  in  the  cities  and  towns  of  Portsmouth,  Boston,  &c.,  (enu 
merating  the  principal  towns),  at  the  rate  of  12  1-2  cents  for  each  foot  in  front 
thereof. a 

Upon  all  wharves  in  any  other  city  or  town,  at  the  rate  of  6  cents. 
Upon  all  lumber  yards  in  the  cities  or  towns  of  Portsmouth,  Boston,  &c.,  (enu 
merating  the  principal  towns),  at  the  rate  of  2  1-2  cents  for  each  hundred  square 
feet. 

Cottages  inhabited  by  paupers  to  be  excepted.  To  be  judged  of  and  ascertained 
by  the  assessors  hereinafter  described. 

The  amount  of  the  foregoing  taxes  in  each  State  to  be  ascertained  within  a 
time  to  be  limited  by  law  for  that  purpose  by  the  assessors,  and  a  report  thereof  to 
be  made  to  the  Treasury,  which  shall  then  proceed  to  apportion  according  to  the 
prescribed  quota,  the  sum  remaining  to  make  up  the  million  of  dollars  to  be  levied. 
For  example,  suppose  there  were  five  States,  and  the  product  of  the  house  tax 
of  each  as  follows  : 

[A.  $100,000 

B.  150,000 

C.  200,000 

D.  50,000 

E.  100,000 


$600,000 

There  would  then  remain  towards  the  million  to  be  levied  on  lands,  $400,000. 
Let  there  be  then  assigned  to  each  State,  so  much  in  land  tax  as  together  with  its 
house  tax,  will  equal  the  [required  amount.] b 

[New  YORK,]  June  8th,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  ytmr  two  letters  of  the  6th  and  7th.  The  last  announces  to 
me  no  more  than  I  feared.  Nor  do  I  believe  any  sufficient  external  impulse  can 
be  given  to  save  us  from  disgrace.  This,  however,  will  be  thought  of. 

I  regret  that  you  appear  remote  from  the  idea  of  a  house  tax,  simply,  without 

tt  "  Remarks. — Or  this  may  be  thrown  be  annexed  to  misrepresentation,  and  a 

into  more  classes."  power  to  be  given  upon  cause  of  sus- 

b  "  Remarks. — The  mode  of  ascertain-  picion,  testified  on  oath,  to  issue  a  war 
ing  to  be  by  an  actual  calling  at  each  rant  to  inspect  the  house  for  ascertaining 
house,  and  receiving  of  the  occupiers  a  the  fact.  This  will  reconcile  the  idea  of 
list  of  the  particulars  which  are  criterions  the  sanctity  of  the  castle  with  the  securi- 
of  the  tax  ;  the  officer  to  have  power  to  ty  of  the  revenue." 
administer  an  oath.  A  proper  penalty  to 

The  remainder  of  this  paper,  if  any  is  missing. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  547 

combining  the  land.  I  do  not  differ  from  your  general  principle.  The  truth  is 
a  solid  one,  that  the  sound  state  of  the  political  economy  depends  in  a  great  de 
gree  on  a  general  repartition  of  taxes  on  taxable  property,  by  some  equal  rule. 
But  it  is  very  important  to  relax  in  theory,  so  as  to  accomplish  as  much  as  may 
be  practicable.  I  despair  of  a  general  land  tax  without  actual  war.  I  fear  the 
idea  of  it  keeps  men  back  from  the  augmentation  of  revenue  by  other  means 
which  they  might  be  willing  to  adopt.  The  idea  of  a  house  tax  alone,  is  not 
so  formidable.  If  placed  upon  a  footing  which  would  evince  practicability  and 
moderation  in  the  sum,  I  think  it  might  succeed.  Now,  1,000,000  of  dollars, 
computing  the  number  of  houses  at  600,000,  would  be  an  average  of  about  a  dol 
lar  and  a  half.  The  tax  would  be  very  low  on  the  worst  houses,  and  could  not 
be  high  on  the  best.  This  idea  would  smooth  a  great  deal.  As  to  the  circum 
stances  of  the  habitations  of  the  southern  negroes,  I  see  no  insuperable  difficulty 
in  applying  ratios  to  them,  which  would  tend  to  individual  equity;  as,  between 
the  States  the  quota  principle  would  make  this  point  unimportant.  As  to  the 
inequality  in  certain  States,  I  believe  on  the  plan  suggested,  there  would  be  no 
general  tax  which  in  fact  would  operate  more  equally.  The  idea  of  equalization 
by  embracing  lands,  does  not  much  engage  my  confidence.  Besides  that,  this 
may  be  an  after  object,  and  we  are  to  gain  points  successively. 

As  to  the  productiveness  of  the  stamp  tax  with  the  items  I  suggest,  it  is  diffi 
cult  in  the  first  instance,  to  judge.  But  I  am  persuaded  it  would  go  far  toward  the 
point  aimed  at.  There  cannot  be  much  fewer  than  3,000,000  of  hats  consumed 
in  a  year,  in  this  country ;  at  an  average  of  8  cents  per  hat,  this  would  be 
$240,000,  a  large  proportion  of  $500,000.  If  law  proceedings  can  be  inclu 
ded  directly  or  indirectly,  the  produce  will  be  very  considerable.  I  think  you 
mistake,  when  you  say  these  taxes  in  England  are  inconsiderable  in  proportion. 
According  to  my  recollection,  the  reverse  is  the  truth.  Adieu.  Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  15th,  1797. 


We  have  not  much  other  news  than  appears  in  the  papers,  of  national  impor 
tance. 

Germany  is  disorganized,  and  the  affairs  of  England  appear  to  be  tending  to 
some  eventful  crisis.  The  French  depredations  on  our  commerce  in  Europe  are 
increasing.  By  annulling  the  validity  of  passports  granted  by  our  ministers, 
it  is  intended  to  prevent  our  citizens  from  going  to  France  to  pursue  their  claims. 
Some  of  the  French  cruisers  have  treated  our  people  with  extreme  barbarity. 
Instances  have  happened  of  men  being  tortured  with  thumb-screws,  to  induce 
declarations  injurious  to  their  employers.  Congress  will  do  but  little  this  session  ; 
as  the  danger  increases,  a  disposition  to  inaction  appears,  unfortunately,  to 
prevail. 

Mrs.  Wolcott  joins  me  in  presenting  her  most  respectful  regards  to  yourself, 
Mrs.  Washington  and  Miss  Custis. 


548  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILA.  July  4th,  1797. 

Congress  will  do  little  more  than  to  increase  the  revenue  by  additional  duties 
on  licenses  to  retailers,  and  a  new  duty  on  stamped  papers.  Perhaps  a  new  duty 
on  salt  will  be  passed. 

The  prospect  of  an  adjustment  of  our  dispute  with  France  is  not  so  favoura 
ble  as  it  has  lately  been.  The  faction  in  this  country  becomes  more  daring. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  leaders  rely  on  foreign  support.  As  France  ap 
proaches  towards  peace  in  Europe,  she  advances  in  her  threats  and  insolence  to 
America.  Our  western  frontiers  are  threatened  with  a  new  Indian  war.  French 
and  Spanish  emissaries  swarm  through  the  country.  There  is  reason  to  believe 
that  a  western  or  ultra-montane  republic  is  meditated.  A  letter  from  Mr.  Blount. 
a  Senator  from  Tennessee,  has  been  detected,  which  discloses  a  plan  for  exciting 
the  Indians  to  hostility  upon  an  extensive  scale.  It  is  certain  that  overtures  have 
been  made  to  the  British -government  for  support,  and  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe,  short  of  positive  proof,  that  similar  overtures  have  been  made  to  Spain 
and  France.  The  British  will  not  now  support  the  project.  The  advance  made 
by  our  people,  shews,  however,  the  profligacy  of  our  patriots  and  the  precarious 
tenure  by  which  the  western  country  is  attached  to  the  existing  government. 

FROM  GEORGE  CABOT. 

BROOKLINE,  June  27,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  have  just  returned  from  a  circuitous  journey  of  400  miles,  which  has  occu 
pied  17  or  18  days.  Your  favour  of  the  8th  I  found  upon  my  table,  at  my  arri 
val  here.  In  passing  up  the  Merrimack  and  down  the  Connecticut,  150  miles  on 
each  river,  I  found  the  people  every  where  entertaining  more  just  sentiments  of 
our  political  affairs  than  I  had  conceived  possible,  after  so  much  pains  had  been 
taken  to  mislead  them.  At  Concord  I  was  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
when  the  address  in  answer  to  Governor  Gilman's  speech  was  discussed  ;  and  I 
can  assure  you,  I  never  saw  in  any  assembly,  so  much  of  the  right  sort  of  Amer 
ican  spirit.  Of  131  members,  there  were  not  more  than  4  or  5  tainted  with  Jac 
obinism  ;  and  although  20  voted  against  the  address,  yet  most  of  these  acted 
upon  the  the  principle  of  accommodating  the  4  or  5  who  professed  to  desire  only 
a  little  less  force  in  the  expression  of  what  all  agreed  was  the  public  sentiment. 
In  the  upper  House,  there  was  union  and  spirit ;  and  I  am  persuaded 
that  19-20ths  of  these  men  would  have  marched  with  Governor  Gilman  at  their 
head,  upon  a  moment's  call,  to  defend  the  country  and  its  government  against 
France,  as  Stark  and  his  followers  did  to  repel  the  British  in  1777.  When  I 
came  into  Vermont,  I  found  the  same  temper  and  spirit,  so  that  I  could  not  for 
bear  to  conclude,  that  the  disaffection  in  Boston  and  its  vicinity,  is  almost  all  that 
exists  in  New  England  ;  for  I  consider  the  paltry  opposition  of  Portsmouth  as 
only  sufficient  to  blow  the  lire  of  patriotism  in  the  rest  of  the  State  of  New- 
Hampshire. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  549 

I  have  seen  by  the  newspapers  that  Ames  was  nominated  for  a  fifth  Commissioner. 
I  should  have  mentioned  him  with  the  first  men,  if  I  had  not  considered  his 
health  as  a  total  disqualification.  I  had«just  visited  him,  and  he  appeared  too 
feeble  to  attend  to  business  of  any  sort. 

We  resist  the  French  successfully  in  our  own  country,  but  they  beat  us  in 
Europe,  If  England  revolves,  our  tranquillity  must  be  disturbed;  but  I  still 
hope  and  confide,  that  England  in  every  supposable  condition,  will  command  the 
ferry,  and  that  interest  and  pride  will  always  stimulate  her  to  keep  the  French 
boats  from  passing.  Your  unfeigned  friend, 

G.  CABOT. 


FROM  COL.  JOHN  TRUMBULL. 

No.  29  BERBERS  STREET,  LONDON,  April  9th,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  had  the  pleasure  to  write  you  a  few  lines  on  the  2d  March,  by  the  William 
Penn.  The  general  aspect  of  affairs  is  less  favourable  to  this  country  and  her 
ally,  the  Emperor,  than  at  any  former  period.  Another  series  of  victories,  more 
extraordinary  than  the  former,  has  marked  the  progress  of  the  French  armies, 
on  the  side  of  Italy.  A  few  days  gave  them  possession  of  the  Tyrol,  the  strong 
est  country  in  Europe,  except  Switzerland.  There  remain  no  strong  towns  be 
tween  them  and  Vienna,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles ;  and  the 
troops  who  can  be  opposed  to  these  victorious  veterans  are  raw  ;  so  that  there  is 
little  prospect  that  anything  but  an  immediate  peace  can  prevent  their  reaching 
the  enemy's  capitol.  In  this  situation,  advantageous  terms  have  been  proposed 
to  the  Emperor,  to  engage  him  to  conclude  a  separate  peace  ;  and  he  has  refused 
to  negotiate  except  in  conjunction  with  his  ally,  and  for  a  general  peace.  In 
consequence  of  these  circumstances,  Mr.  Hammond  left  London  a  few  days  ago 
or  Vienna,  charged  to  co-operate  on  the  part  of  this  country  in  negotiations  for 
a  general  peace.  I  hope  he  will  have  better  success  than  Lord  Malmesbury  had. 
There  are  those,  however,  who  doubt  the  wish  or  intention  of  France  to  be  at 
peace  with  England,  'on  any  terms,  at  present.  There  are  those  among  the 
French  politicians,  who  apprehend  that  a  continued  depression  of  their  own 
manufactures,  would  be  the  consequence  of  peace  with  England,  and  of  the  fa 
cility  which  would  then  exist  of  introducing  British  goods  ;  and  who,  seeing  to 
what  height  industry,  well  exerted  in  agriculture  and  manufactures,  has  raised 
this  island,  in  defiance  of  the  natural  obstacles  of  soil  and  climate,  are  willing 
that  the  dominion  of  the  ocean,  and  the  benefits  of  foreign  commerce  should  rest 
where  they  are  ;  until,  having  principally  disbanded  their  armies,  in  consequence 
of  peace  with  their  continental  neighbours,  the  government  shall  have  had  time 
to  become  consolidated,  and  to  establish  and  assure  domestic  tranquillity  and 
order ;  and  the  people  to  re-establish  agriculture  and  improve  manufactures,  thus 
forming  a  solid  basis  on  which  to  found  a  future  foreign  commerce,  and  the  pow 
er  and  means  of  distant  exertions. 
The  letters  of  the  American  Commissioners  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  this  date 


550  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP,  15, 

will  inform  you  of  the  progress,  made  in  their  labours.  A  few  days  more  will 
complete  what  cases  are  in  a  state  to  come  before  the  Board  at  present.  In  their 
letters,  the  Commissioners  mention  a  circumstance  respecting  Mr.  Samuel  Cabot, 
whose  services  here  are  of  more  importance  than  was  meditated  when  he  was 
appointed.  The  expense  of  living  here  is  so  exorbitant,  that  it  is  impossible 
there  should  remain  much,  if  anything,  from  his  salary,  for  his  family  in  Ameri 
ca,  after  his  own  necessary  and  inevitable  expenses  are  paid  ;  the  salary  alone  is, 
therefore,  not  an  object  which  a  prudent  man  with  a  large  family,  and  capable  of 
business,  can  long  think  worth  his  attention  ;  and  if  any  prospect  of  a  more  ad 
vantageous  establishment  should  tempt  him  to  leave  this  situation,  I  am  afraid  it 
would  not  be  easy  to  replace  him.  I  should  therefore  think  it  wise  in  the  gov 
ernment  to  permit  him  to  enjoy  the  sum  allowed  in  each  case,  in  addition  to  his 
salary.  And  I  must  remark,  that  a  little  want  of  knowledge  or  attention  in  a 
person  entrusted  with  similar  business,  would  soon  occasion  losses  which  would 
overbalance  the  additional  reward.  I  am,  dear  sir,  most  sincerely  your  friend 
and  servant, 

JNO.  TRUMBULL. 


FROM  RUFUS  KING. 

LONDON,  April  14,  1797, 
Dear  Sir, 

When  I  last  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you,  I  informed  you  of  the  sudden 
and  considerable  rise  in  the  price  of  our  stocks  in  this  market.  It  then  seemed 
probable  that  they  would  rise  still  higher  ;  but  after  a  few  days  of  alarm,  that  fol 
lowed  the  stoppage  of  the  specie  payments  of  the  bank,  the  demand  for  our  funds 
abated,  and  they  have  for  some  days  been  at  nearly  the  same  low  price  at  which 
they  stood  before  the  bank  stopped.  I  am  quite  at  a  loss  to  predict  the  conse 
quence  of  this  unfortunate  event:  it  is  certain  that  the  alarm  which  immediately 
followed  has  very  essentially  diminished  ;  and  the  very  great  efforts  made  to  ob 
tain  specie  from  abroad,  lead  many  to  believe  that  the  bank  will  again  soon  be 
in  a  condition  to  resume  its  former  course  of  payments.  This  it  will  be  enabled 
to  do,  in  case  their  late  emissions  of  bank  paper  are  as  considerable  as  some  in 
telligent  people  suppose. 

I  understand  from  Sir  F.  Baring,  that  their  house  disposed  of  GO  or  80,000 
dollars  of  the  6  per  cts.  in  their  hands,  before  they  fell  in  price  ;  it  is  probable 
they  would  have  sold  the  whole,  if  they  could  have  obtained  70  per  ct. 

The  Brit'sh  3  per  cts.  have  been  as  low  as  48  ;  they  are  now  at  50,  having 
risen  within  a  day  or  two,  in  consequence  of  Mr.  Hammond's  departure  for 
Vienna,  to  renew,  in  conjunction  with  the  Emperor,  the  negotiation  for  peace. 
Mr.  Pitt  will  make  another  loan,  for  probably  1G  millions  ;  and  in  case  the 
endeavour  to  conclude  the  war  fails,  it  would  be  rashness  to  pretend  that  the 
bank  could  resume  its  operations  in  specie,  or  that  the  stocks  can  hold  even  their 
present  unexampled  prices.  Farewell.  Yours  very  sincerely, 

RUFUS  KING. 


1797,]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  551 

P.  S.  I  am  very  anxious  to  be  informed  what  course  Mr.  Adams  will  adopt 
concerning  France.  I  hope,  and  indeed  I  feel  persuaded  that,  notwithstanding 
the  injuries  we  receive,  we  shall  not  consent  to  any  step  that  shall  involve  us  in 
the  war.  I  am  deeply  convinced  that  our  duty  and  interest  require  that  we 
should  remain  at  peace. 

The  peace  concluded  between  France  and  Spain,  had 
given  an  opportunity  to  the  latter  country  to  add  to  the 
annoyances  suffered  by  the  United  States.  Notwithstand 
ing  her  recent  treaty,  she  delayed,  on  frivolous  pretexts, 
the  settlement  of  the  boundary  and  the  surrender  of  the 
posts,  and  commenced  depredations  on  our  commerce. 
Similar  claims  were  set  up  by  her,  to  those  advanced  by 
France,  as  to  the  construction  of  treaty  articles,  and  the 
laws  of  nations — a  course  of  conduct  to  which  she  had 
been  stimulated  by  the  Directory.  Unfortunately,  a  more 
plausible  excuse  was  at  length  found,  for  the  detention  of 
the  posts,  in  the  rumor  of  an  intended  invasion  of  the 
Spanish  territory,  by  the  British  from  Canada.  The  re 
port  was  false  indeed ;  Mr.  Liston  expressly  disclaim 
ing  on  part  of  his  government,  any  such  intended  viola 
tion  of  the  neutral  territory  of  the  United  States ;  that 
an  attempt  had  been  made  to  draw  this  government  into 
such  a  scheme,  and  that  he  had  been  approached  with 
reference  to  it,  he  frankly  admitted.  During  the  summer, 
a  letter  was  detected  from  William  Blount,  a  Senator  in 
Congress  from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  which  developed, 
to  some  extent,  the  character  of  the  plot,  as  well  as  the 
persons  concerned  in  it.  But  as  regarded  Spain,  this  ex- 
tcuse  for  the  non  execution  of  the  treaty,  was  but  an  after 
thought ;  a  cover  for  the  actual  motive  of  her  conduct. 
That  motive  was  betrayed  by  the  Baron  Carondelet,  the 
Governor  of  the  Natchez,  in  one  of  his  proclamations.  It 
was  the  expectation  of  an  "immediate  rupture  between 
France,  the  intimate  ally  of  Spain,  and  the  United  States." 

These 'disputes   extended   through  this   summer;  and 
were,  as  well  as  in  the  succeeding  session,  the  object  of 


552  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

special  messages  to  Congress.  Among  the  documents  ac 
companying  that  of  the  3rd  of  July,  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Blount  was  included.  This  letter  was  written  to  Carey, 
the  government  interpreter  of  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees, 
and  bore  date  the  21st  of  April  preceeding.  It  discovered 
the  design  of  uniting  those  tribes,  for  some  object  obscure 
ly  hinted  at ;  but  which,  from  the  context,  appeared  to  be 
a  movement  against  the  Spanish  territories.  Carey  was 
to  be  the  instrument  of  destroying  the  influence  of  the 
government  agents  with  the  Indians,  and  of  establishing 
that  of  Blount.  The  assistance  of  the  British  was  ex 
pected,  in  the  contemplated  project ;  and  the  letter  men 
tioned  that  a  person  of  consequence  had  been  sent  to 
England  on  the  business.  Blount  himself,  was  to  have 
the  management  of  it,  under  the  direction  of  that  gov 
ernment. 

Blount  was  heard  by  counsel,  at  his  request ;  but  de 
clined  answering  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  letter. 
This  being  proved,  by  testimony  as  to  the  hand  writing 
and  signature,  the  House  immediately  caused  him  to  be 
impeached  before  the  Senate,  and  demanded  that  he  be 
sequestered  from  his  seat,  until  articles  should  be  exhibit 
ed  against  him.  This  was  done ;  and  on  the  8th  day  of  July 
he  was  expelled  from  the  Senate,  by  a  vote  of  twenty-five  to 
one,  and  held  in  a  recognizance  to  appear  and  answer  the 
charges  of  the  House.  The  recognizance  was  forfeited. 
Proceedings  on  the  impeachment  were  subsequently  ta 
ken,  and  articles  exhibited  ;  but  it  was  decided  by  the 
Senate  that  their  jurisdiction  was  terminated  by  his  ex 
pulsion.  Had  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  been  a  mem 
ber  of  the  federal  party,  much  capital  would  doubtless 
have  been  made  out  of  his  misconduct,  as  corroborating 
the  standing  charges  of  British  influence.  He  was,  how 
ever,  a  "republican;"  one  whose  vote  had  always  been 
found,  on  party  questions,  among  the  opponents  of  the 
administration. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  553 

On  the  22d  of  June  the  President  sent  to  Congress  a 
report  from  the  state  department,  on  the  depredations 
committed  by  foreign  nations  upon  American  commerce, 
since  October,  1796.  It  appeared  from  this  document, 
that  but  few  seizures  had  been  made  by  the  English,  and 
that  for  these  the  means  of  redress  were  provided.  Cap 
tures  by  Spanish  privateers  were  becoming  numerous, 
but  of  those  by  the  French,  the  schedule  exhibited  308, 
which  had  been  ascertained  within  that  time.  Some  of 
these  had  been  attended  with  great  barbarities.  Vessels 
had  been  wantonly  burnt  or  fired  into,  even  torture  ap 
plied  to  the  masters  to  compel  false  statements  of  owner 
ship.  The  crews  were  confined  with  prisoners  of  war  of 
other  nations,  and  subjected  to  the  most  dreadful  suffer 
ings. 

The  depredations  were  by  no  means  restricted  to  the 
subjects  of  the  decrees.  The  very  Commissaries  of  the 
Directory  seized  cargoes  of  provisions  for  the  use  of  govern 
ment,  without  compensation.  A  system  of  universal  bri 
bery  and  corruption  pervaded  the  courts,  where  the  judges 
themselves  were  often  owners  of  the  privateers,  and  the 
Minister  of  Justice,  the  notorious  Merlin,  was  openly  feed 
by  the  captors,  to  procure  the  ratification  of  their  deci 
sions.  The  most  frivolous  pretexts  were  sufficient  to 
procure  confiscation,  and  when  these  were  wanting,  delay, 
imprisonment,  and  persecution,  drove  the  master  to  sacri 
fice  or  abandon  his  cargo  to  avoid  greater  misfortune. 
The  same  violence  and  dishonesty  extended  from  the 
heads  of  the  Directory,  to  the  lowest  janissaries  of  the 
public  offices. 

The  United  States,  though  the  most  valuable,  were  by 
no  means  the  only  objects  of  French  aggression.  All  the 
nations  of  Europe  who  had  refused  to  enter  into  the  war 
against  England,  were  involved  in  the  same  fate.  The 
northern  powers,  under  threats  of  vengeance,  were  order 
ed  to  close  their  ports  to  her  commerce.  The  nations 

VOL.  i.  47 


554  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15, 

who  were  in  alliance  with  France,  were  still  more  unfor 
tunate.  Slaves  of  a  relentless  master,  they  were  not  only 
ruined  themselves,  but  employed  to  accomplish  the  de 
struction  of  others.  The  picture  of  the  sister  republic, 
even  as  drawn  by  the  pencil  of  Ames,  fell  short  in  its  de 
formity  of  the  terrible  original.  "It  is  the  only  state," 
he  says,  "  in  which  the  sword  is  the  only  trade.  Com 
merce  has  not  a  single  ship  ;  arts  and  manufactures  exist 
in  ruins  and  memory  only  ;  credit  is  a  spectre  which 
haunts  its  burial  place  ;  justice  has  fallen  on  its  own 
sword  ;  and  liberty,  after  being  sold  to  Ishmaelites,  is 
stripped  of  its  bloody  garments  to  disguise  its  robbers.  A 
people,  vain  enough  to  be  satisfied  with  the  name  of  lib 
erty,  are  called  free,  and  the  fervors  of  its  spirit  are  rous 
ed  to  bind  other  nations  in  chains. "a  And  yet,  France 
still  found  its  defenders  in  the  national  councils,  men,  who, 
regretting  these  things  as  private  misfortunes,  yet  saw  in 
them  but  the  natural  consequences  of  federal  policy  ;  con 
sequences  which  they  had  long  since  predicted;  which 
sprang  from  the  just  indignation  of  a  generous  and  high- 
spirited  nation,  at  American  ingratitude  and  treachery  ; 
and  these  men  were  called  patriots. 

The  measures  taken  during  the  session  were  generally 
considered  by  the  more  decided  of  the  federal  part}^  as 
wanting  in  the  promptness  and  energy  which  were  requi 
site  to  convince  the  French  government  of  the  determin 
ation  of  the  United  States,  in  case  of  the  failure  of  the 
negotiation,  as  well  as  insufficient  preparations  against 
the  occurrence  of  so  probable  an  emergency.  There  was 
an  unwillingness  and  hesitation  in  their  action,  ill  calcula 
ted  to  produce  a  salutary  impression.  The  business  ac 
complished  towards  its  close  was  somewhat  more  impor 
tant,  and  many  of  the  President's  suggestions  were  finally 
adopted.  Among  the  acts  passed,  were  the  act  to  pre- 

a  Ames' Works,  p.  186. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  555 

vent   citizens    of  the    United    States  from    privateering 
against  nations  in  amity  with,  or  against  citizens  of  the 
United  States  ;    the  act  prohibiting,  for   a   limited  time, 
the  exportation  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  for  encour 
aging  the   importation  thereof;    acts  to  provide  for  the 
further  defence  of  the  posts   and  harbors  of  the  United 
States  ;  to  authorize   a  detachment    from  the  militia,  in 
case  of  necessity ;  and  to  provide   for  the  equipment  of 
three  frigates.     Those  of  a  fiscal  nature  were  the  act  lay 
ing  duties  on  stamped  vellum,  parchment  and  paper  ;  that 
imposing  an   additional  duty   on   salt  imported   into   the 
United  States,  &c. ;  authorizing  a  loan  of  $800,000,  at  six 
per  cent,  and  making  additional   appropriations   for  the 
support  of   government  for  the  year   1797.     The  stamp 
act,  though  a  very  necessary  one,  as  a  certain  means  of 
raising  money,  had  the  misfortune  of  being   exceedingly 
unpopular  ;  certain  disagreeable   associations   being  con 
nected  with  the  name,  which  gave  a  handle  to  the  opposi 
tion  to  work  upon  those  who  did  not  understand   the  re 
lations   between    taxation    and   representation.      It   also, 
curiously   enough,   furnished   a  cause   of  jealousy  to  the 
President,  who,  from  some  reason,   supposed  it  to  exalt 
the  powers  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  at  his   ex 
pense.     Upon   the  greater  part  of  these   subjects,   some 
members,  generally  not  on  the  side  of  the  administration, 
were  found   voting  with  the  majority,    but    there    were 
others,   who,  in   every   measure    for  the  defence  of  the 
country,  were  consistent  in  opposition. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  10th  of  July.  The  debates 
during  this  session  showed  a  degree  of  acrimony  in  the 
two  parties,  more  dangerous  perhaps,  than  the  violence 
with  which  important  measures  had  been  heretofore  dis 
cussed.  The  lines  between  them  were  more  distinctly 
drawn  ;  and  though  there  were  always  some  who  voted 
with  either  on  particular  questions,  according  to  their  own 
opinions  or  the  wishes  of  their  constituents,  the  number 


556  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15, 

of  uncertain  votes  was  becoming  more  limited.  Nor  was 
party  feeling  longer  confined  to  the  halls  of  legislation.  It 
had  entered  into  the  constitution  of  society  itself.  Old 
and  attached  friends  were  estranged.  Men  who  had 
fought  side  by  side  during  the  war  of  the  revolution,  who 
had  acted  together  in  the  not  less  perilous  scenes  of  the 
continental  Congress  ;  were  now  personal  as  well  as  poli 
tical  enemies.  The  very  ties  of  blood  were  sundered  by 
the  bitterness  of  the  strife. 

Great  changes  had,  since  the  first  Congress,  taken 
place  in  both  Houses,  each  party  losing  its  original  leaders. 
Two,  perhaps  the  most  conspicuous,  had  retired  at  the 
end  of  the  last  session.  Ames,  before  whose  voice,  ren 
dered  more  impressive  by  the  disease  which  wasted  his 
slight  and  feeble  frame,  a  turbulent  and  reckless  majority 
had  quailed  ;  Ames,  whose  genius  and  patriotism  had  de 
servedly  placed  him  in  the  van  of  the  federalists,  and 
Madison  his  chief  opponent.  Madison,  the  federalist  of 
one  session,  thenceforward  democrat  for  life  ;  he  who 
had  sunk  from  the  independent  statesman,  to  be  the  fol 
lower  of  a  demagogue,  the  shadow  and  destined  succes 
sor  of  Jefferson. 

Among  those  who  were  now  conspicuous  in  the  federal 
ranks,  there  were,  in  the  Senate — Goodhue,  Sedgwick, 
Tracy,  Stockton,  Bingham,  and  Howard  ;  and  in  the 
House — Otis,  Sewall,  Griswold,  Goodrich,  Bayard,  Sit- 
greaves,  Harper,  Rutledge,  and  Smith.a  On  the  other 
side  also,  there  was  a  strong  array;  Larigdon,  Tazewell, 
and  Mason,  in  the  Senate  ;  Livingston,  Gallatin,  Giles,b 
Nicholas,  Venable,  Macon,  and  Baldwin,  among  the  Re 
presentatives. 

No  state  in  the  Union,  it  may  be  permitted  to  observe, 
had,  during  the  period  of  the  constitutional  government, 
been  more  ably  or  more  honorably  represented  than  Con- 

a  William  Smith,  of  Charleston  district,    was  replaced  by  Mr.  Thomas  Pinckney. 
He  retired  at  the  end  of  this  session,  and      b  Mr.  Giles  also  resigned  shortly  after 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  557 

necticut.  Her  muster  roll  was  filled  with  the  names  of 
MEN.  There  were  Sherman,  Ellsworth,  Johnson,  Hill- 
house,  Tracy,  Wadsworth,  Swift,  Griswold,  Trumbull, 
Davenport,  Mitchell,  Goodrich,  and  Dana;  all  of  ster 
ling  worth,  of  high  abilities,  of  unspotted  integrity,  and  of 
patriotism  undoubted  ;  and  there  were  more  at  home. 
Such  was  Connecticut,  when  fresh  from  the  war  of  the 
revolution ;  before  democracy  had  polluted  her  soil,  she 
claimed  the  proud  title  of  being  the  most  purely  federal 
state  in  the  Union. 

JAMES  HILLHOUSE  TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  10,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  21st  instant  came  to  hand  only  just  in  time  to  enable  us  to 
get  through  an  act  of  Congress,  making  the  provision  wished  for  by  the  State  of 
Connecticut.  Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  act  which  has  passed,  and  which  has 
met  the  approbation  and  signature  oT  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Per 
mit  me  here  to  suggest  the  propriety  of  the  General  Assembly's  passing  an  act 
limiting  the  time  for  bringing  in  the  outstanding  notes,  to  receive  payment  out 
of  the  fbinded  debt  of  the  United  States  ;  or  if  the  holder  did  not  incline  to  shift 
his  security,  to  have  the  notes  registered  in  the  office  of  the  comptroller  ;  and  to 
bar  all  those  that  should  not  be  brought  in  for  payment,  or  to  be  registered  by 
the  4th  day  of  March,  1799,  the  time  to  which  the  act  of  Congress  is  continued 
in  force.  This,  and  this  only  will  enable  the  state  to  ascertain  the  amount  of 
their  outstanding  debt,  for  which  payment  will  be  demanded,  and  to  make  suita 
ble  provisions  for  its  discharge.  Congress  will  close  their  session  this  day,  Al 
though  they  have  not  done  all  that  might  be  wished,  they  have  done  some  things, 
which,  in  my  opinion,  will  be  of  substantial  benefit.  Enclosed  you  will  find  a 
list  of  the  acts  that  have  passed.  Much  more  will  be  necessary  to  be  done 
should  our  affairs  assume  a  more  serious  aspect.  Four  or  five  hundred  thousand 
dollars  would,  I  believe,  be  a  moderate  estimate  of  the  annual  amount  of  the  ad 
dition  to  the  revenue,  from  the  acts  of  the  present  session,  when  those  acts  get 
into  fair  and  full  operation. 

Mr.  Marshall  is  here,  ready  to  take  his  departure  on  his  important  mission  to 
France.  Mr.  Gerry  has  accepted.  I  flatter  myself,  perhaps  because  I  most  sin 
cerely  hope  it,  that  success  will  crown  their  efforts,  and  that  they  may  be  able  to 
secure  to  the  United  States  their  honour,  peace,  and  the  enjoyment  of  our  neu 
tral  rights.  It  is  unfortunate  that  our  sufferings  have  not  brought  about  a  per 
fect  union  at  home,  for  I  am  persuaded  that  had  we  no  persons  in  this  country 
actuated  by  any  but  truly  American  feelings,  we  should  not  have  been  in  a  situa 
tion  so  embarrassing,  and  that  a  perfect  union  among  ourselves  would  be  the 
most  likely  means  of  getting  us  out  of  our  present  difficulties. 

47* 


558  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

You  doubtless  will  have  heard  ere  this  reaches  you,  of  the  intercepted  letter  of 
Governor  Blount,a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  which  is  of  a  very  extraordinary 
nature;  there  is  no  doubt  of  the  letter  being  genuine,  and  that  it  contemplated  a 
most  barbarous  and  vile  plot,  the  execution  of  which  must  have  involved  the  Uni 
ted  States  in  consequences  of  a  serious  nature.  Mr.  Blount  has  been  expelled  the 
Senate  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  there  being  one  only  against  it,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  have  nem.  con.  voted  an  impeachment  for  high  crimes 
and  misdemeanors.  It  is  an  evil  of  a  very  serious  aspect  that  so  many  men  high 
in  office  and  possessing  the  public  confidence,  should  betray  their  trust*  There 
is  one  circumstance  which  affords  some  small  alleviation,  which  is,  that  none  of 
the  traitors  are  remarkable  for  their  attachment  to  the  administration  of  our 
government. 

It  has  been  with  much  concern  that  I  have  heard  of  your  indisposition.  I  hope 
the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  you  will  find  yourself  in  the  enjoyment  of  perfect 
health.  With  sentiments  of  the  highest  respect  and  esteem,  I  am  your  Excel 
lency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

JAMES  HILLHOUSE. 

One  of  the  new  envoys  left  the  United  States  in  July, 
the  other  early  in  August,  to  join  Mr.  Pinckney  in  Holland. 
From  there  they  proceeded  in  September  to  Paris. 

The  instructions  given  to  them,  while  they  scrupulously 
maintained  the  dignity  and  rights  of  the  United  States, 
afforded  no  obstructions  to  a  settlement  of  difficulties  on 
the  part  of  France.     No  concession  was  required  which 
might  wound  her  pride — no  petty  demands  were  made 
which  to  an  irritable  and  excited  nation  might  seem  de 
grading.     On  the  contrary,  they  were  authorized  on  the 
•principle  of  the  British  treaty  to  "terminate  our  differ 
ences  in  such  manner,  as  without  referring  to  the  merits 
of  our  complaints  and  pretensions,  might  be  the  best  cal 
culated  to  produce  mutual  satisfaction  and  good  under 
standing."      The   depredations   on  American   commerce 
were  to  be  referred  for  settlement  to  commissioners.     The 
articles  in  the  former  commercial  treaty  respecting  ene 
mies'  property  in  neutral  ships  and  articles  to  be  consider 
ed  contraband  of  war,  which  had  been  sources  of  com 
plaint  by  her,  were  to  be  yielded,  and  the  usual  law  of 
nations  restored ;  the  documents  necessary  to  substantiate 
the  neutral  character  of  a  vessel  to  be  defined ;  the  mu- 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  559 

tual  guaranty  of  possessions  to  be  abolished,  or  specific 
succors  stipulated  instead ;  the  articles  of  the  existing 
treaties  which  had  been  differently  construed  by  the  two 
nations  were  to  be  settled ;  and  the  consular  convention 
remodelled,  or  suffered  to  expire.  In  every  instance 
where  rights  had  been  acquired  by  force  of  treaty,  the  en 
voys  were  authorized  to  relinquish  them  if  demanded  by 
France  ;  the  rights  which  depended,  not  upon  treaty,  but 
upon  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nations,  were  to  be  reso 
lutely  insisted  on. 

Meantime,  as  respected  the  role  d? equipage,  in  order 
that  this  pretext  for  captures  might  be  removed,  permis 
sion  was  given  to  the  collectors  to  furnish  vessels  with  a 
certificate  of  the  facts  usually  stated  in  the  paper  so  called, 
upon  application  being  made  therefor ;  but  with  an  ex 
pressed  reservation  and  exception,  that  as  documents  of 
the  kind  were  not  required  by  law,  nor  usually  furnished, 
the  want  thereof  was  not  in  any  case  to  prejudice  the 
rights  and  interests  of  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

FROM  JAMES  McHENRY. 

PHILA.,  19th  Aug.,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Altho'  I  have  often  experienced  how  much  better  it  would  have  been  for  me 
that  you  had  remained  here,*  I  yield  nevertheless  to  personal  considerations  when 
I  reflect  on  the  circumstance  that  carried  and  detains  you  where  you  are.  What 
you  are  doing  now  you  will  long  remember,  when  what  you  might  have  done 
here  would  have  been  soon  forgotten  by  the  public  ;  besides  I  do  not  imagine  that 
your  department  has  suffered  materially  by  your  absence,  no  points  of  difficulty 
or  magnitude  having  occurred. 

I  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  arrangements  I  have  made  on  the  frontiers 
have  served  to  keep  the  Indians  quiet  and  attached,  and  that  the  projects  to  dis 
turb  that  quarter  will  be  totally  shipwrecked. 

The  town  is  considerably  alarmed  with  the  appearance  of  a  contagious  fever. 
I  have  sent  to  provide  a  retreat  for  my  family  about  forty  miles  on  the  Lancaster 
road,  but  I  flatter  myself  that  there  will  be  no  occasion  to  use  it.  Yours,  sin 
cerely  and  affectionately, 

JAMES  McHENRY. 

a  Wolcott  was  then  on  a  visit  to  Connecticut,  attending  his  father,  who  was  ill. 


560  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

TO  OLIVER  WOLCOTT,  SEN. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Sept.  4,  1797. 

I  arrived  here  last  evening  in  good  health  and  without  exposure  to  the  sickness 
in  the  city,  which  place  I  avoided  except  in  the  upper  part  of  Market-street. 
More  of  the  houses  are  deserted  than  was  the  case  in  1793,  and  business  is  sus 
pended  almost  entirely.  My  situation  is  safe  and  convenient.  So  many  have 
gone  that  the  mortality  will  not  be  great,  but  business  is  over  for  the  season. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Sept.  7th,  1797. 

I  arrived  here  on  Sunday  evening,  to  which  place  the  treasury  offices  had  been 
removed.  The  state  of  the  city  is  much  more  unpleasant  than  I  expected  to  find 
it ;  business  is  nearly  suspended.  About  fifteen  hundred  houses  are  entirely  de 
serted,  and  more  than  half  the  people  have  left  the  city.  The  mortality  has  not, 
and  I  believe  will  not  be  great,  as  the  danger  of  contagion  will  be  generally 
avoided  by  retiring  into  the  country.  Though  I  think  that  there  is  no  ground  to 
expect  that  the  disorder  will  be  extirpated  before  the  return  of  frosty  weather. 
I  have  taken  such  measures  for  securing  the  revenue,  as  circumstances  rendered 
necessary,  and  expect  to  be  able  to  accomplish  the  objects  of  the  law  without  in 
curring  much  extra  expense,  or  any  considerable  deviation  from  the  prescribed 
forms. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Sept.  1797. 

Since  I  have  been  here,  I  have  begun  to  entertain  doubts  respecting  the  ex 
istence  of  an  unusual  contagious  fever.  Most,  if  not  all  the  phenomena  which  have 
yet  appeared,  can  be  satisfactorily  accounted  for  from  other  causes.  The  sudden 
deaths  which  happened  to  a  few  in  Penn  street,  spread  a  general  alarm  ;  the  pro 
ject  of  forcing  the  sick  from  their  houses,  excited  terrour  ;  the  poor,  when  sick, 
have  at  once  been  deserted  by  their  friends,  -and  have  concealed  their  situation. 
The  mode  of  medical  treatment  which  has  been  most  prevalent,  would  certainly 
have  destroyed  a  great  portion  of  the  debilitated  and  intemperate  people  to  whom 
it  has  been  applied,  had  they  been  in  a  usual  state  of  health.  It  is  not  for  me  to 
say,  however,  that  what  would  kill  those  in  health,  will  not  cure  those  who  are 
sick.  The  committee  who  attend  the  hospital,  and  Doct.  Stevens,  a  very  sensi 
ble  and  well  educated  physician,  however,  have  lately  said,  that  not  one  of  those 
in  the  hospital  were  sick  of  the  yellow  fever,  or  any  disorder  resembling  that  of 
1793.  Than  these  persons,  none  can  be  more  competent  judges  of  the  facts 
they  assert.  The  depopulation  of  the  city,  however,  continues ;  business  has 
ceased ;  and  robberies  which  are  a  consequence,  have  commenced.  I  do  not 
imagine  that  tranquillity  will  be  restored  until  the  latter  part  of  October. 

I  forgot  to  mention  that  the  captain  of  marines,  and  sailing-master  of  the  frig- 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  561 

ate  are  sick.  It  is  said  they  will  die.  The  work  however,  is  prosecuted,  and 
will  not,  I  believe,  be  discontinued ;  at  any  rate,  the  vessel  is  safe  under  the 
charge  of  Captain  Barry.  The  public  business  will,  I  believe,  suffer  no  other 
wise  than  by  being  thrown  somewhat  in  arrear.  By  extraordinary  exertions,  the 
chasm  will  soon  be  repaired  ;  the  fact  is  at  least  so  in  respect  to  the  treasury. 
Bache  is  continually  enquiring  what  has  become  of  the  government.  The  gaol, 
though  nearly  full  of  rogues  and  swindlers,  might,  however  receive  him,  if  an 
occasion  should  present  to  render  his  "  removal"  necessary.  There  is,  therefore, 
enough  of  government  remaining  for  his  wants. 

With  respects  to  Mrs.  Adams,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  perfect  deference, 
your  obedient  servant. 

P.  S.  Before  I  went  to  Connecticut,  I  took  measures  for  having  the  dies  and 
presses  prepared  for  executing  the  act  laying  duties  on  stamped  papers.  It  was 
my  opinion  at  first,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  be  prepared  by  the  first  of  Janu 
ary,  in  every  part  of  the  United  States  ;  the  delays  occasioned  by  the  sickness, 
will  render  it  absolutely  impracticable.  When  Congress  meet,  I  presume  the 
causes  of  delay  must  be  stated  to  them. 


TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Sept.  9th,  1797. 

I  am  well,  though  I  find  it  a  dull  story  to  live  alone  in  a  small  room  in  a  tav 
ern,  with  a  prospect  of  a  crooked  river,  and  occupied  either  with  some  dull  busi 
ness,  or  talking  of  the  distresses  of  a  great  city.  For  the  present,  however,  it 
will  be  my  duty  to  remain  here.  The  affairs  of  the  city  are,  I  think,  growing 
worse.  The  depopulation  continues,  and  I  believe  the  terrour  to  be  increasing. 
The  mortality  is  not  great  ;  but  generally  speaking,  those  who  are  taken  sick,  die 
either  by  the  disease  or  the  doctor — or  both.  Some  well  informed  and  honest 
men,  deny  there  is  any  unusual  sickness.  For  my  part,  I  have  no  opinion,  and 
wish  I  could  forbear  from  thinking  on  the  subject.  The  physicians  are  consider 
ably  disagreed  as  to  the  origin  and  nature  of  the  disorder.  The  depleting  or 
bleeding  plan,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  is  however,  most  prevalent.  Many 
bleed  ten,  twelve,  or  even  more  times,  in  from  four  to  seven  days.  The  want 
of  confidence,  terrour  and  anxiety  of  the  women  and  all  delicate  persons,  is  ex 
treme.  In  short,  though  not  more  than  from  ten  to  twenty  persons  die  of  a  day, 
the  people  are  as  wretched  as  in  1793,  except  that  the  physical  suffering  from  act 
ual  sickness  is  less. 

TO  MRS.  WOLCOTT. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Sept.  15, 1797. 

*  *  *  The  Jacobinical  affection  in  my  bowels  has  been  cured  by 
small  doses  of  rhubarb,  and  drinking  camomile  tea.  I  should  have  had  the 
honour,  if  I  had  been  in  the  city,  of  having  been  cured  of  the  yellow  fever  at 


562  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

an  expense  of  150  ounces  of  blood  and  a  salivation.  The  deaths  in  the  city 
have  latterly  diminished  ;  whether  the  disorder  is  running  out,  I  cannot  say. 

In  the  morning  when  I  walk  in  these  gardens,  I  fancy  I  feel  much  as  Adam 
did  in  Eden  before  he  lost  a  rib.  The  place  is  mighty  pretty,  and  that  is  all. 
After  a  man  has  gone  round  the  walks  one  way,  if  he  pleases,  he  may  go  round 
again  ;  or  he  may  return  back  upon  his  track,  or  he  may  sit  down  or  go  upon  the 
bridge  and  see  a  lazy  fellow  hold  a  line  for  hours  in  the  river  without  taking  a 
fish ;  but  if  he  means  to  enjoy  himself  tolerably,  he  will,  as  I  do,  either  read  or 
sit  down  to  business.  In  the  evening  the  scene  changes.  Then  we  have  Eves 
in  plenty,  of  all  nations,  tongues  and  colours — but  do  not  be  jealous  ;  I  have  not 
seen  one  yet,  whom  I  have  thought  pretty. 

I  often  go  to  the  Woodlands ;  once  I  dined  in  company  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lis- 
ton,  who  enquired  kindly  after  you  ;  Bache  would  say  because  you  are  in  the 
British  interest.  I  have  not  yet  seen  Mr.  Bingham.  The  dukes  are  all  there  ; 
Miss  Willing,  folks  say,  is  certainly  to  be  married  to  the  eldest.*  Mr.  H.  re 
mains  in  the  city ;  my  friends,  the  old  maidens,  are  flown  off. 

TO  JAMES  McHENRY. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Sept.  15,  1797. 

I  have  the  permission  of  Mr.  Steele,  to  transmit  to  you  the  enclosed  letters  ; 
they  contain  information  which  may  be  of  use.  William  Polk,  the  writer,  is  the 
present  supervisor  of  North  Carolina,  and  may  be  relied  on.  It  seems  that  Wil 
liam  Blount's  influence  in  Tennessee  is  not  destroyed  ;  this  is  not  a  good  omen, 
but  we  must  make  the  best  of  it.  It  is  important  to  disconnect  the  Georgia 
speculations  and  interest  from  Blount's  project,  if  possible,  else  a  war  with  the 
Indians  may  yet  be  excited.  I  hope  you  and  your  family  are  well.  I  have  been 
troubled  with  a  Jacobinical  affection  in  my  bowels ;  but  I  think  I  have  subdued 
it.  The  sickness  diminishes  in  Philadelphia,  but  is  said  to  increase  in  Baltimore. 
May  God  bless  you. 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

QUINCY,  Sept.  15,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Last  night  I  received  your  letter  of  Sept.  7th.  Many  applications  have  been 
made  to  me  for  the  place  of  Dr.  Wray.b  *  *  *  *  These  are 
all  respectable  characters  ;  but  all  things  considered,  my  judgment  inclines  to  Dr. 
Rush,  on  account  of  ancient  merits  and  present  abilities.  Of  his  integri 
ty  and  independence  I  have  a  good  opinion.  I  have  written  so  to  the  Secretary 
of  State.  If  you  have  any  doubts,  pray  write  to  Col.  Pickering  to  suspend  the 
appointment,  for  I  wish  to  have  the  subject  well  considered. 

*  *  *  * 

There  are  subjects  of  some  moment  to  reflect  on.     Is  there  a  law  in  force  em- 
a  Now  King  of  the  French.  b  Superintendent  of  the  Mint. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  563 

powering  the  President  to  convene  Congress  at  any  other  place  than  Philadelphia  ? 
If  there  is,  what  place  shall  be  chosen  ?  I  am  for  New  York,  entre  nous;  but 
if  you  think  any  other  place  preferable,  please  to  name  it  and  state  your  reasons. 
I  hope  you  will  favour  me  early  with  minutes  of  what,  in  your  department,  or 
any  other,  ought  to  be  remembered  at  the  opening  of  Congress.  I  am,  dear  sir, 
yours  affectionately, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


FROM  JAMES  McHENRY. 

NEAR  DOWNINGSTOWN,  22d  Sept.,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

The  bilious  fever,  with  which  I  have  been  attacked,  has  left  me  weak  and  sub 
ject  to  feverish  returns,  that  affect  both  my  sleep  and  my  spirits.  I  flatter  myself, 
however,  that  a  little  care  and  time  will  enable  me  to  enjoy  the  beauties  of  this 
part  of  the  country  ;  which  are  far  more  various  and  interesting  than  the  dull, 
damp,  sedgy,  serpentine,  sorrowful  river  whose  banks  have  become  your  residence. 
What  obstructs  my  recovery,  is  the  business  which  I  am  obliged  to  attend  to. 
Tennessee  and  Cox  have  a  good  deal  disturbed  me  ;  but  I  expect  (as  my  nephew 
has  informed  you)  that  the  measures  which  I  have  taken,  will  prevent  any  insur 
rection  in  that  quarter,  and  dissipate  Cox's  project.  It  is  true  that  Blount  has 
still  influence  in  Tennessee. 

I  received  a  letter,  yesterday,  from  Capt.  Guion,  dated  24th  July,  Chickasaw 
Bluff,  where  he  was  with  his  party.  Don  Carlos  Dehault  Delassus  commanding, 
protested  against  his  passing  ;  he  proceeded,  nevertheless,  assigning  for  reason, 
his  orders  and  the  necessity  to  deliver  to  the  Chickasaws  their  annual  stipend, 
and  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  Indians  agreeably  to  treaty  ;  but  promised,  at 
the  same  time,  not  to  go  beyond  the  Bluff,  "  until  the  present  difficulty,  arising 
on  the  interpretation  or  construction  of  the  treaty,  had  ceased  ;  and  that  infor 
mation  to  that  effect  had  arrived,  either  from  the  Governor  General  of  Louisiana, 
or  from  my  superior  in  office  in  the  government  of  the  United  States." 

You  see  how  we  are  perplexed  by  those  it  is  very  difficult  to  command,  or 
make  understand  their  orders.  Yours  affectionately, 

JAMES  McHENRY. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

GRAY'S,  near  Philadelphia,  Sept.  26,  1797. 

I  have  been  honoured  with  your  favour  of  the  15th  inst.  *  *  *  * 
Doct.  Rush's  pretensions,  founded  on  public  services  and  celebrity  of  charac 
ter,  are  certainly  superior  to  any  of  the  candidates  who  have  been  named.  I  do 
not  know  that  he  has  any  other  fault,  than  being  somewhat  addicted  to  the  mod 
ern  philosophy.  Being,  however,  of  a  disposition  naturally  benevolent,  and  not 
apt  to  be  long  tenacious  of  any  particular  system,  his  error,  if  it  be  one,  will 
probably  yield  to  topical  remedies.  But  to  be  serious,  my  opinion  is,  that  though 


564  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

Doct.  Rush's  mind  is  not  exactly  of  the  right  cast,  no  better  selection  can  be 
made  among  the  candidates.  That  the  President  may  have  information  of  all 
who  have  applied,  I  enclose  certain  letters  which  have  come  to  hand  since  I 
wrote  last. 

*  *  *  * 

By  an  act  of  Congress  passed  on  the  3d  of  April,  1794,  the  President  is  au 
thorized  to  convene  Congress  at  such  place  as  he  may  judge  proper  when  the  le 
gal  place  of  meeting  is  affected  by  contagious  sickness.  There  being  authority 
to  issue  the  proclamation,  the  expediency  of  the  measure  remains  only  to  be  con 
sidered.  That  there  is  a  contagious  sickness  in  Philadelphia,  is  now,  I  believe 
certain.  For  a  week  or  ten  days  it  was  nearly  extinguished  ;  it  is  now  extended 
more  than  it  has  before  been,  and  is  so  firmly  seated  that  it  must  have  its  course. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  case,  it  cannot  now  be  suppressed  by  any  regula 
tion  of  police.  If,  as  I  have  no  doubt  is  the  truth,  this  fever  is  communicated  by 
specific  contagion,  and  is  similar  to  that  which  has  before  affected  Philadelphia, 
New  York,  New  Haven,  Baltimore,  and  Norfolk,  it  will  immediately  terminate 
after  a  severe  frost.  Such  a  frost  will  in  all  probability  happen  in  the  month  of 
October,  or  at  any  rate  before  the  meeting  of  Congress.  The  expense  to  the 
public  of  removing  the  officers  will  be  considerable.  The  loss  of  time,  especially 
to  the  treasury,  will  be  a  great  evil.  The  private  expense  to  the  officers  of  gov 
ernment  will  also  be  to  most  of  them  inconvenient.  The  effect  of  a  removal 
upon  the  minds  of  the  citizens  would  be  unpleasant,  as  it  would  increase  and 
prolong  the  misfortunes  of  a  great  number  of  dependent  families  who  subsist 
upon  the  advantage  they  derive  from  the  concourse  of  people  who  resort  to  the 
seat  of  government.  The  general  interest  of  the  country  requires  that  as  little 
public  notice  be  taken  of  this  sickness  as  possible,  especially  as  some  of  the  phy 
sicians  have  erroneously  attributed  to  it  a  domestic  origin.  The  loss  of  capital 
and  credit  which  Philadelphia  must  suffer,  cannot  be  easily  calculated,  and  the 
sufferings  of  the  poor  can  be  hardly  considered  as  yet  commenced.  If  Congress 
do  not  meet  in  Philadelphia,  the  next  winter,  a  great  portion  of  foreign  consign 
ments  destined  for  the  supply  of  the  year  will  be  diverted  from  their  natural 
course.  If  the  President  shall,  however,  determine  to  convene  Congress  at  some 
other  place  than  Philadelphia,  New  York  appears  to  be  the  most  eligible  place. 
Baltimore  is  affected  by  sickness  ;  Lancaster  cannot  furnish  convenient  accom 
modations,  and  is  not  so  accessible  as  New  York.  This  last  place  is,  however, 
exposed  to  the  contagion,  which  may  yet  break  out  there  notwithstanding  their 
extreme  caution. 

I  have  found  it  necessary  to  give  directions  for  the  removal  of  the  custom-house 
to  Chester,  at  which  place  and  Marcus  Hook,  all  vessels  will  be  discharged  until 
further  orders.  Though  orders  were  promptly  given  for  preparing  the  dies  for 
executing  the  stamp  act,  and  though  the  progress  has  been  as  great  as  was  to 
have  been  expected,  yet  it  will  be  impossible  to  commence  the  execution  of  the 
law  by  the  first  of  January.  I  apprehended  that  the  time  would  be  found  inade 
quate  when  the  act  was  passed. 

The  receipts  into  the  treasury  exceed  my  calculations.  All  the  remittances  to 
Amsterdam  arrived  safe.  I  shall  remit,  in  a  few  weeks,  sufficient  funds  to  meet 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  565 

the  public  engagements  till  the  first  of  March  ensuing.  The  Secretary  of  State 
writes  that  a  treaty  has  been  effected  with  Tunis  for  sixty  thousand  dollars.  I 
have  informed  him  that  the  money  wanted  for  the  Barbary  service  shall  be  fur 
nished  when  he  applies  for  it.  It  is  proposed  to  ship  $160,000  in  specie.  The 
Algerine  frigate  is  nearly  ready  except  her  guns.  A  fatality  seems  to  attend 
every  attempt  to  obtain  cannon  ;  the  contractor  says  that  the  drafts  and  models 
were  wrong.  They  were  made  by  a  French  engineer  whose  skill  has  been  highly 
rated.  1  am  making  every  effort  to  supply  the  deficiency,  and  have  now  a  fair 
prospect  of  success.  The  heavy  masts,  spars,  and  timber  for  the  Dey  of  Algiers, 
will  be  ready  this  fall  if  there  is  a  rise  of  water  in  the  Susquehannah.  The  shells, 
cannon-balls,  and  powder  are  in  a  course  of  being  provided  by  Mr.  Frances.  As 
the  peace  is  general  with  the  Barbary  powers,  it  appears  to  be  important  to  send 
them  ample  supplies  this  fall,  to  effect  which  we  are  making  every  exertion. 

The  French  and  Spaniards  do  not  appear  to  have  been  successful  in  their  at 
tempts  upon  the  northern  Indians.  One  Coxe,  of  Georgians  endeavouring  to  es 
tablish  an  illegal  settlement  in  the  Indian  country  near  the  south  bend  of  the. 
Tennessee.  Blount's  influence  in  Tennessee  is  yet  very  considerable.  Some  per 
sons  high  in  office,  say  that  he  is  a  virtuous  man  who  has  been  persecuted  by  the 
tools  of  the  administration. 

The  French  depredations  grow  more  and  more  outrageous,  and  from  various 
appearances  I  infer  that  the  spirit  of  commercial  adventure  in  this  country  has 
received  a  serious  check.  I  shall  attend  to  the  President's  desire  respecting  what 
may  occur  as  proper  to  be  communicated  to  Congress. 

P.  S.  An  embarrassing  question  has  been  brought  forward  through  the  in 
trigues  of  the  French  consuls,  who  have  distributed  a  form  of  what  they  call  a 
Role  d'Equipage  which  they  have  represented  as  necessary  to  the  protection  of 
American  vessels.  If  the  papers  had  been  refused,  it  would  have  been  said  that 
the  government  was  fastidious  on  a  point  of  mere  form,  for  which  it  was  willing 
to  expose  the  American  commerce  to  destruction  with  a  view  to  promote  a  war 
with  France.  To  have  complied  without  annexing  some  condition  to  the  papers, 
would  have  been  to  authorize  the  pretext  upon  which  numerous  condemnations 
have  taken  place.  After  much  hesitation  I  authorized  the  enclosed  letter  to  be 
written,  which  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  country  will  I  hope  be  judged 
proper  by  the  President. 

FROM  JAMES  McHENRY. 

Near  DOWNINGTON,  2  Oct.,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

Mr.  Lewis  writes  me  word  on  the  29th  ult.  "  I  saw  Mr.  Wolcott,  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  yesterday, 'who  was  very  well.  He  informed  me  there  was 
a  general  or  very  strong  report  that  Gen.  Wilkinson  was  in  the  southwestern 
territory  at  the  head  of  the  army  there.  He  mentioned  it  with  some  surprise." 

On  the  6th  of  Sept.  the  General  was  at  Detroit,  and  making  preparations  to 
move  with  a  small  detachment  to  Kaskaskias,  where  dispositions  to  revolt  among 

VOL.  i.  48 


566  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

a  few  French  settlers  had  been  exhibited.  I  believe  I  shall  be  able  to  settle 
measures  in  the  southwestern  territory  (meaning  Tennessee)  without  him.  You 
will  find  the  particulars  of  this  affair  in  Fenno.  I  am  kept  too  busy  to  get  well. 
Yours  sincerely, 

JAMES  McIIENRY. 


TO  JAMES  McHENRY. 

GRAY'S,  Oct.  4,  1797. 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  2d  inst.  It  was,  to  be  sure,  an  odd  thing  that 
Capt.  Guion  should  suffer  himself  to  be  embargoed  by  the  Spanish  officer,  and 
should  afterwards  give  a  kind  of  parole.  All  these  things  prove,  however,  that 
we  are  not  a  rash  people.  We  talk  well,  and  for  coaxing,  cheating,  intriguing, 
and  carrying  points  by  address,  are  perhaps  equal  to  any  people  in  the  world, 
except  our  allies.  But  we  have  prudently  renounced  our  old  way  of  serving  the 
devil  by  quarrelling  and  fighting.  As  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  approve  of 
this  mightily.  It  is  certainly  the  best  for  the  finances.  "V  ou  will,  however,  by 
hook  or  by  crook,  get  the  Spanish  posts,  and  the  Dons  will  be  more  anxious  to 
keep  what  remains  than  to  retake  them.  A  striking  interposition  of  Providence 
to  mortify  the  pride  of  man,  has  occurred  at  Boston.  I  have  no  doubt  the  frigate 
would  have  gone  off,  if  such  a  disappointment  had  not  been  necessary  to  convince 
the  people  of  that  town  that  they  are  finite  and  dependent  beings.  a  When  an 
opportunity  can  be  had  for  the  poor  frigate  to  take  a  bathing  in  a  modest  and 
reasonable  manner,  she  will  be  off.  What  ought,  in  your  opinion,  to  be  the  order 
of  march  for  the  next  session  1  Can  anything  better  be  done  than  to  invite  Con 
gress  to  resume  the  consideration  of  the  measures  which  were  proposed  to  them 
the  last  time  1  Our  circumstances  have  not  materially  altered,  and  not  in  the 
least  for  the  better.  The  system  was,  I  think,  a  good  one,  and  I  believe  the 
people  by  reflection  have  become  converts  to  it.  At  any  rate,  a  repetition  of  the 
advice  will  shew  seriousness  and  conviction  in  the  mind  of  the  Executive.  There 
will  be  no  real  peace  in  Europe,  though  possibly  there  may  be  a  nominal  one. 
Under  the  present  state  of  things  our  commerce  will  soon  be  ruined.  Do  these 
things  meet  your  general  sentiments? 


Dear  Sir, 


FROM  CHARLES  LEE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  5th  October,  1797. 


Whatever  be  the  events  in  Europe,  it  seems  to  me  that  in  the  present  vicious 
state  of  society  our  commerce  will  not  be  safe  unless  our  commercial  vessels  have 
the  means  of  defence.  I  do  not  think  that  a  peace  in  Europe,  accompanied  by  a 
treaty  with  France  and  us,  will  for  some  time  be  able  to  protect  our  trade  from 

a  A  frigate  had  stuck  fast  in  launching. 


1797.J  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  567 

depredations.  From  what  I  hear  in  Virginia,  the  anti-Americans,  who  generally, 
too,  are  against  the  administration,  are  diminishing  both  in  number  and  respect. 
Monroe  is  said  to  be  leading  a  very  retired  life  at  his  farm,  near  Monticello, 
and  now  and  then,  some  enquiries  are  made  about  his  book,  of  which,  however, 
nothing  seems  to  be  yet  known.  I  wish  to  return  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  seat 
of  government,  but  my  return  will  be  deferred  till  there  is  more  safety  than  at 
present.  Very  sincerely  I  remain  your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

CHARLES  LEE. 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

EAST  CHESTER,  20  miles  from  New  York,  October  12, 1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Last  night  I  arrived  at  Col.  Smith's  and  rny  family  will  probably  make  this 
house  their  home  till  they  can  go  to  Philadelphia  with  safety.  Your  reasons 
against  convening  Congress  at  any  other  place  than  Philadelphia,  have  great 
weight  ;  but  must  all  be  overruled  if  the  plague  continues  in  that  city.  Perhaps 
it  may  not  be  necessary  to  remove  many  of  the  books  and  papers  of  the  public 
officers  to  New  York  if  Congress  should  be  convened  there.  They  may  adjourn 
to  Philadelphia  after  sitting  in  New  York  a  month,  or  less  if  they  are  satisfied 
that  the  distemper  is  extinguished.  I  mean  not,  however,  to  have  you  under 
stand  that  I  am  determined  to  convene  the  legislature  at  New  York.  I  shall 
wait  for  time  and  your  advice,  and  will  avoid  it  if  prudence  will  permit. 
*  *  *  * 

Mrs.  Wolcott  was  well  at  Hartford  on  Sunday,  The  child  had  an  ill  turn,  but 
was  better.  It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  me  to  be  again  within  a  hundred  miles  of 
you,  and  I  pray  you  to  write  me  as  often  as  possible.  Your  minutes  of  commu 
nications  and  recommendations  to  Congress  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  I  wish 
to  have  as  soon  as  possible.  Will  you  be  so  good  as  to  write  to  Mr.  McHenry 
and  Mr.  Lee  for  theirs.  With  great  respect,  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

FROM  JAMES  McIIENRY. 

NEAR  DOWNINGTON,  13th  Oct.,  1797. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  kept  so  very  busy  since  I  received  your  letter  of  the  4th,  between 
the  affairs  of  Blount,  Cox,  and  the  Mississippi,  (the  current  of  which  latter  river 
you  know  is  not  so  easy  to  stem,)  as  to  have  left  me  no  time  to  reply,  particu 
larly  to  a  part  of  it  ;  and  even  now  I  can  do  no  more  than  signify  my  entire  con 
currence  with  the  line  of  march  which  you  have  suggested  for  the  troops.  Noth 
ing  has  come  to  my  knowledge  either  of  a  domestic  or  foreign  nature,  that  would 
make  a  change  in  it  either  prudent  or  politic.  I  long  to  get  into  winter  quarters. 
Yours,  affectionately, 

JAMES  McHENRY, 


568  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

GRAY'S  FERRY,  Oct.  16,  1797. 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  favour  of  the  12th  instant,  and  con 
gratulate  you  on  your  safe  arrival  so  near  the  seat  of  government.  To  prevent 
the  possibility  of  risque  in  remitting  you  the  sum  of  two  thousand  dollars,  I  en 
closed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Sands,  who  will  pay  that  sum  to  your  order. 

The  sickness  is  unquestionably  diminishing  in  this  city  ;  its  operation  is  the 
same  as  in  1793,  in  one  respect  ;  the  cold  weather  proves  fatal  to  those  who 
had  contracted  the  disorder,  while  it  arrests  the  progress  of  contagion  ;  I  speak 
from  particular  enquiry  and  observation  ;  I  have  been  repeatedly  in  the  city  ; 
yesterday  I  spent  the  day  there,  and  went  through  most  of  the  principal  streets, 
where  there  is  in  fact  no  sickness. 

By  letters  from  Mr.  McHenry  and  Mr.  Lee,  I  consider  myself  authorized  to 
say,  that  they  will  concur  in  an  opinion  which  I  maintain,  namely,  that  nothing 
has  happened  during  the  summer  to  justify  a  change  of  the  system  recommend 
ed  by  the  President  at  the  last  session.  That  system  was  in  my  opinion  a  wise 
one,  and  ought  to  have  been  adopted  by  Congress  in  all  its  parts.  Whatever 
may  be  the  issue  of  the  negotiation  with  France,  whether  the  war  in  Europe  is, 
or  is  not  to  continue,  I  hold  it  for  certain  that  the  equilibrium  of  society  will 
not  soon  be  restored.  There  is  too  much  vice,  violence,  and  ambition  in  the 
world,  to  render  it  reasonable  to  build  a  hope  that  a  weak  and  defenceless  com 
merce  will  not  be  plundered.  As  our  commerce  cannot  be  defended  by  public 
force,  the  alternative  presented  is,  whether  it  shall  be  abandoned  or  defended  at 
private  expense,  under  some  systematical  public  regulation.  When  this  alter 
native  is  well  understood,  the  people  will  not  long  hesitate.  The  abandonment  of 
commerce  is  impossible.  The  plan  upon  which  the  country  has  been  settled, 
upon  which  cities  have  been  built,  and  upon  which  a  great  part  of  our  social 
establishments  have  been  founded,  pre-supposes  an  extensive  foreign  commerce. 
I  conceive,  therefore,  that'the  character  and  leading  idea  of  the  President's  ad 
dress,  should  be  to  inculcate  the  necessity  of  the  measures  before  recommended, 
not  only  because  the  measures  appear  to  be  the  best  adapted  to  the  situation  and 
means  of  the  country ;  but  because  such  a  course  will  serve  to  impress  ideas  of 
firmness,  premeditation,  and  consistency  on  the  part  of  the  Executive.  Not  hav 
ing  had  access  to  the  papers  of  the  state  and  war  departments,  I  do  not  know  of 
any  particular  measures,  which  will  be  required  to  be  noticed.  The  treasury  is 
in  good  order,  and  nothing  need  be  mentioned  respecting  it,  except  that  the 
President  has  directed  the  estimates  to  be  prepared  and  communicated  as  usual. 

It  has  been  impossible  to  organize  the  stamp  tax  ;  but  as  this  is  not  an  affair 
in  which  the  immediate  agency  of  the  President  was  expected  by  the  legislature, 
and  as  it  is  possible  that  some  zealous  men  may  make  a  question,  whether  some 
blame  or  censure  cannot  be  attached  to  the  department,  I  think  it  expedient  that 
the  matter  should  be  left  solely  upon  my  responsibility. 

I  shall  write  to  Mr.  McHenry  and  Mr.  Lee,  as  the  President  desires.  I  hope 
and  presume,  however,  that  we  shall  all  be  able  to  meet  before  Congress  are  to 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  569 

convene.      My  situation  has  been  burdensome  and  unpleasant  in  the  extreme, 
but  I  trust  the  public  business  has  not  suffered. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

EAST  CHESTER,  Oct.  20,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  16th— thank  you  for  your  care  in  writing  to 
Mr.  Sands,  who  has  furnished  me  with  two  thousand  dollars,  for  which  I  gave 
him  duplicate  receipts  to  serve  for  one,  according  to  your  desire. 

Though  I  rejoice  to  learn  from  your  letter  that  the  sickness  in  the  city  is 
diminishing,  I  cannot  admit  your  walk  through  the  principal  streets  of  it  to  be 
full  proof,  because  it  is  generally  agreed  that  the  principal  streets  are  deserted  by 
their  inhabitants.  You  remember  the  anxieties  and  alarms  among  the  members 
of  Congress  in  1793,  their  continual  regret  that  no  power  had  existed  to  con 
vene  them  elsewhere,  and  their  solicitude  to  pass  an  act  to  provide  such  an  au 
thority  in  future.  There  will  be  so  much  uneasiness  among  them  if  that  autho 
rity  is  not  exerted,  that  there  will  probably  be  no  Congress  formed  before  Christ 
mas,  and  a  few  who  will  venture  into  the  city  will  be  there  in  idleness  and  out 
of  their  element. 

I  thank  you  for  the  sentiments  you  have  expressed  relative  to  the  system  to  be 
pursued.  Can  you  send  me  a  copy  of  the  speech  at  the  commencement  of  last 
session  T  I  have  no  copy  of  it  here,  and  perhaps  shall  find  it  difficult  to  procure 
one.  I  should  be  glad,  however,  to  know  your  opinion,  whether  our  envoys  will 
be  received  or  not? — whether  they  will  succeed  or  no£  ?  with  hints  at  your  rea 
sons  ;  if  any  intelligence  has  furnished  any. 

The  organization  of  the  stamp  tax  suggests  a  vexation  to  me.  The  bill  was 
worth  money,  and  money  was  so  much  wanted  for  the  public  service,  that  I 
would  not  put  it  at  risque  ;  otherwise  I  would  have  negatived  that  bill,,  not  from 
personal  feelings,  for  I  care  not  a  farthing  for  all  the  personal  power  in  the  world; 
but  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is,  in  that  bill,  premeditatedly  set 
up  as  a  rival  to  that  of  the  President  ;  and  that  policy  will  be  pursued  if  we  are 
not  on  our  guard,  till  we  have  a  quintuple,  or  centuple  Executive  Directory,  with 
all  the  Babylonish  dialect  which  modern  pedants  much  affect. 

I  pray  you  to  continue  to  write  to  me  as  often  as  possible.  With  high  esteem, 
I  am,  dear  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


FROM  RUFUS  KING. 

LONDON,  Aug.  6,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  very  satisfactory  documents  that  you  have 
sent  me,  respecting  the  liquidation  of  our  debt  to  the  French  Republic  ;  when 
an  occasion  offers  I  will  make  use  of  them  to  remove  the  errors  which  have  pre 
vailed  on  that  subject.  Messrs.  Barings  have  informed  you  that  they  have  sold 

4S* 


570  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15, 

the  remainder  of  the  6  per  cts.,  remitted  to  them  on  account  of  the  Barbary 
treaties.  The  loss  from  the  low  price  of  these  stocks,  and  by  the  unfavourable 
operation  of  exchanges,  has  been  much  more  considerable  than  could  have  been 
expected.  I  do  not  know  that  the  business  could  have  been  managed  better 
than  it  has  been  by  Col.  Humphries  ;  but  one  feels  a  little  concerned  in  being  any 
way  connected  with  an  unfortunate  transaction,  in  which  you  have  neither  power 
nor  responsibility.  From  my  letters  of  27th  July  and  of  the  5th  instant,  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  you  will  perceive  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  make  an  agree 
ment  with  the  Messrs.  Barings  to  advance  a  large  sum  of  money  to  Col.  Humph 
ries,  which  he  supposes  it  possible  that  he  may  want  to  complete  our  Barbary 
treaties.  I  should  send  you  copies  of  the  letters  relative  to  the  subject,  but  I 
have  not  time  to  complete  them  in  season  for  this  conveyance,  as  I  have  sent 
copies  to  the  Secretary  of  State  it  is  of  no  importance  that  I  omit  them  to  you. 
I  hope  there  will  be  a  reasonable  provision  for  the  reimbursement  of  this  advance  ; 
an  unexpected  delay  would  injure  our  credit,  and  punctuality  would  be  advanta 
geous  on  a  future  occasion.  Our  credit  is  good,  but  our  stocks  are  not  sought 
for  ;  this  is  accounted  for  by  the  variety  and  extent  of  the  objects  of  profitable 
speculation  that  everywhere  exists. 

I  can  give  you  no  satisfaction  concerning  the  probability  of  peace  ;  the  French 
continue  their  depredation  on  our  commerce,  and  have  prevailed  on  the  Span 
iards  to  join  them  in  plundering  our  navigation.  It  may  be  prudent  to  require 
the  collectors  to  examine  the  ship's  articles  and  to  have  them  formed  in  the 
manner  the  French  require  ;  but  with  the  present  temper,  other  causes  will  be 
discovered  to  justify  their  captures.  Pray  look  at  and  correct  the  French  trans 
lation  of  our  passports  ;  it  contains  what  seems  to  be  an  instruction  to  the  ship 
masters  how  they  are  to  obtain  a  passport,  but  it  makes  no  part  of  the  passport, 
is  not  inserted  in  the  English  copy,  (I  mean  the  column  which  contains  the  pass 
port  in  our  language)  and  has  been  made  the  occasion  of  much  mischief  to  our 
trade  ;  besides,  as  it  stands,  the  passport  is  absurd.  One  observation  further, 
respecting  passports  ;  we  have  made  certain  regulations  concerning  the  return 
and  delivery  into  some  public  office,  of  the  registers  granted  to  our  ships  in  cases 
where  they  are  sold  to  foreigners,  &c.  We  have  no  regulation  whatever  con 
cerning  passports  or  sea  letters.  They  are  never  returned  ;  and  it  is  a  common 
thing,  on  the  sale  of  an  American  vessel  to  a  foreigner,  to  deliver  the  passport 
or  sea  letter  to  the  purchaser.  The  practice  will  bring  our  passports  into  dis 
credit.  Yours,  very  sincerely, 

RUFUS  KING. 

P.  S.  10  Aug.  Our  late  accounts  from  France  demonstrate,  that  the  return  of 
peace  will  depend  on  the  result  of  the  struggle  that  exists  between  the  Directory 
and  the  two  councils.  The  rupture  between  them  is  open,  and  one  or  both 
must  yield.  The  armies,  which  seem  to  be  opposed  to  the  councils  and  the  nation , 
may  interpose  and  give  another  constitution  to  France.  You  will  deceive  your 
selves  if  you  rely  too  confidently  on  peace  ;  it  is  too  problematical  to  be  consi 
dered  as  probable. 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  571 

l 
TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

GRAY'S  GARDENS,  Oct.  24,  1797. 

I  have  the  honour  of  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  favour  of  Oct.  20th. 
What  I  have  written  respecting  the  state  of  the  city,  has  been  my  most  sincere 
belief.  I  have  fulfilled  what  I  supposed  to  be  the  President's  wish,  by  seeking 
for  information  of  the  most  authentic  kind.  In  proof  that  my  opinion  is  not  a 
singular  one,  I  take  the  liberty  to  mention,  that  the  Custom  House  business  is  ex 
pected  to  be  resumed  in  the  usual  manner,  and  at  the  old  office,  on  Thursday  of 
this  week.  The  Treasury  offices  will  also  be  opened  on  Monday  next.  Mr. 
Nourse,  who  lives  in  South  street,  will  probably  keep  his  family  out  of  town  a 
few  days  longer.  I  should  not  fulfil  my  duty  if  I  did  not  state  to  the.  President 
iny  real  opinion,  which  is,  that  Congress  may  safely  convene  in  Philadelphia  at 
the  appointed  time,  and  foreseeing,  as  I  think  I  do  truly,  much  popular  discon 
tent  and  considerable  public  inconvenience,  if  a  proclamation  is  issued,  I  hope 
the  measure  will  not  be  adopted.  It  is  my  opinion  that  the  envoys  sent  by  the 
President  will  be  received.  My  reasons  are,  that  the  mission  has  be^n  divested 
of  all  the  formal  objections  which  were  ever  suggested  in  respect  to  that  of  Mr. 
Pinckney  ;  and  because  a  refusal  to  receive  and  hear  a  solemn  embassy,  appoint 
ed  for  the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  discussing  and  adjusting  existing  discon 
tents,  would  be  an  act  unusual  among  even  savage  nations ;  unnecessarily  vio 
lent  and  infamous,  and  contrary  to  what  seems  to  be  the  system  of  France, 
which  is,  to  divide  and  subdue  by  cajolery  and  violence. 

Bache's  paper  has,  for  a  long  time,  been  prophetic  of  the  course  of  French 
policy,  and  this  informs  us,  that  the  envoys  will  be  received  with  stately  reserve, 
but  that  they  will  be  able  to  effect  nothing  until  after  the  negotiations  at  Lisle 
are  terminated.  This  information  or  conjecture  is  probable,  from  what  is 
known  of  the  personal  feelings  of  Mr.  Talleyrand,  the  Minister.  He  was  desi 
rous  of  being  introduced  to  the  late  President,  but  as  he  was  then  a  proscribed 
emigrant,  and  as  the  President  was  informed  that  a  compliance  with  the  request 
would  disoblige  the  French  Minister  here,  it  was  declined.  Mr.  Talleyrand  was 
ever  afterwards  dissatisfied,  and  if  he  possesses  vindictive  feelings,  they  will  na 
turally  be  displayed  in  a  haughty -deportment  towards,  the  envoys. 

I  do  not  think  it  probable  that  a  treaty  will  be  formed  with  France,  until  after 
a  peace  has  been  made  with  England,  for  two  reasons  : 

1st.  During  the  war  it  will  be  the  interest  of  France  to  plunder  our  com 
merce,  were  she  not  apprehensive  that  by  open  rupture  our  vessels  would  be 
placed  in  a  situation  to  be  secure  from  any  considerable  depredations  in  future. 
War  would  be  probably  declared  at  once.  Even  this  apprehension  would  be 
barely  sufficient  to  overcome  the  temptation  to  declare  war,  and  thus  cancel  at 
once  the  numerous  claims  of  this  country,  on  account  of  the  injuries  which  have 
been  already  committed. 

2d.  During  the  war  with  England,  France  will  not  be  able  to  discern  her  per 
manent  policy  with  respect  to  the  United  States.  If  the  issue  is  favourable  to  the 
maritime  views  of  France,  she  will  adopt  severe  and  restrictive  measures  with 


572  ADMINISTRATION  [CHAP.  15. 

respect  to  our  navigation.  If  England,  on  the  other  hand,  is  able  to  preserve 
her  present  naval  ascendancy,  Fiance  will  be  interested  in  nourishing  our  navi 
gation  interests.  The  result  of  these  reflections  is  a  conviction  of  my  mind, 
that  the  negotiation  will  be  tedious  and  protracted ;  and  that  there  are  no  data 
now  existing,  by  which  the  degree  of  success  can  be  calculated.  My  last  letter 
from  England  is  from  Mr.  King,  dated  Aug.  10th.  On  the  subject  of  peace,  he 
says :  "  You  will  deceive  yourselves,  if  you  rely  too  confidently  on  peace  :  it  is 
too  problematical  to  be  considered  as  probable."  I  observe  the  President's  obser 
vations  on  the  Stamp  Act,  with  attention.  With  respect  to  many  persons  con 
cerned  in  that  measure,  there  was  certainly  nothing  disrespectful  intended.  With 
your  permission,  I  will  state  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  argument  on  the  subject  ; 
and  hereafter,  so  far  as  I  have  any  agency  in  drawing  bills,  I  will  govern  myself 
by  what  shall  be  decided. 


FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

EAST  CHESTER,  Oct.  26,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  20th,  and  thank  you  for  your  vigilant  at 
tention  to  the  progress,  or  rather  the  decline  of  the  fever  in  Philadelphia. 

I  request  your  explicit  opinion,  and  pray  you,  if  you  can,  to  obtain  those  of 
Mr.  McHenry  and  Mr.  Lee,  whether,  from  the  prevalence  of  contagious  sickness 
in  Philadelphia,  or  the  existence  of  any  other  circumstances,  it  would  be  hazard 
ous  to  the  lives  or  health  of  the  members  of  Congress  to  meet  in  that  city  on 
the  second  Monday  in  November.  If  you  cannot,  with  very  clear  consciences, 
answer  in  the  negative,  I  shall  issue  a  proclamation  convening  Congress  at  New 
York.  For  myself,  I  have  no  apprehension  of  danger  ;  but  the  members  of  Con 
gress  will  be  more  exposed  than  I  shall  be,  and  I  hold  myself  interested  with  the 
care  of  their  health  ;  a  precious  deposit,  which  I  will  preserve  according  to  the 
best  of  my  judgment,  with  perfect  integrity,  and  with  more  caution  than  I  would 
my  own.  It  is  scarcely  worth  a  question,  whether  they  shall  be  convened  at 
Trenton,  Lancaster,  or  any  other  place.  I  know  from  painful  experience,  they 
cannot  be  accommodated  at  any  of  those  places.  The  place  will  be  Philadel 
phia  or  New  York. 

Si  quid  novisti,  rectius  imperte.     I  am.  dear  sir,  as  ever,  'with  great  regard, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


EAST  CHESTER,  Oct.  27th,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  24th,  and  thank  you  for  your  careful  atten 
tion  to  the  distemper  in  Philadelphia.  Representations,  similar  to  yours,  are  sent 
me  from  various  quarters.  That  there  would  be  considerable  public  inconven 
ience  in  a  convention  of  Congress  to  any  place  out  of  Philadelphia,  is  certain, 
and  this  consideration  has  great  weight.  That  there  would  be  popular  clamour, 
at  least  much  loud  snarling,  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  foul  dens  in  Philadel 
phia,  is  very  probable.  This,  however,  would  have  little  weight  with  me  against 


1797.]  OF  JOHN  ADAMS.  573 

a  measure  of  general  necessity  or  expediency.  Mr.  McHenry  and  Mr.  Picker 
ing  are  of  your  opinion,  and  this  union  will  have  more  weight  than  all  the 
brawlers  of  Philadelphia,  even  though  they  should  be  countenanced  by  the  pru 
dent  citizens. 

Your  conjectures  concerning  the  success  of  our  envoys  to  France,  appear  to 
me  to  be  very  probable.  Yet  I  cannot  apprehend  so  much  from  the  personal 
feelings  of  Talleyrand.  He  received  a  great  deal  of  cordial  hospitality  in  this 
country,  and  had  not  the  smallest  reason  to  complain.,  that  ever  came  to  my 
knowledge,  in  any  place.  As  a  reasonable  man,  he  could  not  but  approve  of  the 
President's  caution,  knowing  himself  to  be  upon  the  list  of  emigrants ;  and 
knowing  the  clamour  which  would  be  raised  by  the  French  minister,  at  the  presen 
tation  of  an  illustrious  Frenchman  by  any  other  than  himself.  It  is  apart  of  the 
duty  of  an  ambassador  to  judge  of  the  persons  among  his  countrymen,  whom  it 
would  be  proper  to  present  to  government.  It  would  have  been  a  slight,  at  least, 
to  the  French  minister,  to  have  received  a  man  he  had  refused  to  present.  It 
would  have  been  offensive  to  the  government  of  France,  to  have  received  a  man 
proscribed  by  their  laws.  There  is,  however,  little  immediate  advantage  to  be 
expected  from  this  embassy,  I  fear.  It  will  be  spun  out  into  an  immeasurable 
length,  unless  quickened  by  an  embargo.  We  must  unshackle  our  merchant 
ships.  If  Congress  will  not  do  it,  I  shall  have  scruples  about  continuing  the  re 
strictions  upon  the  collectors. 

What  the  session  of  Congress  will  produce,  I  know  not.  But  a  torpor,  a  de 
spondency  has  seized  all  men  in  America,  as  well  as  in  England.  The  system 
of  terror  has,  according  to  an  Indian  expression,  "  put  petticoats  upon  them." 
The  treachery  of  the  common  people  against  their  own  countries  ;  the  transports 
with  which  they  seize  the  opportunity  of  indulging  their  envy,  and  gratifying 
their  revenge  against  all  whom  they  have  been  in  the  habit  of  looking  up  to,  at 
every  hazard  to  their  countries,  and  in  the  end  at  every  expense  of  misery  to 
themselves,  has  given  a  paralytic  stroke  to  the  wisdom  and  courage  of  nations. 
If  peace  is  refused  to  England,  they  will  leap  the  gulph.  Their  stocks  are  not 
much  higher  than  those  of  the  French.  The  latter,  I  see,  in  some  speech  in  the 
Council  of  Five  Hundred,  have  been  at  forty.  Can  these  be  the  general  mass  of 
the  French  national  debt,  old  as  well  as  new  ?  The  French  Directory,  I  take  it 
for  granted,  must  have  war  ;  war,  open  or  understood,  is  their  eternal  doom.  I 
am,  dear  sir,  with  unalterable  esteem,  your  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Oct  27,  1797. 

I  feel  a  sincere  pleasure  in  representing  to  the  President,  that  the  citizens  are 
returning  to  their  houses.  The  city  resumes  its  usual  appearance,  and  by  the 
beginning  of  the  next  week,  I  believe  most  of  the  houses  will  be  opened  as  usual. 
I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  paying  my  respects  to  yourself  and  family,  some 
day  the  next  week.  No  news  of  much  importance  has  been  received  by  the 
William  Penn. 


574  ADMINISTRATION,  ETC.  [CHAP.  15. 

FROM  CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

HARTFORD,  Oct.  29,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

Mrs.  Wolcott  either  has,  or  will  shortly,  give  you  all  the  anecdotes  in  the  land 
of  Connecticut,  up  to  the  time  she  left  it.  And  since,  nothing  has  happened 
worthy  of  your  whim,  considered  as  a  man,  or  with  your  adjunct  of  an  aristo 
cratic  man,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  My  wife,  good  woman,  sends  forth 
many  doleful  complaints  on  account  of  my  being  about  to  leave  her  ;  and  yet,  as 
a  Christian  woman  ought,  she  bestirs  herself  notably  to  get  everything  in  order 
for  our  once  more  quitting  our  house.  It  is  yet  doubtful  whether  I  set  out  in  sea 
son  to  be  present  at  the  pronunciation  of  your  speech.  When  a  great  man  is 
overwhelmed  with  expressions  of  public  applause,  I  suppose  all  in  a  subordinate 
grade  take  a  share.  If  the  winds  have  blown  from  our  hemisphere,  take  care 
you  don't  charge  the  speech  with  too  much  gas.  Always  remember,  nothing 
gives  a  sans-culotte  more  joy,  than  to  take  a  sturdy  aristocrat  when  vaunting. 

From  the  accounts  we  have  of  ouf  father,  we  hope  he  has  been,  some  days 
past,  less  subject  to  nervous  symptoms.  I  don't  perceive  the  approach  of  cold 
weather  proves  unfavourable  to  him.  I  shall  put  up  the  things  Mrs.  Wolcott  di 
rected,  and  have  them  sent  by  a  vessel  that  goes  from  this  place  about  the  mid 
dle  this  next  month.  Mary  Ann,  and  all  of  us,  are  anxious  to  hear  of  Mrs. 
Wolcott's  safe  arrival.  Our  love  to  her  and  the  children.  Affectionately  yours, 

CHAUNCEY  GOODRICH. 

FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  7,  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  just  received  your  favour  of  yesterday.  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you  if  you 
will  inform  General  McPherson,  that  I  am  very  sensible  of  the  honour  intended 
me  by  the  troops  of  the  city  and  vicinity.  I  shall  dine  at  New  Brunswick  to 
morrow,  and  on  Thursday  get  as  far  as  Trenton,  or  perhaps  two  miles  beyond 
the  Delaware.  On  Friday  I  intend  to  reach  Philadelphia,  and  that  before  night. 
I  pray  the  gentlemen  not  to  think  of  coming  so  far  as  Trenton,  nor  even  Bristol. 
If  they  meet  me  a  few  miles  from  Philadelphia,  on  Friday  afternoon,  they  will 
give  a  proof  of  their  respect  quite  as  acceptable  to  me,  and  quite  as  convincing 
to  the  public,  as  if  they  should  come  to  Trenton.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


END    OF    VOL.    I. 


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